Friday, 13 March 2009
EU needs more effective Burma policy
Bangkok, Thailand — The European Union's policy on Burma has not worked to bring about a breakthrough in national reconciliation or political reform, and its sanctions have made no headway either because they lack the support of neighboring countries, especially China.
In October 1996, the European Union framed its bilateral relations with Burma in a “Common Position,” which has been reassessed, and in some cases modified, every six months since then. It has been strengthened and extended several times in view of the military regime’s failure to make significant progress in areas that are of concern to the EU.
Among the measures included in the Common Position are an arms embargo, an export ban on any equipment that might be used for internal repression, a visa ban and a freeze on funds held abroad by regime figures and their families, a prohibition for EU companies to invest in state-owned enterprises as well as the suspension of high-level governmental visits to Burma.
The Common Position was further strengthened in 2007, following the authorities' violent crackdown on demonstrators, to include a prohibition on EU companies investing in Burma’s logging, mining and gemstone industries as well as a ban on the export of these products to the Union.
According to some analysts, the EU should have put more pressure on the main external supporters of the Burmese junta – China, India and Russia – to support its cause toward building a legitimate and democratically elected civilian government in Burma. However, China is a key supporter of arms, ammunition and motor vehicles to the State Peace and Development Council’s army of over 400,000 soldiers.
Russia sold the junta a squadron of second-hand MIG-29 fighter jets, which have similar power to U.S.-made F-16 fighters, for US$150 million in 2001. It also sold a 10-megawatt nuclear power facility to Burma and provides training to thousands of Burmese army cadets in modern warfare and defense.
India continues to provide armaments and military assistance to the Burmese junta in return for natural-resource concessions. These countries have provided military hardware worth millions of dollars to the Burmese military, and in doing so have provided tools for further oppression. Moreover, Russia and China have vetoed the U.N. Security Council resolution condemning Burma’s human rights record.
In April 2008, the European Parliament called on the governments of the EU to consider more targeted sanctions against Burma, such as a comprehensive ban on new investments and an embargo on trade in key commodities that provide significant revenue to the military government.
The EP adopted a resolution in its plenary session in Strasbourg, France, urging the EU to campaign for a worldwide arms embargo on Burma. As per the resolution, the EU’s arms embargo on Burma is unproductive, as the military government continues to purchase its military goods from China, Russia and India.
Burma is the largest country in Southeast Asia, with a total area of 676,577 kilometers. With a population of around 50 million, it is also one of the poorest in the world, where the average monthly income of a household is less than 100,000 kyats (US$100).
Although the country has enough land and natural resources, it is unable to feed its people due to mismanagement by the military regime. It has good weather and soil for growing rice, fruit and vegetables. But most of its first-rate harvest is exported for much-needed hard currency. The export of the local currency is prohibited, making it non-exchangeable in world currency markets. That has made the U.S. dollar the most reliable currency for international business, although the euro is gradually being accepted as an alternative.
Healthcare in the country is in shambles. Most people in rural areas use polluted water from creeks, ponds and lakes for washing and even drinking. It is no surprise that malaria remains rampant, along with tuberculosis and AIDS.
Child mortality is one of the highest in the world. The Under 5 Mortality Survey (2002-2003), conducted by the regime and UNICEF, reported the main causes of early death as acute respiratory infection (21.1 percent), brain infection (13.9 percent), diarrhea (13.4 percent), septicemia (10.7 percent) and prematurity (7.5 percent). About three-quarters of all deaths occurred in the first year.
Transportation and communications in the provinces are in an appalling state. Electricity is rationed even in industrial zones in Rangoon. There is almost no sign of economic improvement and no evidence of any change in direction as it moves toward elections in 2010.
The country’s record of human rights violations is extremely bad. There is no rule of law and no free media. The junta continues to lock up dissidents, fearful of a repeat of the 2007 monk-led demonstrations. Most observers believe that planned elections in 2010 will lead to a socio-economic commotion as the junta is not going to give up its hold on power.
Two recent trips by the U.N. special envoy produced no improvement on the key questions of opening talks between opposition parties and the military regime, releasing Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi and around 2,200 political prisoners, promoting national reconciliation and ensuring that elections scheduled for next year will include all opposition and minority groups.
In this situation, the EU’s policy of sanctions must be continued and developed to support the process of change in Burma. Burma should remain at the center of the EU’s priorities as it is in dire need of democratic reforms and good governance that can lead to the release of political prisoners unlawfully detained. Besides, people are barely able to sustain themselves due to the economic downturn and the devastation caused last year by Cyclone Nargis.
China and Russia should rethink their vetoes on the Burma issue, at least for the sake of the poor Burmese people, who are facing heavy taxes, starvation, disease, arbitrary arrests and extrajudicial killings.
The people of Burma hope that the international community – especially key players like the United Nations, the European Union and ASEAN – will push for changes in Burma and convince China and Russia to take an active role in fostering a dialogue on political reform. If Burma maintains its status quo, the spillover effects will damage the region in every way.
--
(Zin Linn is a freelance Burmese journalist living in exile. He currently serves as information director of the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma in Bangkok, Thailand. He is also vice-president of the Burma Media Association, which is affiliated with the Paris-based Reporters Sans Frontiers. He can be contacted at uzinlinn@gmail.com. ©Copyright Zin Linn.)
In October 1996, the European Union framed its bilateral relations with Burma in a “Common Position,” which has been reassessed, and in some cases modified, every six months since then. It has been strengthened and extended several times in view of the military regime’s failure to make significant progress in areas that are of concern to the EU.
Among the measures included in the Common Position are an arms embargo, an export ban on any equipment that might be used for internal repression, a visa ban and a freeze on funds held abroad by regime figures and their families, a prohibition for EU companies to invest in state-owned enterprises as well as the suspension of high-level governmental visits to Burma.
The Common Position was further strengthened in 2007, following the authorities' violent crackdown on demonstrators, to include a prohibition on EU companies investing in Burma’s logging, mining and gemstone industries as well as a ban on the export of these products to the Union.
According to some analysts, the EU should have put more pressure on the main external supporters of the Burmese junta – China, India and Russia – to support its cause toward building a legitimate and democratically elected civilian government in Burma. However, China is a key supporter of arms, ammunition and motor vehicles to the State Peace and Development Council’s army of over 400,000 soldiers.
Russia sold the junta a squadron of second-hand MIG-29 fighter jets, which have similar power to U.S.-made F-16 fighters, for US$150 million in 2001. It also sold a 10-megawatt nuclear power facility to Burma and provides training to thousands of Burmese army cadets in modern warfare and defense.
India continues to provide armaments and military assistance to the Burmese junta in return for natural-resource concessions. These countries have provided military hardware worth millions of dollars to the Burmese military, and in doing so have provided tools for further oppression. Moreover, Russia and China have vetoed the U.N. Security Council resolution condemning Burma’s human rights record.
In April 2008, the European Parliament called on the governments of the EU to consider more targeted sanctions against Burma, such as a comprehensive ban on new investments and an embargo on trade in key commodities that provide significant revenue to the military government.
The EP adopted a resolution in its plenary session in Strasbourg, France, urging the EU to campaign for a worldwide arms embargo on Burma. As per the resolution, the EU’s arms embargo on Burma is unproductive, as the military government continues to purchase its military goods from China, Russia and India.
Burma is the largest country in Southeast Asia, with a total area of 676,577 kilometers. With a population of around 50 million, it is also one of the poorest in the world, where the average monthly income of a household is less than 100,000 kyats (US$100).
Although the country has enough land and natural resources, it is unable to feed its people due to mismanagement by the military regime. It has good weather and soil for growing rice, fruit and vegetables. But most of its first-rate harvest is exported for much-needed hard currency. The export of the local currency is prohibited, making it non-exchangeable in world currency markets. That has made the U.S. dollar the most reliable currency for international business, although the euro is gradually being accepted as an alternative.
Healthcare in the country is in shambles. Most people in rural areas use polluted water from creeks, ponds and lakes for washing and even drinking. It is no surprise that malaria remains rampant, along with tuberculosis and AIDS.
Child mortality is one of the highest in the world. The Under 5 Mortality Survey (2002-2003), conducted by the regime and UNICEF, reported the main causes of early death as acute respiratory infection (21.1 percent), brain infection (13.9 percent), diarrhea (13.4 percent), septicemia (10.7 percent) and prematurity (7.5 percent). About three-quarters of all deaths occurred in the first year.
Transportation and communications in the provinces are in an appalling state. Electricity is rationed even in industrial zones in Rangoon. There is almost no sign of economic improvement and no evidence of any change in direction as it moves toward elections in 2010.
The country’s record of human rights violations is extremely bad. There is no rule of law and no free media. The junta continues to lock up dissidents, fearful of a repeat of the 2007 monk-led demonstrations. Most observers believe that planned elections in 2010 will lead to a socio-economic commotion as the junta is not going to give up its hold on power.
Two recent trips by the U.N. special envoy produced no improvement on the key questions of opening talks between opposition parties and the military regime, releasing Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi and around 2,200 political prisoners, promoting national reconciliation and ensuring that elections scheduled for next year will include all opposition and minority groups.
In this situation, the EU’s policy of sanctions must be continued and developed to support the process of change in Burma. Burma should remain at the center of the EU’s priorities as it is in dire need of democratic reforms and good governance that can lead to the release of political prisoners unlawfully detained. Besides, people are barely able to sustain themselves due to the economic downturn and the devastation caused last year by Cyclone Nargis.
China and Russia should rethink their vetoes on the Burma issue, at least for the sake of the poor Burmese people, who are facing heavy taxes, starvation, disease, arbitrary arrests and extrajudicial killings.
The people of Burma hope that the international community – especially key players like the United Nations, the European Union and ASEAN – will push for changes in Burma and convince China and Russia to take an active role in fostering a dialogue on political reform. If Burma maintains its status quo, the spillover effects will damage the region in every way.
--
(Zin Linn is a freelance Burmese journalist living in exile. He currently serves as information director of the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma in Bangkok, Thailand. He is also vice-president of the Burma Media Association, which is affiliated with the Paris-based Reporters Sans Frontiers. He can be contacted at uzinlinn@gmail.com. ©Copyright Zin Linn.)
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)
