ေပးပို႔သူ- ကိုဥာဏ္လင္း (NLD လြတ္ေျမာက္နယ္ေျမ - မေလးရွား)
Thursday, 22 January 2009
ဦးသန္႔ ရာျပည့္ဂုဏ္ျပဳပြဲ
ကမာၻ႔ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးဗိသုကာ ဦးသန္႔ ၏ ရာျပည့္အထိမ္းအမွတ္အား မေလးရွားနိုင္ငံ ကြာလာလန္ပူျမိဳ႕ရွိ NLD လြတ္ေျမာက္နယ္ေျမ႐ံုးခန္းတြင္ သံဃာေတာ္အရွင္ျမတ္တို႔အား ပင့္ဖိတ္ လွႈဒါန္း တရားေတာ္မ်ားနာၾကား၍ ေအာင္ျမင္စြာ က်င္းပခဲ့ၾကပါသည္။
ေပးပို႔သူ- ကိုဥာဏ္လင္း (NLD လြတ္ေျမာက္နယ္ေျမ - မေလးရွား)
ေပးပို႔သူ- ကိုဥာဏ္လင္း (NLD လြတ္ေျမာက္နယ္ေျမ - မေလးရွား)
လူတူမရွား
ေလာကၾကီးမွာ လူတူမရွား နာမည္တူမရွား ေပါ့ဗ်ာ။ ဒါေပမဲ့ အိုဘားမားနဲ့တူ တဲ့အတြက္ သာမန္ လူတေယာက္ကေန ခ်က္ျခင္းလက္ငင္း တီဗြီ စတားျဖစ္လာတာကေတာ့ အင္ဒိုနီးရွားနိင္ငံက အသက္၃၄ နစ္ရိွတဲ့ ဓါတ္ပံုဆရာ အိီဟန္ အာနပ္စ္ ( IIham Anas) ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ သူဟာ အင္ဒိုနီးရွားနဲ့ ဖိလစ္ပိုင္နဲ့ စီပြားေရးလုပ္ငန္းေတြကို ေၾကညာရိုက္ေပးေနရျပီလို ့ဆိုပါတယ္။ Talk Show ေတြနဲ့ မအားနိင္ေအာင္ျဖစ္ေနတယ္လို့ ဆိုတယ္။ မေလးရွားေလဆိပ္ ေရာက္တံုးက လူတေယာက္က သူကို ခင္ဗ်ား အိုဘားမားလား လို ့လာေမးတာကိုေတာင္ခံရဘူးတယ္လို့ ဆိုတယ္။ မဂဇင္းတေစာင္အတြက္ လည္း ၀တ္စံု ၀တ္ အေမရိကန္အလံကိုေနာက္ခံထားျပီးဓါတ္ပံု ရိုက္ေပးလိုက္ရျပီး ျပီ။ အရင္ က သူမ်က္နာကို သူအားငယ္စိတ္ရိွေပမဲ့ ခုေတာ့ သူဟာ ဘုရားေပးတဲ့ဆုပဲလို ့ဆိုပါတယ္။ အိုဘားမားရဲ ့ ေက်ာ္ၾကား ေအာင္ျမင္မႈက သူနဲ ့တူတဲ့သူကိုေတာင္ ေကာင္းက်ိဳးျပဳေနတာကေတာ့ ေက်နပ္စရာေကာင္းပါတယ္။
သူကံေကာင္းတာကေတာ့ သန္းေရႊနဲ ့သြားမတူျခင္းျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ သန္းေရႊ၊ ေမာင္ေအး၊ ေရႊမန္း နဲ ့ေတဇ တို ့နဲ႔ ့တူေနတဲ့သူဆိုရင္ေတာ့ သတိထားပါ ေခ်ာင္းအရိုက္ခံရနိင္ဘြယ္ရိွတဲ့အတြက ္ လိုရမယ္ရသံခေမာက္ တလံုးကို အျမဲတမ္းေဆာင္းထားသင့္ပါေၾကာင္း။ သူတို ့လိုမ်က္နာရိွတဲ့သူေတြကလည္း စြဲေဆာင္မႈ နဲ ့နစ္လိုဖြယ္ တစက္မွမရိွေတာ့ မစြန္ပဲ စိတ္က်ေ၀ဒနာ ( Depression) လည္းရလာနိင္ပါေၾကာင္း။
-၀င္းေဇာ္ -
အျမစ္
လက္ဖ်စ္တစ္တြက္မွာ ကုေဋတစ္သိန္းတဲ့
အေတြးပူေဖာင္း ေတြထဲမွာ
ေပၚလီယာနာကိုထည့္
ေျမျပင္မွာ ပ်ံ၀ဲဖုိ ့လႊတ္လိုက္တာပဲ။
သည္းခံျခင္းတရားကုိပန္
ကစားသူတိုင္း ႏိုင္ေစမယ့္ ဂိမ္းသီအိုရီက်မ္းၾကီးကုိလွန္ျပီး
ပိတ္ထားတဲ့ နံရံေတြကို မျမင္ခ်င္ေယာင္ေဆာင္
၀ဲလာတဲ့ ပုဒ္မေတြကုိ ဟုိေရွာင္ဒီေရွာင္နဲ ့
လက္ေတြကုိ တတ္ႏုိင္သမွ်ဆန္ ့တန္း
ဖေယာင္းတိုင္ေတြ လိုက္ကမ္းၾကည့္မိတယ္။
ဒြါရတစ္ေပါက္မွ မရွိတဲ့ ခႏၶာကိုယ္ၾကီးထဲ
လႊတ္လိုက္တဲ့ ပူေဖာင္းေတြသာကြဲ
ေပၚလီယာနာေလးသာ ေသြးေတြရႊဲသြားေတာ့တယ္။
ရင္ထဲက ထုိးခြဲထြက္လာတဲ့ ရထားဟာ
ဒီဘူတာပဲ ျပန္ဆိုက္ေတာ့တာပဲ။
ေကာင္းကင္ကို
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္အား ခ်ဳပ္ပုိင္ခြင့္
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္အား ေနအိမ္အက်ယ္ခ်ဳပ္ ခ်ဳပ္ပုိင္ခြင့္မွာ ၂၀၀၉ ခုႏွစ္ ေမလ (၂၉) ရက္တြင္ (၆) ႏွစ္သက္တမ္း ကုန္ဆုံးၿပီျဖစ္ေၾကာင္းႏွင့္ အယူခံအမႈမွာ အမႈအျဖစ္လက္ခံထားသည့္အဆင့္တြင္သာ ရွိေနေသးေၾကာင္း ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္၏ေရွ႕ေန ဦးၾကည္၀င္းက ေခတ္ၿပိဳင္သုိ႔ ေျပာၾကားသည္။၎က “အခုဆုိရင္ အက်ယ္ခ်ဳပ္က လြတ္ဖုိ႔ ေလးလသာသာေလာက္ပဲ လုိေတာ့တယ္ေလ။ ေဒၚစုကုိ သူတုိ႔ တားဆီးထားတဲ့အမိန္႔က (၂၉) ရက္ ေမဗ်။ ဆုိေတာ့ ေမလ (၂၉) ရက္ဆုိရင္ ကုန္ဆုံးၿပီ။ အဲဒီမွာ (၆) ႏွစ္ျပည့္ၿပီ။ ဒါ…သူတို႔တြက္ကိန္းနဲ႔သူတုိ႔ ခ်ဳပ္ပုိင္ခြင့္ရွိတယ္ဆုိၿပီး သူတုိ႔ဘာသာထားတာ။ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ တြက္ကိန္းကေတာ့ (၅) ႏွစ္ပဲ။ အဲေတာ့ ေကာင္းၿပီ… ဒါကအျငင္းပြားစရာျဖစ္လာၿပီဆုိေတာ့ ေလွ်ာက္လဲေပါ့ဗ်။ အဲဒီ ေလွ်ာက္လဲမႈကုိ ဘယ္သူက ဆုံးျဖတ္မွာလဲဆုိေတာ့ တရား႐ုံးခ်ဳပ္လုိဟာမ်ဳိးလည္း မရွိဘူးဗ်။ ဆုိေတာ့ (၆) ႏွစ္လို႔ ယူဆတဲ့ ပုဂၢဳိလ္ကပဲ ျပန္ၿပီးေတာ့ ဆုံးျဖတ္ရမယ့္သေဘာ ျဖစ္ေနတယ္” ဟု ဆုိသည္။
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္အား ၂၀၀၃ ခုႏွစ္ ဒီပဲယင္းအေရးအခင္းအၿပီးတြင္ နအဖအစုိးရက ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္အား ေႏွာင့္ယွက္ဖ်က္ဆီးလုိသူမ်ား၏ ေဘးအႏၲရာယ္မွ ကာကြယ္ေစာင့္ေရွွာက္သည့္ ဥပေဒပုဒ္မ ၁၀ (ခ) ျဖင့္ ထိန္းသိမ္းအေရးယူခဲ့သည္။ ထုိဥပေဒသည္ ၁၉၇၅ ခုႏွစ္ ဥပေဒသတ္မွတ္ခ်က္အရ (၁) ႏွစ္အထိ တားဆီးမႈျပဳလုပ္ႏိုင္ကာ ဆက္လက္တားဆီးလုိပါက ၀န္ႀကီးအဖြဲ႔၏ ခြင့္ျပဳခ်က္ျဖင့္ တႀကိမ္လွ်င္ ရက္ (၁၈၀) ထက္မပုိေစဘဲ စုစုေပါင္း (၃) ႏွစ္ထိ ခြင့္ျပဳႏုိင္ေၾကာင္း ျပ႒ာန္းထားသည္။
၎ေနာက္ ၁၉၉၁ ခုႏွစ္ န၀တလက္ထက္တြင္ တႀကိမ္လွ်င္ (၁) ႏွစ္ထက္မပုိေစဘဲ စုစုေပါင္း (၅) ႏွစ္ထိ ခြင့္ျပဳႏုိင္ေၾကာင္း ျပင္ဆင္ခဲ့သည္။ ထုိဥပေဒအရ နအဖက ဗဟုိအဖြဲ႔၏ တားဆီးခြင့္ (၁) ႏွစ္၊ ၀န္ႀကီးအဖြဲ႕၏ ခြင့္ျပဳခြင့္ (၅) ႏွစ္ စုစုေပါင္း (၆) ႏွစ္ခ်မွတ္ခြင့္ရွိေၾကာင္း ကုိင္စြဲထားကာ အန္အယ္လ္ဒီက ဥပေဒတြင္ စုစုေပါင္း (၅) ႏွစ္ဟု ျပ႒ာန္းထားခ်က္ကုိ ေထာက္ျပသည္။
“အခုလုိ အျငင္းပြားစရာေတြျဖစ္လာၿပီဆုိေတာ့ အယူခံေလွ်ာက္လဲရတာေပါ့။ ေလွ်ာက္လဲတယ္ဆုိတာကုိက အမွန္တရားကုိသိခ်င္လို႔။ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ကလည္း တင္ျပမယ္။ တဖက္ကလည္း က်ေနာ္ထင္တယ္။ ဗဟုိအဖြဲ႕အတြက္ မ်ားေသာအားျဖင့္ေတာ့ ေရွ႕ေနခ်ဳပ္႐ုံးက လုပ္ေပးတာ။ အဲေတာ့ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ ႏွစ္ဦးၿပိဳင္ေျပာတာကုိ အစုိးရအဖြဲ႕က ဆုံးျဖတ္ေပါ့။ အခုဟာကေတာ့ အခ်ိန္ဆြဲေနလို႔ပဲ ေလးလက်န္ေတာ့တယ္” ဟု ဦးၾကည္၀င္းက ရွင္းလင္းေျပာဆုိသည္။
ဇန္န၀ါရီ (၁၂) ရက္တြင္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ႏွင့္ ၎၏ေရွ႕ေနအဖြဲ႕ ေတြ႕ခြင့္ရခဲ့သည္ဟူေသာ သတင္းမ်ားေပၚထြက္ခဲ့ရာ မဟုတ္ပါေၾကာင္း ဦးၾကည္၀င္းက ျငင္းဆုိသည္။ သုိ႔ရာတြင္ ေတြ႕ဆုံႏုိင္ရန္ ၀န္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ထံ ေမတၱာရပ္ခံစာတေစာင္ ေပးပုိ႔ထားေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။
“က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ ဇန္န၀ါရီ (၂၀) ရက္ေန႔ကမွ ေဒၚစုနဲ႔ေတြ႕ခြင့္ရဖုိ႔ ၀န္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ဆီ ေမတၱာရပ္ခံစာ ေပးပုိ႔ထားပါတယ္။ သတင္းတပ္ဖြဲ႕ကုိတင္ျပေတာ့ သူတုိ႔မွာ ခြင့္ျပဳႏုိင္ျခင္းမရွိပါဘူးဆုိေတာ့ ၀န္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ဆီကိုပဲ တင္လုိက္တယ္။ ေတြ႕ခြင့္ျပဳဖုိ႔တင္ထားတဲ့ ရက္ကုိေတာ့ ထုတ္မေျပာေတာ့ဘူးဗ်” ဟု ဦးၾကည္၀င္းက ေျပာသည္။
A New Government for Burma
Exiled democrats are planning a better future
DUBLIN
The Burmese junta's disgraceful nonresponse to Cyclone Nargis last year called international attention to the direct human consequences of repressive rule in the Southeast Asian country. Since then, Burma's economic plight has only worsened. It is time for the political opposition abroad to present a broader, more coherent alternative for the Burmese people.
To this end, the legitimately elected representatives of the people of Burma -- the Members of Parliament from the 1990 elections -- are meeting in Dublin over the next few days to elect a new government-in-exile. The convention delegates are motivated by a sense that change in the culture of Burma's exiled opposition is needed. All are aware that the plight of Burma's people can no longer be tolerated; the status quo cannot be continued.
This move is a huge step forward for the multiethnic, multicultural Burmese people, who have never enjoyed a government that gave all groups an equal voice. A new government-in-exile should also provide comfort to Burma's neighbors, who worry about civil unrest when the junta falls.
We sketched out our core beliefs in this month's edition of the Far Eastern Economic Review, a sister publication of this newspaper. In Dublin, we call for an inclusive process that will lead to an interim constitution, taking into account the interests of all stakeholders in Burma. We also call for the release of all political prisoners; for the lifting of restrictions on liberties such as free speech and free association; and for an agreement on a realistic timetable for free and fair elections in Burma.
We have a vision of a nation-building process for Burma that will create a federal union with an appropriate relationship between the central government and the states and regions, ensuring, for example, the equitable distribution of revenue from natural resources. We support free trade.
We will also be good regional and global citizens. Our Asian partners need to become involved in solving Burma's myriad problems by urgently and effectively pushing for increased dialogue and national reconciliation. We look to the United Nations to forge a path by which such a dialogue can take place.
We call on the U.N. Secretary-General to conduct a goals-oriented tour of Burma as soon as the Burmese generals are prepared to compromise. We suggest enacting a regional strategy to democratize Burma perhaps through the Association of South East Asian Nations, overseen by the United Nations.
Burma desperately needs a liberal, open regime. Even before the global economic crisis landed, the Burmese economy was being run into the ground by the current regime's mismanagement and corruption.
Now, the global financial crisis is making a bad situation even worse. Natural gas revenues -- which account for around 40% of Burma's total export income -- fell 28.5% in the first nine months of 2008, compared to the same period last year. Tourism has slowed to a trickle. Unemployment is spiking.
This isn't just a problem for our country, but for our neighbors, too. Burma is Asia's second largest opium producer -- behind Afghanistan -- and a major exporter of synthetic drugs such as amphetamines. Our refugees -- who are fleeing in droves -- are carrying HIV, drug-resistant tuberculosis and malaria abroad. Today, over 3.5 million Burmese are displaced with some 10% of the population currently living overseas, one of the highest proportions in the world.
Our country needs major economic and social reforms that only a government with popular support can deliver. Yet the national elections scheduled for 2010 will be a parody of democracy. The tricks and thuggery of the military were instrumental in the passage of the 2008 constitution that legitimizes military rule in Burma. The same constitution, which mandates that 75% of the parliament will be civilian -- with the remainder reserved for the military -- will also ensure a rigged outcome of the elections in 2010.
The nominally civilian Union Solidarity and Development Association and the Swan-ah-Shin -- pseudo-independent political groups backed by the government -- are already working behind the scenes to fill the civilian seats with military lackeys. The resulting government will have little inclination to address the political or economic concerns of the Burmese people.
The Burmese government-in-exile has already initiated steps to enable clusters of Burmese, as well as foreign experts in political, economic, and other fields, to work on a blueprint for a transition to democracy in Burma. This presents better, clearer, options for the Burmese people. The interests of the military are included in this blueprint as well. We do not want the military to be what stands in the way of Burma's progress.
We look forward to working together in an inclusive new government to show that Burma can have a better future for its people. And when we return home, we'll show the international community what Burma should be: engaged abroad, prosperous and free.
Sein Win is prime minister of the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma, based in Washington D.C., and a delegate to the Dublin convention.
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