Burma Democratic Concern has the firm determination to carry on doing until the democracy restore in Burma.

Saturday 31 October 2009

The Build Project Invitation


The Build Project warmly invites you to

From memory & dreaming; images of Burma

Reception and Art Exhibition in support of The Build Project

Sunday 8 November 2009, 2.30-5pm
Pagoda Café, 135 Victoria Ave Albert Park 3206
RSVP by Friday 6 November to art@buildproject.org
John Kai is an insightful and talented artist from Chin State, Burma. He currently lives in Mae Sot, Thailand on the Thai-Burma border.
His watercolours are inspired by his memories of Burma and the faces of family and friends. Through his work he hopes to share with people both the beauty and hardships of life in Burma.
John has generously donated these works to The Build Project. Proceeds from the reception and from art sales will go directly to our work towards education and support of young people from Burma living in Thailand.
Auction Preview: this exhibition is also an opportunity to preview a selection of John Kai's most emotive works, which will be auctioned at The Build Project's Night Market on 14 November 2009.
For more information about The Build Project's work and our Night Market, see http://www.buildproject.org or email info@buildproject.org

Andrea Fitzgerald
Programme Director

The Build Project
PO Box 271
South Melbourne
Victoria 3205
Australia
www.buildproject.org
info@buildproject.org
Press Release- 115 Civil Society Groups Urge China to Suspend Disastrous Pipelines in Burma

Shwe Gas Movement in London

Tuesday 27 October 2009

Ko Moe Thee Zun & Ko Zaw Win's "Campaign For Burma Solidarity" in UK

-လန္ဒန္-
၁၀-၂၆-၂၀၀၉


ကိုမိုးသီးဇြန္ ( ျမန္မာ ျပည္လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရးအဖြဲ ့ခ်ဳပ္ႏွင့္ ) ႏွင့္ ကိုေဇာ္၀င္း ( ၈ေလးလံုးမ်ိဳးဆက္ေက်ာင္းသားမ်ား - ျပည္ပ) တို႔ဟာ လန္ဒန္ျမိဳ ့ကို ေရာက္ရိွေနပါတယ္။ သူတို႔ လန္ဒန္ကိုလာေရာက္တဲ့ ခရီးစဥ္ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္ေတာ့ ၈ ေလးလံုး ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား၊ ျမန္မာ ဒီမိုကေရစီအင္အားစုမ်ား ႏွင့္ေတြ႔ဆံုေဆြးေႏြးရန္အတြက္ ေရာက္ရိွေနျခင္း ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒီမိုကေရစီအေရးေဆြးေႏြးပြဲမ်ားကို ျပဳလုပ္မယ္။ စိတ္ပါ၀င္စားသူမ်ား အားလံုးကို ဖိတ္ေခၚပါတယ္။

ေန ့- ေအာက္တိုဘာ ၃၁ ရက္ ၊ ၂၀၀၉ ခုနစ္။
အခ်ိန္ - နံနက္ ၁၁ နာရီမွာ ညေန ၅ နာရီ အထိ ။
ေနရာ- Room # G- 50 . Russel Square Campus, SOAS ( School of Oriental and African Study) University. WC1H 0XG
ဆက္သြယ္ရန္- ကိုေအာင္ ( ၀၇၇-၆၂၀၉-၄၅၆၂ )
ကိုသန္႔စင္ ( ၀၇၇-၂၇၂၄-၈၇၅၅)

ေဆြးေႏြးမည္ ့ေခါင္းစဥ္မ်ား- ၂၀၀၈ အတုအေယာင္အေျခခံဥပေဒ ၊၂၀၁၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ ႏွင့္ အနာဂတ္ ျမန္မာ့ နိင္ငံေရး သံုးသပ္ခ်က္ႏွင့္ ေရွ ့လုပ္ငန္းစဥ္မ်ား ကိုေဆြးေႏြးပါမယ္။


"Campaign For Burma Solidarity"

“We Fight We Win” will globally launch a political campaign, which is called “Burma Solidarity”. Burma Solidarity aims to bring together activists and organizations from across the political spectrum to build a bridge between groups working outside Burma and those working inside. You can keep your political identity and your political philosophy, but stand together as we support the social and professional movements inside Burma.

We are now to London to build broad popular and international support for the struggle of Burma’s Democracy Movement and bring together all Burmese citizens who opposed to SPDC military regime.

We would like to invite all of you and especially our readers to attend to our campaign program and show your solidarity in our movement and concerns.

We are calling our movement "Burma Solidarity". If you are interested in our campaign program, please join with us.

Program: Burma Solidarity
Place: Room # G- 50 . Russel Square Campus, SOAS ( School of Oriental and African Study) University. WC1H 0XG
Topic for Discussion: Human Rights, Politics, Economics and Democracy Movement
Facilitators: WFWW Strategic Team Members and Organizers from Host Countries
Language: Burmese & English
Time: 11:00 am - 5:00 pm
Contacts: Ko Aung (077-6209-4562) ၊ Ko Thant Zin ( 077-2724-8755)
Date : October 31, 2009

Aung San Suu Kyi's dictum for the song "On the road to Mandalay"


The following are the scripts of the (Daw) Aung San Suu Kyi’s dictum used for the video, Aung San Suu Kyi (On the road to Mandalay).

Aung San Suu Kyi on “A peaceful settlement”

We do not want revenge, we do not think there is anything particularly honourable or admirable about seeking revenge, we want to find a peaceful settlement …we remain committed to dialogue. It may be difficult to get there, but we’re determined to get that. And we’re absolutely confident that we shall get that.

Aung San Suu Kyi on “Why junta should do the Dialogue”

They (junta) should think of exchange of views and dialogue as an honourable and dignified way of bringing about change. Sometimes I think that this regime thinks that if they accept idea of dialogue with the opposition of negotiations they will be losing face, that this would be a disgraceful road to take. In fact, (it is) not.

Aung San Suu Kyi on “NLD’s stands on a Dialogue”

We (NLD) have done everything we can to try to bring about a dialogue that will help us find solutions to the problems of our country. It is the military regime that is opposed to dialogue. We would like the world to look clearly at what is happening and to see where the inflexibility really lies. The National League for Democracy represents the people of Burma and their desire for a fair, just, democratic government.

Aung San Suu Kyi on “Dialogue”

If they (junta) really want dialogue they would be ready at any time. As long as they don’t want dialogue they will come up with some excuse and this is just one of the many.

Aung San Suu Kyi on “”There has to be a revolution of the spirit”

Without a revolution of the spirit, the forces which produced the iniquities of the old order would continue to be operative, posing a constant threat to the process of reform and regeneration. It is not enough merely to call for freedom, democracy and human rights. There has to be a united determination to persevere in the struggle, to make sacrifices in the name of enduring truths, to resist the corrupting influences of desire, ill will, ignorance and fear.

Aung San Suu Kyi on “Hope for the Best and Prepare for the worst”

“Hope for the best and prepare for the worst.”

Aung San Suu Kyi on “Dream & Hope”

There is a difference between having hope and dreaming. It is not wrong to have hope but you have to work towards achieving that hope. Just sitting down and dreaming will not do. Have one vision and struggle to achieve it. Our vision is that we will have genuine and a full measure of democracy and the full measure of human rights for which we will struggle on. A fantasy world is not what we want and that is not what we are building.


Aung San Suu Kyi on “The results of the 1990 parliamentary elections”

The junta continues to frustrate the will of the people by refusing to honour the results of the 1990 parliamentary elections, which the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) won by a landslide (obtaining 392 of the 485 parliamentary seats).

Aung San Suu Kyi on “Instability can spread”

Please do not forget that instability in one part of the world could spread very rapidly these days.

Aung San Suu Kyi on “Good governance”

At this time we would like our friends from all over the world to support us firmly. Everything that is done with regard to Burma should be done with a view to helping us to achieve good governance. Good governance means transparency, accountability, and respect for the people. Good governance means democratic government.

Aung San Suu Kyi said “There is no way that we can resolve our economic problems without a political situation”

“In this day and age we cannot isolate any country. We cannot say that we are not going to interfere in the internal affairs of a country because it’s got nothing to do with us. It has something to do with everybody. Those who claim that they will not interfere in the internal affairs of Burma do not hesitate to be involved economically in Burma. As long as they are involved economically, how can they say that they are not interfering in the internal affairs of our country ? If they are prepared to engage economically with our country, then they must also be prepared to do what they can to help us resolve our political problems. There is no way that we can resolve our economic problems without a political situation.”

Aung San Suu Kyi on “People all over the world need to be informed”

“People all over the world need to be alerted to what is happening in Burma…unless they are informed of what is going on it will be difficult for them to voice their support for what we are doing. I think keeping lines of communications open is very, very important.”

Aung San Suu Kyi on “Burma & Peoples of the World”

The case for Burma is not just for one country. It is the case for all those who are suffering under authoritarian regimes. The sufferings of our people are the sufferings of all those whose human dignity is not protected by the law. I hope that in arguing the case for Burma, I shall be arguing the case for all peoples in the world who are suffering from the violation of human rights.

Aung San Suu Kyi on “Right to shape our own destiny”

The people bravely expressed their will in 1990, but still their will has not been recognized. The people of Burma want something very simple. They want the opportunity to be able to shape their own lives. When we fought for independence from the British before 1947, the Burmese people asked for the right to shape their own destiny. Now that we are fighting for democracy, we are asking for the same thing. We are asking for the right to shape our own destiny.

Aung San Suu Kyi On “Younger Generation of BURMA”

I would especially like to see our younger people stride confidently into the future, their richness of spirit soaring to meet all challenges. I would like to be able to say: “This is a nation worthy of all those who loved it and lived and died for it–that we might be proud of our heritage.”

Aung San Suu Kyi on “We are in need of support to speed up democratisation process”

In the name of peace, in the name of human rights and in the name of common decency we would like to call upon all our allies to give us the strongest support at this time when we are in need of support to speed up the process of democratisation.

Aung San Suu Kyi on “We shall achieve democracy”

We are confident that the time is not long before democracy comes to Burma. We are confident that we shall achieve democracy primarily because of the strong desire of the people of Burma for democracy. However, we do not in any way, underestimate the importance of the help of our allies all over the world.

Aung San Suu Kyi on “Global Village”

This military regime understands, like all governments in all countries understand today, that no country can remain separate from the rest of the world.

Aung San Suu Kyi on “Freedom From Fear”

Want and fear go together where there are no human rights and where there is no justice. We would like justice, human rights, and peace to spread all over the world, so that everywhere might live free from fear and from want.



Aung San Suu Kyi’s View on “lives under the military regime”

Want and fear are two of the greatest enemies we have to contend with from day to day. In the country like Burma, where we have been crushed under a military regime for many, many years, want and fear stalk us all the time.

Aung San Suu Kyi On “The Support Of People From All Over The World”

Our movement has been helped greatly by the support of people all over the world who understand our need for basic human rights. We are extremely grateful to those who have given us support. And we are fully confident that with this support we will be able to make Burma the kind of country that will be of benefit to its people and to the rest of the world.

US zeroes in on China’s clout in Burma

Brian McCartan
Asia Times online
October 24, 2009

A high-level American delegation will travel to Burma in coming weeks on a fact-finding mission as part of the United States’ new engagement policy with the military ruled country. The talks will center on improving Burma’s human-rights situation and its claimed intention to move towards democracy, but the subtext will be improving diplomatic relations and fostering influence in a country widely viewed as a key regional ally of China.

US Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific affairs, Kurt Campbell, said on October 21 during hearings before the House Foreign Affairs Committee that he will lead a fact-finding trip to Burma in coming weeks to hold discussions with the regime and meet with democracy leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, as well as ethnic group representatives. Campbell said the trip is designed to build momentum behind the policy shift, however, no other details or dates were publicly disclosed.

During the hearings, Campbell reiterated that the new policy does not mean the end of US economic and financial sanctions against the regime and its members. “Our dialogue with [Myanmar] will supplement rather than replace the sanction regimes that have been at the center of our Burma [Myanmar] policy for many years,” he told the committee.

The US says sanctions will only be removed when the regime makes tangible steps towards starting a dialogue with the democratic opposition and ethnic groups, as well as release over 2,000 political prisoners, including Suu Kyi.

There is, however, more to the new policy than mere democracy and human-rights promotion. A desire to build stronger ties with Southeast Asia became clear during US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton’s inaugural tour through Asia in February when she attended the opening of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) secretariat in Jakarta.

This was followed by her attendance at the ASEAN Regional Forum in Phuket, Thailand, in July. Policy analysts say a major reason for this new gambit is a realization that Chinese influence in the region has blossomed in the past decade while US attention was largely diverted elsewhere, especially on the “war on terror”.

Washington has become increasingly concerned about China’s growing power and influence in the region. While much of the focus has been on China’s rapidly modernizing military and its growing capacity to project power beyond its immediate borders, including towards nearby US ally Taiwan, a quieter competition is emerging between Washington and Beijing for influence in Southeast Asia.

In the late 1990s, China switched to a strategy of improving diplomatic relations and investing heavily in economic and infrastructure development projects in Southeast Asia, a gambit many analysts have referred to as China’s “soft power”. The strategy is a departure from its previous approach to the region which emphasized confrontation and even armed struggle as a way of pushing its interests. Under the new approach, China has made efforts to work with the various authoritarian and quasi-democratic regimes in the region. This has included invitations to meetings and trade fairs, training for government officials and special scholarships to study in Chinese universities. Chinese development aid is often highly publicized and includes high-profile infrastructure projects such as roads and hydro-electric dams and prestige projects such as the main stadium for the 2009 Southeast Asia Games to be held in Vientiane, Laos, in December and the recently completed Council of Ministers building in the capital of Cambodia, Phnom Penh.

China has also emerged as an increasingly important source of low-interest loans, grants, development projects, technical assistance and foreign investment. These projects combined with China’s “no strings attached” approach to aid have made Beijing an attractive partner to regimes with questionable human-rights and democracy records.

In contrast, much of the West’s aid comes with demands for improvements in political freedoms and human rights and initiatives to counter corruption.

Anxious policymakers

China’s inroads have made US policymakers anxious about its possible effects on Washington’s political clout and position in the region. Opinions among analysts vary on whether China is seeking to dominate the region to the detriment of the US or simply securing its interests in a region contiguous to its southern provinces. Either way, the consensus is that if the US is to remain a power in the region, China’s soft power needs to be balanced, especially in the three countries identified as China’s main allies in the region: Cambodia, Laos and Burma.

The US has increased development and military aid to Laos and Cambodia. While some of this effort began in the last years of the George W Bush administration, renewed US intent was signaled in concrete terms when President Barack Obama removed Cambodia and Laos from a trade blacklist. This opened the way for more American companies to apply for financing through the US Export-Import Bank for working capital guarantees, export credit insurance and loan guarantees. Although neither country represents a major market for the US, the move signaled US intentions to improve relations through commercial diplomacy.

In September, US Deputy Secretary of State James Steinberg met in Washington with Cambodian Deputy Prime Minister and Defense Minister Tea Banh to discuss security cooperation. During the same month, the US Embassy in Phnom Penh announced the donation of some US$6.5 million in military equipment through the Foreign Military Financing program. Cambodian national defense spokesman, General Chhim Socheat, also announced in September that about 1,500 American soldiers would participate for the first time in joint military exercises in mid-2010, supported under a US program dubbed the “Global Peace and Operations Initiative” designed to expand global peacekeeping capabilities.

Even Thailand, usually considered one of the US’s staunchest allies in the region, is receiving more attention due to a perceived shift towards China begun under the premiership of now exiled former prime minister, Thaksin Shinawatra. The latest sign of a renewed US interest in democracy promotion in the kingdom is a forthcoming United States Agency for International Development program aimed at improving civil society structures and media capacity across the country. The nationwide program is also slated to include projects in Thailand’s restive southern region, an area where both Thailand and the US had previously wanted to keep US involvement to a minimum.

To US policymakers keen to counterbalance China’s influence in Southeast Asia, Burma provides a conundrum. China has made strong inroads into Burma, and the US, due to its adversarial stance to the regime, currently has very little leverage to counter it. Unlike in Laos, Cambodia and Thailand, the US has no aid programs, civil society building projects or military-to-military exchanges. American interests are currently served by a charge d’ affaires, since the US removed their ambassador to the country after the military regime violently crushed pro-democracy protesters in 1988.

During October 21 hearings before the House Committee on Foreign Affairs, the chairman, Howard Berman, summed up US policy shortcomings in regards to Chinese influence in Burma. “It is also clear that our policy of isolation over the past two decades has resulted in China’s growing political and commercial influence in [Myanmar], and little progress in supporting those calling for reform,” he said. “Historically, China’s relationship with [Myanmar] has been precarious, but in our absence it has been strengthened.”

Years of aggressive posturing towards the junta have made the generals wary of the US and its intentions. Generals have said that the extensive bunker and tunnel complex being constructed around the new capital at Naypyidaw is to protect against a possible US invasion. Army contingency defense plans and the creation of civilian paramilitary groups across the country are as much about controlling the population as they are about preparing for a theoretical US-led armed intervention.

In the wake of the devastating Cyclone Nargis in May 2008, a US naval task force carrying much-needed relief supplies, helicopters and other vehicles as well as manpower was denied permission to land on junta fears it could be a prelude to a military invasion.

Deficit of influence

With this deficit in influence in mind, the Obama administration needed a way into Burma and the policy review provided the opportunity to change tack. However, with a high-profile international campaign accusing Burma’s regime of gross human-rights violations and a strong anti-junta lobby in the US Congress backed up by sanctions legislation, the latest of which, the Tom Lantos Jade Act passed in 2007 with overwhelming support, the administration could not simply step up funding of development and capacity building programs as it had with Laos, Cambodia and Thailand.

Instead, the US has adopted a policy that keeps sanctions in place, but also allows for high-level diplomatic engagement. Washington also reserves the right to put in place new punitive measures should the regime step out of line, as it did during the 2007 crackdown on peaceful demonstrations led by Buddhist monks.

In the policy announcement and during testimony before a senate hearing on the new policy last month, Campbell said that he is skeptical that nationwide elections scheduled for next year will be free and fair. He has also made it clear that progress in Burma will be long and slow. In the meantime, through diplomatic exchanges, the US can create a dialogue to potentially balance China’s influence in Burma.

China’s economic and strategic interests, as well as political clout, have steadily risen in Burma since Beijing reversed previous policies and withdrew support from the insurgent Communist Party of Burma (BCP) in the 1980s. This contributed to the BCP’s later collapse through a mutiny in 1989, and in its splintering the formation of several ethnic-based insurgent organizations, including the narcotics trafficking United Wa State Army, now active along the China-Myanmar border.

Following the suppression of pro-democracy demonstrators in 1988, China stepped in with massive military aid enabling Myanmar’s military to expand to some 500,000 men, the second-largest standing army in Southeast Asia. China has also supported Burma in the United Nations, frequently blocking moves by the US and its allies to censure the junta through the Security Council. In the latest move, earlier this month, China agreed not to question rising civilian deaths as a result of US bombing campaigns in Afghanistan in return for the US and its allies refraining from focusing on Burma’s political and human-rights situation.

Like Cambodia and Laos, Burma has also become a major recipient of Chinese economic assistance in the past decade. This help has often been in the form of interest-free loans, grants, concessional loans and debt relief. China will likely remain a key source for this kind of assistance due to its “no strings attached” approach.

In return, China has been given preferential access to exploit Burma’s natural resources and port facilities along Burma’s coast. China has become Burma’s largest investor, with junta figures claiming that 90% of recent investment came from China. In addition, tens of thousands of Chinese have migrated to Myanmar seeking work and business opportunities, especially in the north and to the second city, Mandalay, which some Myanmar citizens refer to as a “Chinese city”.

Chinese investment also includes involvement in the controversial Shwe gas project off Burma’s western coast. Rights organizations say the offshore project and a dual oil and gas pipeline being constructed from the coast up the length of the country to the southern Chinese city of Kunming have already resulted in human-rights abuses and will likely result in many more as the projects progress.

China also views Burma as an essential component in its plans to develop its landlocked southwestern Yunnan province. Beijing is keen to develop road networks and port facilities to facilitate the transportation of goods through Burma for export to the rest of the world. A new oil and gas terminal at Kyaukphyu on Burma’s western coast together with the pipeline will allow China to import oil and gas without having to send its tankers through the narrow and strategically insecure Malacca Straits.

Love-hate relations

The closeness of the relationship between Beijing and Naypyidaw, however, is often overstated. A Myanmar army offensive against ethnic Kokang Chinese insurgents in August along the China-Burma border was a case in point. Despite clear warnings from Beijing against such a move, Burma’s army went ahead without providing China forewarning. China responded to the offensive with a rare rebuke of the regime and called for stability. China also joined in a call at the UN Human Rights Council on October 2 for the release of political prisoners and a free and fair election process in 2010.

While China has been able to cultivate civil officials and military officers and improve its image with the general population through high-profile cultural projects, including the promotion of Chinese language studies and scholarships to study in China, in Cambodia, Laos and Thailand, Beijing’s efforts in Burma have run into a pervasive xenophobia and wariness of dependence on any singular foreign power.

Knowing the limitations in its own relationship with Burma’s generals, China is reportedly watching developments closely to determine how serious the US and Burma are about improving bilateral relations. A US-Burma detente would undoubtedly be viewed as a threat to Beijing’s strategic interests in the region. A Burma more sympathetic to the US may be less willing to support China’s projection of power into the Indian Ocean and risks negating advantages gained for the security of its sea lines of communication through avoiding the Malacca Straits.

Chinese officials already suspect that the swift campaign against the Kokang in August may have been motivated by signals allegedly given by US Senator Jim Webb during his visit to Burma this month. If true, then China’s leaders would be justifiably concerned that Burma’s generals may feel safe enough in their dialogue with Washington to follow up with attacks against the other ethnic armies along the border. Chinese authorities have already started to build refugee camps should this happen.

In conceding that the engagement process will be long and slow, US policy is aimed more at how Burma will change after the scheduled 2010 elections. Should the elections result in a genuine move towards democracy, the US is expected to increase its engagement beyond mere diplomatic exchanges towards concrete assistance.

A repeal of some sanctions could soon put the US in direct competition politically and economically with China for influence in Burma. And a sudden move towards a democratic federal state would be at odds with China’s apparent preference for Burma’s political scene to evolve through a gradual process guided by a strong central government.

Already, Burma’s regime has made some tentative signals that it is willing to acquiesce to at least some of Washington’s aims, at least in the short term. Two meetings were held this month between the junta’s liaison officer, Labor Minister and retired Major General Aung Kyi, and pro-democracy leader Suu Kyi. Consequently, Suu Kyi was allowed to meet with representatives from the US, Australia and the European Union.

Her National League for Democracy (NLD) party has also been allowed to meet with foreign diplomats, including a meeting on Tuesday with the US charge d’ affaires, Larry Dinger. United States officials announced on October 8 that a senior Myanmar official – most observers believe it will be Prime Minister Lieutenant General Thein Sein – will be at a November meeting held between Obama and ASEAN in Singapore during the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) summit.

What is not yet clear is why the generals have appeared to change their stance. It may be yet another attempt to put off international pressure only to revert back to repression and intransigence once attention has shifted elsewhere. Or the generals may be purposefully playing the US against China, knowing that any improvement in relations with Washington will improve its negotiating leverage with Beijing.

Conceptually, the US makes for a perfect counterbalance to what the Burmese generals see partially as a threat posed by Chinese domination through its fast expanding economic influence. The US also makes for a much stronger countervailing weight in balancing China’s influence than Beijing’s current major rival for influence, India.

A closer relationship with the US would certainly force China to revise its relations with the regime in order to safeguard its interests in an area that it previously had almost monopolistic control. US influence in Burma could also go some way to negate the strategic advantages China has gained through moves to turn Burma into a corridor for trade and oil and gas distribution to its landlocked southwest and its ability to bypass the Malacca Straits, which Beijing fears the US navy could blockade in case of any conflict.

One area that could see immediate change is China’s support for ethnic insurgents along its border with Burma. The junta is placing heavy pressure on the ceasefire groups to become border guard units under army control and join in the 2010 elections. Ethnic leaders have so far resisted the demand and with a deadline set for the end of this month, civil war has become a real possibility.

So far, China has been careful to provide only enough support to deter the Burmese army from making any rash moves and some have questioned the apparent lack of Chinese support for ethnic Chinese Kokang insurgents who were routed in September.

This may change, however, as closer ties with the US could push China to maintain or even strengthen relations with ceasefire groups along the border in a show of strength to safeguard its interests. Unless Burma’s rulers are serious about change in their country that conforms to US criteria, it will be some time before relations between the two countries normalize.

In the meantime, the US now at least has a seat at the table with the generals to discuss China’s role in Burma, and with concessions could potentially provide the regime with diplomatic and economic alternatives that gradually shift the region’s balance of power.

Monday 26 October 2009

ယခု အျဖစ္္ အပ်က္အား www.niknayman-niknayman.co.cc မွ အမ်ားျပည္သူပိုမိုသိရိွေစရန္ အတြက္ ထပ္ဆင္ ့ကူးယူ ေဖာ္ျပလိုက္ျခင္းျဖစ္ပါသည္ ။ ယခုအျဖစ္အပ်က္ကဲ့သို ့ေသာ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးႏွင္ ့ တရားစီရင္ေရး ဆိုင္ရာ ၀န္ထမ္းမ်ား ၏ မတရား အမႈ႔ဆင္ဖမ္းဆီးေထာင္ခ်ျခင္း ၊ ေက်းလက္ေဒသရွိ ျပည္သူမ်ား၏ အသိအျမင္အားနည္းမႈ႔မ်ားကိုအခြင္ ့ေကာင္းယူကာမတရားေငြေတာင္းခံျခင္းတို ့ သည္ျမန္မာျပည္အရပ္ရပ္တြင္ တေန ့ ထက္ ေန ့ ပိုမို ဆိုး၀ါးစြာေပၚေပါက္လွ်က္ရွိေနပါသည္ ။ ၎ အျဖစ္အပ်က္မ်ားကို တတ္သိနားလည္ၾကသည္ ျပည္သူမ်ားအေနႏွင္ ့ လက္ပိုက္ၾကည့္မေနၾကပဲ မတရားမႈမ်ားကို ၀ိုင္း၀န္းေဖာ္ထုတ္ၾကျပီး ျပည္သူမ်ား၏ ႏွိပ္စက္ခံဘာ၀တို ့ကို အျမန္ဆံုးဆံုးကယ္ တင္ ေပးၾကပါလို ့ တိုက္ တြန္းလိုက္ပါရေစခင္ဗ်ားးး

( မွတ္ခ်က္ - ျဖစ္ရပ္ အမွန္ကို သိရွိႏိုင္ရန္ အတြက္ ကာယကံရွင္မ်ားကိုတိုင္ ငသန္းေရႊ ထံသို ့ တိုင္ၾကားစာမ်ားကို ပူးတြဲ ေဖာ္ျပလိုက္ပါသည္ ။ ပံုၾကီးခ်ဲ ့၍ ဖတ္ရႈ ့ပါရန္...ေလးစားစြာျဖင့္....)

ခြပ္ေဒါင္းေသြး ဘေလာ ့ အဖြဲ ့သားမ်ား .. www.freeforcountry.co.cc
Experiences of an a-Q Captain-1

From http://www.niknayman-niknayman.co.cc/

Sunday 25 October 2009


သာဓု - “အိမ္ေထာင္ဆိုတာဘာလဲ”
ပါပု - “အိမ္ေထာင္ဆိုတာ အ၀ိုင္းခံထားရတဲ့ ရဲတုိက္နဲ႔တူတယ္။ အထဲေရာက္ေနတဲ့ လူေတြကအျပင္ကိုထြက္ခ်င္တယ္။ အဲ အျပင္ကလူေတြၾကေတာ႔ အထဲ၀င္ဖို႔ အားခဲေနၾကတယ္”

သာဓု - “လူငယ္ေတြဟာ မိန္းမယူၿပီးတဲ့ေနာက္မွ ဆင္ျခင္ဉာဏ္ ပိုလာသလား”
ပါပု - “ဆင္ျခင္ဉာဏ္ရွိရင္ သူတို႔ မိန္းမ မယူဘူး”

သာဓု - “လူပ်ဳိနဲ႔ လူအို ဘာကြာသလဲ”
ပါပု - “လူပ်ဳိက အိမ္အလုပ္ကို သူ႔ဟာသူလုပ္တယ္၊ လူအိုကေတာ့ မိန္းမခိုင္းလို႔ လုပ္ရတယ္”

သာဓု - “မိန္းမဆိုတာဘာလဲ”
ပါပု - “မိန္းမဆိုတာ ႏွင္းဆီပန္းပဲ၊ ပြင့္ခ်ပ္ေတြကို ခ်စ္သူ ရည္းစားေတြက ခူးသြားၾကတယ္၊ သူယူတဲ့ ေယာက်္ားအတြက္ ဆူးပဲ က်န္တယ္”

သာဓု - “မယားငယ္ဆိုတာ ဘာလဲ”
ပါပု - “အိမ္ခန္းထဲမွာ ထားစရာ ေနရာမရွိတဲ့ အဖိုးတန္ ပရိေဘာဂ”

သာဓု - “မိန္းမတစ္ေယာက္ထဲ ယူတဲ့စနစ္နဲ႔ မိန္းမႏွစ္ေယာက္ ယူတဲ့စနစ္ ဘာကြာသလဲ”
ပါပု - “ဘာမွ အကြာဘူး၊ ႏွစ္ခုစလံုးမွာ မိန္းမတစ္ေယာက္ ပိုေနတယ္”

သာဓု - “မိုက္တြင္းနက္ၿပီး မိန္းမနဲ႔ ကြာရွင္းႏုိင္သလား”
ပါပု - “မသိဘူး၊ ဒါေပမယ့္ မိုက္တြင္းနက္ၿပီး မိန္းမေတြကို တစ္ေယာက္ၿပီးတစ္ေယာက္ ေကာက္ယူႏုိ္င္တာေတာ့ အမွန္ပဲ”

သာဓု - “မိန္းမကိုဘာနဲ႔ ႏႈိင္းလို႔ ရမလဲ”
ပါပု - “ေစာင္နဲ႔ ၊ ၿခံဳလိုက္ရင္ အိုက္တယ္၊ ဖယ္လိုက္ရင္ ခ်မ္းတယ္”

သာဓု - “အလြန္အကၽြံ သတိေမ့ျခင္းဆိုတာ ဘာလဲ”
ပါပု - “နယ္ကျပန္လာတဲ့ ေယာက်္ားက ေရႊဆြဲႀကိဳးကို မယားႀကီးကိုေပးၿပီး ညစ္ပတ္ေနတဲ့
အ၀တ္အစားကို ေလွ်ာ္ဖြတ္ဖို႔ မယားငယ္ကိုေပးျခင္း”

သာဓု - “အေကာင္းျမင္သမားဆိုတာ ဘယ္လုိလူမ်ဴိးလဲ”
ပါပု - “အိမ္မွာ ေဆးေပါ့လိပ္တိုကို ျမင္တဲ့အခါ မိန္းမလုပ္တဲ့သူ စီးကရက္ ျဖတ္လုိက္ၿပီလို႔ ေကာက္ခ်က္ခ်တဲ့ ေယာက်္ား”

သာဓု - “ေယာက်္ားနဲ႔ မိန္းမ သူတို႔ရဲ႕ပါတနာေတြကို ဘာေၾကာင့္လဲသလဲ”
ပါပု - “အမ်ဳိးမ်ဳိးခံစားခ်င္တဲ့အခါ ေယာက်္ားဟာ မိန္းမကိုလဲတယ္၊ အဲမိန္းမကေတာ့ ဘာမွမခံစားရတဲ့အခါမွာ ေယာက်္ားကိုလဲတယ္”

သာဓု - “မိန္းမတစ္ေယာက္ဟာ မိေခ်ာင္းနဲ႔ အတူတူေနႏုိင္သလား”
ပါပု - “မိေခ်ာင္းမွာ ပိုက္ဆံရွိရင္ေနမွာေပါ့”

သာဓု - “ေငြသာ ပဓာနဆိုတာ အမွန္ပဲလား”
ပါပု - “မဟုတ္ဘူး၊ အဲဒီေငြရဲ႕ အေရအတြက္ကသာ ပဓာန”

သာဓု - “ဘယ္အရာက မိန္းမတစ္ေယာက္ကို အလွတိုးေစသလဲ”
ပါပု - “ေယာက်္ားတစ္ေယာက္ရဲ႕ အစာအိမ္ထဲက ၀ီစကီႏွစ္ခြက္”

သာဓု - “ေယာက်္ားတစ္ေယာက္ဟာ ဘယ္အခ်ိန္မွာ အင္အားခ်ိနဲ႔တဲ့ သေဘာကို ခံစားရသလဲ”
ပါပု - “မိန္းမေခ်ာတစ္ေယာက္က ရွင္အင္မတန္ေတာ္တဲ့ လူပါလားလို႔ ခ်ီးက်ဳးတဲ့အခါမွာ”

သာဓု - “ေယာက်္ား ယူတဲ့မိန္းမတစ္ေယာက္ရဲ႕ လုပ္ရပ္ကိုဘယ္လို အကဲျဖတ္ႏုိင္သလဲ”
ပါပု - “ေယာက်္ားအမ်ားႀကီးရဲ႕ အာ႐ုံစိုက္မႈကို ခံရတဲ့ဘ၀ကို ေယာက်္ားတစ္ေယာက္ထဲရဲ႕ အာ႐ံုစိုက္မႈကိုခံရတဲ့ဘ၀နဲ႔ လဲလိုက္ျခင္းပဲေပါ့”

သာဓု - “မိန္းမတစ္ေယာက္ရဲ႕ ခ်ဳိ႕ယြင္းခ်က္ မွန္သမွ်ကို သိေအာင္ ဘယ္လိုရမလဲ”
ပါပု - “သူ႕ရဲ႕အခ်စ္ဆံုး သူငယ္ခ်င္းေရွ႔မွာသူ႔ကို ခ်ီးမြမ္းၾကည့္”


သာဓု - “မိန္းမျဖစ္တဲ့သူကို အံ့ၾသေအာင္ ဘာလုပ္ရမလဲ”
ပါပု - “သူ တစ္ခ်ိန္လံုးပူဆာေနတဲ့ စိန္နားကပ္အစား လက္ကိုင္ပ၀ါတစ္ထည္ ၀ယ္ေပးလုိက္”

သာဓု - “မိန္းမဟာ ဓားျပထက္ပိုေၾကာက္စရာ ေကာင္းတယ္လို႔ ေျပာၾကတယ္၊ ဘာေၾကာင့္လဲ”
ပါပု - “ဓားျပဟာ ပိုက္ဆံအိတ္ကိုေပးမလား၊ ဒါမွမဟုတ္ ဘ၀ကို အဆံုးခံမလားလို႔ေမးတယ္၊
မိန္းမကေတာ့ ႏွစ္ခုစလံုးကို ေတာင္းတယ္”

သာဓု - “ေျခာက္လံုးျပဴး နဲ႔ စက္ေသနတ္ ဘာကြာသလဲ”
ပါပု - “စကားေျပာေနၾကတဲ့အခါမွာ ေယာက်္ားနဲ႔မိန္းမ ကြာသလဲလုိပဲေပါ့”

သာဓု - “ဘီယာနဲ႔မိန္းမ ဘာကြာသလဲ”
ပါပု - “ဘီယာက ခင္ဗ်ားဘယ္အခ်ိန္ အိမ္ျပန္မလဲဆိုတာ စိတ္မပူဘူး”

သာဓု - “႐ုပ္ေခ်ာ၊ ဉာဏ္ေကာင္း၊ ဂ႐ုစိုက္တတ္ၿပီး ပိုက္ဆံလည္း ခ်မ္းသာတဲ့ ေယာက်္ားကို ယူခ်င္ရင္ ျဖစ္မလား”
ပါပု - “ျဖစ္ပါတယ္ ဒါေပမယ့္ လင္ေလးခါယူရမယ္”

သာဓု - “ ဒါနဲ႔ ခင္ဗ်ားရဲ့ ေခြးကို ဘာျဖစ္လို႔ ငထံုႀကီး”လို႔ နာမည္ေပးရတာလဲ”
ပါပု - “လမ္းမွာ ဒီေကာင့္ကို ငထံုႀကီးေခၚလိုက္ရင္ ေယာက်္ားေတြ အေတာ္မ်ားမ်ား လွည့္ၾကည့္ၾကတာ အရသာရွိလြန္းလို႔”

သာဓု - “ကိုယ့္မိန္းမနဲ႔စကားမ်ားၾကရာမွာ ကိုယ္က အႏိုင္ရတယ္ဆိုရင္ ဘာလုပ္ရမလဲ“
ပါပု - “ရွင္းရွင္းေလးပဲ သူ႔ကုိ ေတာင္းပန္လိုက္”

သာဓု - “ဆင္းရဲတဲ့မိန္းကေလးကို ေပ်ာ္႐ြင္ေအာင္ လုပ္ႏိုင္သလား”
ပါပု - “လုပ္ႏုိင္တယ္၊ ဒါေပမယ့္ ခ်မ္းသာတဲ့ မိန္းကေလးကို စိတ္ဆင္းရဲေအာင္လုပ္တာ ပိုေကာင္းတယ္”

သာဓု - “ပညာနဲ႔ အသျပာ ဘယ္ဟာကို ယူသင့္သလဲ”
ပါပု - “ကိုယ့္ဆီမွာ မလံုေလာက္တာကို ယူ”


http://www.myanmar-pba.org/

Saturday 24 October 2009

Dear Dhamma Friends and Supporters of the London Mogok Yeiktha,

Many Thanks to those who have already sent donations in advance to a total of £1144.

For those who arre planning to attend the Kathina Ceremony in London, please be aware that the Ceremony this year today on 24th October (Saturday) from 10.30 am to 3.30 pm is at St Mark's Church & Community Centre at Tollgate Road, 3 minute's walk from the DLR Beckton station and about 15 minutes by 262 Bus from Plaistow Station and 101 Bus from East Ham Station. Car Parking is available onsite at the back of the Centre (first come first serve) and in side streets and in Oliver Gardens.

If you have other commitments and are unable to attend, you can still donate Kathina Robes for the Sangha if you wish, by sending a cheque to the Yeiktha, made payable to BUDDHIST AID or by donating online. All donations received will be credited to Centre Fund.

With best wishes to you,

Mogok Yeiktha Gopaka,
Mogok Yeiktha,
30 Oliver Gardens, Beckton, London E6 5SE

Politically Correct Jokes

Politically Correct Jokes


(1)The prime Minister of China called President Bush to console him after the
Attack on the Pentagon: "I'm sorry to hear about the attack. It is a very big
tragedy. But in case you are missing any documents from the Pentagon, we
have copies of everything."

2

Musharraf calls Bush on 11th sept:

Musharraf: Mr President, I would like to express my
condolences to you. It is a real tragedy. So many people,
such great bldgs... I would like to ensure that we had nothing in
connection with that..

Bush: What buildings? What people??

Musharraf: Oh, and what time is it in America now?
Bush: It's eight in the morning.
Musharraf: Oops...Will call back in an hour!
3.Vajpayee and Bush are sitting in a bar. A guy walks in and
asks the barman, "Isn't that Bush and Vajpayee?"
The barman says "Yep, that's them." So the guy walks
over and says, "Hello, what are you guys doing?"

Bush says, "We're planning world war 3"
The guy says, "Really? What's going to happen?"

And Vajpayee says, "Well, we're going to kill 14
million Pakistanis and one bicycle repairman."

And the guy exclaimed, "A bicycle repairman?!! !"
Vajpayee turns to Bush and says,

"See, I told you no-one would worry about
the 14 million Pakistanis
!"


4. Pakistani on the moon:
Q: What do you call 1 Pakistani on
the moon?
A: Problem...

Q: What do you call 10 Pakistanis on the moon?
A: Problem...

Q: What do you call a 100
Pakistanis on the moon?
A: Problem...

Q: What do you call ALL the Pakistanis on the moon?
A: ...... Problem Solved!!!

5

A man is! taking a walk in Central park in New York .
Suddenly he sees a little girl being attacked by a pit bull
dog. He runs over and starts fighting with the dog.
He succeeds in killing the dog and saving the
girl's life. A policeman who was watching the
scene walks over and says: "You are a hero, tomorrow
you can read it in all the newspapers:

"Brave New Yorker saves the life of little girl".

The man says: "But I am not a New Yorker!"
Oh then it will say in newspapers in the morning:
"Brave American saves life of
little girl" the policeman answers.

"But I am not an
American!" - says the man. Oh, what are you then?"

The man says: "I am a Pakistani!"

The next day the newspapers say:

"Extremist kills innocent American dog”

Aung San Suu Kyi (On the road to Mandalay)

Friday 23 October 2009

Poem for Myo Yan Naung Thein




ငါ့ေျမးလဲရင္ အဖြား ထူမယ္..သား မပူနဲ ့
သားမွာ အခ်စ္..ေျမးအႏွစ္တဲ့
ပုလုေကြး ကထဲက
လက္ေပၚၾကီးတဲ့ ငါ့ေျမး
အဖြားေပါင္ေပၚ ထိုင္ တီတီတာတာေျပာ
"သားၾကီးလာ...အဖြားကို ရွာေၾကြးမတဲ့"
သူေတာ္ေကာင္း ကေလးေလးပါေတာ္..
က်ဳပ္ဘဲခ်ီမ..ရပ္နိုင္ပါေပ့..ရပ္နိုင္ေပ့
လမ္းေလွ်ာက္သင္ေပးခဲ့တာ..
အဖြားအသည္းေက်ာ္ ေျမးကေလးတေယာက္ပါ။

ကၾကီး ခေခြး..ေက်ာင္းစာဆို ထူးခ်ြန္တဲ့ေျမး..
အဖြား ဂုဏ္ယူရတဲ့ ေျမး..
ဂုဏ္ထူးမ်ားစြာနဲ ့ (၁၀)တန္းေအာင္..
အင္ဂ်င္နီယာၾကီး လုပ္ခ်င္တဲ့ေမာင္
ျဖစ္လာခဲ့တာ သူ ပိသုကာအင္ဂ်င္နီယာ
ျပင္သစ္ စကားေျပာသင္ ဆရာ..
ဧည့္လမ္းညႊန္ တစ္ဦး..
အညြန္ ့အဖူးေ၀တဲ့ ကေလးငယ္.
ေနာင္တစ္ေခတ္ အတြက္ တက္လူငယ္။

ကံမေကာင္းစြာ လူျဖစ္တာ နအဖေခတ္
စစ္က်ြန္စံနစ္ဆိုး ေရတိမ္မွာနစ္..
၁၉၉၆ ေက်ာင္းသားေခါင္းေဆာင္ ဆိုျပီး
ေထာင္သြင္းအက်ဥ္းခ်..(၇) ႏွစ္
၂၀၀ရ ေရႊ၀ါေရာင္မွာ..သံဃာကို ကူလို ့
စြမ္းအားရွင္ေတြ ရိုက္ႏွက္ၾကတာ..
ေဒါင္ေဒါင္မည္တဲ့ က်ဳပ္ေျမး
ခုေတာ့ ဦးေခါင္းရိုက္တဲ့ ဒဏ္ရာ
ဦးေႏွာက္ထိ..အာရုံေၾကာ ထိလို ့
ဘယ္ဘက္တျခမ္းေသ..
မစြမ္းမသန္…လမ္းမေလွ်ာက္နိူင္ေတာ့ဖူး။

ရံုးခ်ိန္းဆို ထမ္းစင္နဲ ့မ..
လူတြဲ မ ကာခ်..
ဘယ္သူ မကယ္နိုင္..ပံုရက္က်ေနခဲ့
ေသြးပ်က္ရတဲ့ျမင္ကြင္း..
မိခင္အရင္းက အိပ္ယာထဲ..ဗုန္းဗုန္းလဲပါေရာ့
သူ ့ဇနီးသည္ ေအးျမနႏၵီလည္း..
ဖမ္းဆီးသြားၾက..ရိုက္ႏွက္ၾက.
လူမဆန္တာ…ဒီ..နအဖေပါ့။
အဖြားေတာ့ တစ္သက္မေၾကဘူး။

မိသားစု ရဲ့အေ၀းဆံုး တေနရာ..
သံတြဲေထာင္မွာ ဆရာ၀န္မရွိ
ရခိုင္ရဲ့ေဆာင္း..ႏွိပ္စက္ေထာင္းတာ..
လူမမာ သက္သက္..
အသက္ရွိရက္ ဒုကၡိတကေလးငယ္.
အျပစ္မဲ့သူကို
နအဖ..တင္တဲ့ စြဲခ်က္…
တိုင္းျပည္ကို ခ်စ္ျမတ္နိုးမွဳ တဲ့..
ထြီ...ေျပာမေျပာခ်င္ဘူး..

ေျမးေလးေရ လူေလး မ်ိဳးရန္ေနာင္သိမ္း..
အာဇာနည္ မည္သည္…
က်ဴပင္လို ေလယူရာမတိမ္းဘူး..
ယံုၾကည္ရာသာ ရဲရင့္..
ေျခလက္ မသန္ေပကာလင့္…
စိတ္လက္ ခိုင္မာ..
ေခါင္းေမာ့၀င့္ပါ..လူကေလးရယ္..
အဖြား ဂုဏ္ယူစြာ
လမ္းေလွ်ာက္ထပ္သင္ေပးမယ္
အဖြား လက္ကို ဆြဲကိုင္မ..
ကဲ မတ္တတ္ ၾကိဳးစားျပန္ထ။

မသဒၶါ ( ၉။၂၃။၂၀၀၉)

ေျမးအေပၚခ်စ္ေသာ အဖြားနဲ့ ေျမးငယ္ ကိုမ်ိဳးရန္ေနာင္သိမ္းတို ့အတြက္..
အဖြားေရ..လမ္းေလ်ွာက္ ျပန္သင္ေပးေပါ့။..
စိတ္ဓါတ္သာ ျပည့္ေစ…ရပ္နိုင္ပါေပ့..ဆိုပါေလ.။
သူ..ျပန္လမ္းေလွ်ာက္နိုင္ပါေစ ဆုေတာင္းလိုက္ပါတယ္။

Special Thanks to Ma Thadar

Thursday 22 October 2009

Dramatic decrease in illegal timber trade between Burma and China but smuggling continues




The illegal cross-border timber trade between Burma and China has decreased significantly since 2005. However, ‘snake business' is widespread and the authorities in China should do more to clamp down, according to a new detailed review by the campaign group Global Witness.

A Disharmonious Trade, the third in a series of reports on illegal logging in Burma, is based on field research carried out between 2005 and 2009 in Kachin State, along the Burma-China border, and on China's eastern seaboard. The field research is supported by an analysis of the latest trade data which shows that imports of logs and sawn wood across the land border from Burma fell by more than 70% between 2005 and 2008. However, 270,000 m3 of logs, and 170,000 m3 of sawn timber, were still imported into Kunming customs district in 2008, more than 90% of which was illegal.

The decline in the illegal cross-border timber trade can be largely attributed to measures put in place by the Chinese authorities following the publication of Global Witness' report A Choice for China in October 2005. At that time, an average of one truck carrying 15 tonnes of illegally logged timber crossed an official Chinese checkpoint every 7 minutes, 24 hours a day, 365 days a year. In stark contrast, Global Witness saw very few log trucks along the border during 2006-07 and 2009.

However, some illicit trade continues, causing serious damage to the environment in Kachin State as the forest is cleared, often to make way for plantations. Timber is transported at night, official checkpoints avoided and documentation routinely falsified. In some instances, local enforcement agencies have turned a blind eye to smuggling; sources claim that corruption and bribery are rife.

"Clearly action taken by authorities in China and Burma to combat illegal logging in Kachin state has had a significant positive impact. But they should do more to close down the remaining industry, which is almost wholly reliant on the illegal timber supply from Burma," said Jon Buckrell, Global Witness' Head of Forest Policy. "The Chinese government aspires to achieve a ‘harmonious society' but the continued destruction of Burma's northern frontier forests, largely by Chinese companies, provides a striking counterpoint to that vision."

In late 2006 as part of their research, Global Witness investigators posed as buyers at flooring companies. At the time, thirteen out of 14 companies said that it was still possible for them to obtain timber from Burma across the land border despite import restrictions. These companies export timber throughout the world, including to Europe and America. A number of US-based companies are still advertising Burmese wood flooring on their websites despite the fact that the Lacey Act now bans commerce in illegally obtained timber and wood products.

This is just part of a wider problem. Half of China's timber imports from all countries are probably illegal and China accounts for roughly a quarter of all illegal timber being traded internationally. Chinese timber exports account for 10% of the global trade in illegal timber. This has a knock-on effect for other countries. For example, the UK imports more illegal timber than any other EU country because it buys so much from China.

Main recommendations:

The Government of the People's Republic of China should make all relevant authorities and businesses in China aware of the 11 May 2006 'Interim Measures to Manage Timber and Mineral Cooperation between Myanmar and Yunnan Province.' The 'Interim Measures' should be enforced;
The Burmese authorities should continue efforts to stop illegal and unsustainable logging in Kachin state and end the illegal cross-border timber trade with China.
Timber importing nations, including China, should adopt national legislation to prohibit the importation and sale of timber, which has been harvested, transported, bought or sold in violation of national laws.
/ Ends

Contact: Amy Barry on +44 207 4925858 or +44 7908 664397; Jon Buckrell in Bangkok on +66 (0)8 2446 8753
http://www.globalwitness.org/

Wednesday 21 October 2009

Burmese Dance Show in Perth



Special thanks to the sender for sharing.
Demonstration für Shwe Gas Kampagne

Message By; BDC

Dear All, Wir möchten Sie einladen, globalen Aktionstag gegen Shwe Gas Projekt in Birma. Bitte beigefügten View-Dateien für weitere Informationen und die folgenden Informationen.

Demonstration für Shwe Gas Kampagne

Datum:
Zwischen 28 und 10 - 09 (Mittwoch)

Time:
12:00 bis 13:00

Veranstaltungsort:
Infront der chinesischen Botschaft
49-51 Portland Place London W1B 1JL UK

Freuen Sie zu sehen. Sie können auch gerne die Einladung für jeden, der Free Burma unterstützt.

In Solidarität,

Shwe Gas Movement
NLD-LA UK
Birmanischen Muslim Association
Burma demokratischer Fragen
und alle demokratischen Organisationen

Demonstration for Shwe Gas Campaign

Dear All, We would like to invite you global day of action against Shwe gas project in Burma. Please, view attached files for more information and following information.

Demonstration for Shwe Gas Campaign

Date:
28 - 10 - 09 (Wednesday)

Time:
12:00 - 13:00

Venue:
Infront of Chinese Embassy
49-51 Portland Place London W1B 1JL UK

Look forward to see you. You may also send this invitation to anyone who supports free Burma.

In Solidarity,

Shwe Gas Movement
NLD-LA UK
Burmese Muslim Association
Burma Democratic Concern
and all democratic organisations


GDA Summary


သတင္းစာဆင္ဆာၿဖတ္ခံလိုက္ရေသာ
ပူးတြဲတပ္ခ်ဳပ္ၾကီးဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မွဴးၾကီးေမာင္ေအး

ယေန ့၂၀ ရက္ အဂၤါေန ့ထုတ္သတင္းစာမ်က္ႏွာဖံုးမ်ားတြင္
တရုတ္ၿပည္သို ့ထြက္ခြာသြားေသာ
မိုင္းယမ္းတင္ေအာင္ၿမင့္ဦးအား
တပ္ခ်ဳပ္ၾကီးႏွင္ ့အတူပို ့ေဆာင္ႏွုတ္ဆက္သည့့္
ပူးတြဲတပ္ခ်ဳပ္ၾကီး ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မွဴးၾကီးေမာင္ေအးအား
ေဆာင္းေပးထားသည္ ့ထီးကို ၿပန္ၾကားေရး၀န္ၾကီးမွ
ၿမန္မာ့အလင္းသတင္းစာအား ဆင္ဆာၿဖတ္ခိုင္းသၿဖင္ ့
ပူးတြဲတပ္ခ်ဳပ္ၾကီး ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မွဴးၾကီးေမာင္ေအးရဲ ့ေခါင္းေပၚက
ထီးမွာ ဆင္ဆာၿဖတ္ခံလိုက္ရၿပီး တပ္ခ်ဳပ္ၾကီး ကိုမိုးေပးထားေသာ
ထီးတေခ်ာင္းကိုသာ ထင္ထင္၇ွားရွား ၿဖစ္ေအာင္ ၀န္ၾကီးကလုပ္ခိုင္းထားေၾကာင္း
စံုစမ္းသိ၇ွိ၇ပါတယ္
ပူးတြဲတပ္ခ်ဳပ္ၾကီး ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မွဴးၾကီးေမာင္ေအးခင္မ်ာ
ဒါဟာ တပ္ခ်ဳပ္ၾကီးက ပူးတြဲတပ္ခ်ဳပ္ၾကီးရဲ ့အာဏာထီးေတာ္ကိုၿဖဳတ္ခ်သိမ္းယူေတာ ့မယ္ဆိုတဲ ့အဓိပၸါယ္
သက္ေရာင္ေနပါတယ္ မိုင္းယမ္းတင္ေအာင္ၿမင္ ့ဦးက လဲ အေ၀းမွာ ေရာက္၇ွိေနခ်ိန္ၿဖစ္တာမို ့
ပူးတြဲတပ္ခ်ဳပ္ၾကီး အေနၿဖင္ ့ အထူးသတိထားရပါမယ္ခင္မ်ာ


ေနာက္ဆက္တြဲစံုစမ္းခ်က္မ်ားအရ ဒီဆင္ဆာကိစၥကို ၿပန္ၾကားေရး၀န္ၾကီးက လံုး၀ မသိရွိပါတဲ့ခင္မ်ာ
ပူးတြဲတပ္ခ်ဳပ္ၾကီး ရဲ ့အထက္မွာ တပ္ခ်ဳပ္ၾကီးပဲရွိတာေၾကာင္ ့တပ္ခ်ဳပ္ၾကီးသာ အသိဆံုးပါတဲ့ခင္မ်ာ
Prev: တြဲဖက္တပ္ခ်ဳပ္ၾကီးခင္မ်ာ

http://mindhamma.multiply.com/journal/item/7/7

Monday 19 October 2009

Aung San Suu Kyi's right hand man, U Win Tin said "We cannot forget 1990 election result"
မန္မာ့ႏိုင္ငံေရး ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး၊ ဒီမိုကေရစီေရးႏွင့္
အမ်ဳိးသားေသြးစည္း ညီၫြတ္ေရး ျပႆနာ

ေမာင္စိန္ေသာ္
post by Saturday, October 17, 2009


ျမန္မာ့ႏိ္ုင္ငံအေရး၏ အရင္းခံျပႆနာသည္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး၊ ဒီမိုကေရစီေရးႏွင့္ အမ်ဳိးသားေသြးစည္းညီၫြတ္ေရး ျပႆနာဟုျမင္သည္။

ဤျပႆနာ (၃) ခုႏွင့္ပတ္သက္၍ စစ္အာဏာရွင္အဆက္ဆက္ စစ္အုပ္စုနည္း စစ္အုပ္စုဟန္ျဖင့္ ေျဖရွင္းခဲ့ၾကပံုကို ေဝဖန္ဆန္းစစ္ လွ်င္ တိုးတက္မႈလကၡဏာ မေတြ႔ရဟုဆိုရမည္။ ရာစုႏွစ္ ထက္ဝက္ရွိေတာ့မည္။ ျပႆနာမေျဖရွင္းႏိုင္႐ံုမက ပို၍ပင္ဆိုးဝါးေစခဲ့ ေၾကာင္း လက္ေတြ႔ျဖစ္ရပ္မ်ားက သက္ေသျပေနသည္။


ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ျပႆနာ
စစ္အာဏာရွင္ စနစ္ေအာက္မွာ ျပည္တြြင္းစစ္အရွိန္ျမင့္၍ မတရားအသင္းေၾကျငာခံထားရသည့္ အဖြဲ႔စည္းမ်ား၊ လူမ်ဳိးစုလက္နက္ကိုင္ အဖြဲ႔စည္းမ်ား တိိုးမ်ားလာခဲ့သည္။ ျပည္သူလုထုအတြင္း မိကြဲဖကြဲ၊ ေဆြမ်ဳိးသားခ်င္း ပို၍ ခံစားၾကရသည္။ ျပည္တြင္းစစ္မရပ္စဲပဲ အ မွန္တကယ္ ျပည္သူလူထု လိုလားေတာင့္တေနသည့္ ျပည္တြင္းၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးမရႏိုင္ပါ။

စစ္အစိုးရ ေႂကြးေၾကာ္ေနသည့္ ေသာင္းက်န္းသူ အျမစ္ျပတ္ ေခ်မႈန္းေရးဆိုေသာ မွားယြင္းေဖာက္ျပန္သည့္ ေပၚလစီျဖင့္ ျပည္တြင္း စစ္ ရပ္စဲႏိုင္လိမ့္မည္မဟုတ္ေပ။ (နဝတ၊ နအဖ) ေခတ္မွာ ေပၚေပါက္ခဲ့သည့္ အပစ္ရပ္အဖြဲ႔မ်ားႏွင့္ ရယူခဲ့သည့္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးဆိုသည္ မွာ ရွစ္ေလးလံုးအရွိန္ေၾကာင့္ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအၾကပ္႐ိုက္ေနသည့္ စစ္အစိုးရ ယာယီထြက္ေပါက္ တခုအေနျဖင့္ မလိမ့္တပတ္လုပ္ထား သည့္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးသာျဖစ္သည္။

စီးပြားေရးလုပ္ပိုင္ခြင့္မ်ားျဖင့္ လာဘ္ထိုး၍ အပစ္အခတ္ ရပ္စဲခဲ့သည့္ စစ္အုပ္စု၏လုပ္ရပ္သည္ စိတ္ရင္းေစတနာမွန္ မဟုတ္ေၾကာင္း လူတိုင္းသေဘာေပါက္ၾကသည္။ ဤလုပ္ရပ္ျဖင့္ စစ္အစိုးရက ႏိုင္ငံေရး အျမတ္ထုတ္သည္။ ဗကပကို ေရွ႕တိုးမရေအာင္ ထိုးႏွက္ သည္။ NLD ႏွင့္ ျပည္တြင္းဒီမိုကေရစီီ အင္အားစုမ်ားအေပၚ ၿဖိဳခြဲဖိႏွိပ္ရန္ အခ်ိန္ယူသည္။ အပစ္ရပ္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးအဖြဲ႔မ်ားကို ေညာင္ႏွစ္ပင္ညီလာခံ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္အျဖစ္ ေသြးေဆာင္ႏိုင္ခဲ့သည္။

စစ္အုပ္စုသည္ သမိုင္းမွာမရွိစဘူး ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ေဆာင္႐ြက္ႏိုင္သူမ်ားအျဖစ္ သူတ႔ိုကိုယ္သူတို႔ ႂကြားလံုးထုတ္ခဲ့ၾကသည္ ယာယီအား ျဖင့္ ေႁမြမေသ တုတ္မက်ဳိး ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးမ်ဳိး ရခဲ့ၾကေသာ္လည္း ႏိုင္ငံေရးအရ တူတူတန္တန္ ေဆြးေႏြးရယူသည့္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး မဟုတ္ေခ်။

အက်ဳိးဆက္တခုမွာ တိုင္းျပည္၏ သဘာဝသယံဇာတမ်ား ေျပာင္သလင္းခါသြားေအာင္ ျပဳန္းတီးေစခဲ့သည္။ စစ္အုပ္စုေခတ္မွာ အ ထူးသျဖင့္ သဘာဝသစ္ေတာမ်ား ကုန္သေလာက္ျဖစ္သြားသည္။ အစားထိုး ျပန္မရႏိုင္သည့္ အေျခအေနျဖစ္သည္။ ဘယ္သူတရားခံ လဲ၊ ျပည္သူေတြက သမိုင္းမွတ္တမ္းတင္ၾကေပလိမ့္မည္။

ေနာက္ဒီကာလမွာ အပစ္ရပ္ ၿငိမ္းအဖြဲ႔တဖြဲ႔ျဖစ္သည့္ မံုဂူေဒသမွ ေမာက္ဆန္လႏွင့္ လီနင္မင္တို႔အဖြဲ႔မ်ားအား အဖြဲ႔တြင္း အကြဲဲအၿပဲကို အခြင့္ေကာင္းယူၿပီး ႏွစ္ဘက္စလံုးကိုေျခမႈန္း သတ္ျဖတ္၍ မံုဂူေဒသတခုလံုး အျပတ္သိမ္းယူလိုက္သည္။ မံံုဂူတပ္ ၂ဝဝ/၃ဝဝ ခန္႔အထိ ရက္ရက္စက္စက္ ပစ္သတ္ခံၾကရေၾကာင္း ခိုင္လံုသည့္ သတင္းမ်ားအရ သိခဲ့ရသည္။

စစ္အုပ္စု၏ လုပ္ဟန္အတိုင္း သေဘာထားေကာက္က်စ္မႈ သေႏၶပါ ဇာတိ႐ုပ္ေပၚလာျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္။ ယခုေတာ့ အပစ္ရပ္ၿငိမ္းအဖြဲ႔မ်ား ၂ဝ၁ဝ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ မတိုင္မီ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္အမည္ႏွင့္ စစ္အစိုးရလက္ေအာက္ သိမ္္းသြင္းဖြဲ႔စည္းေရးလုပ္လာသည္။

အဖြဲ႔ငယ္မ်ား သိမ္းယူဝါးမ်ဳိႏိုင္ျခင္းႏွင့္ ကိုယ့္အမ်ဳိးသားအက်ဳိးထက္ ကိုယ္က်ဳိးစီးပြားကို အဓိကထားသည့္ ကိုယ္က်ဳိးရွာ တိုင္းရင္းသား ေခါင္းေဆာင္ဆိုသူ တခ်ဳိ႕ကိုနယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္လုပ္ေရး သိမ္းသြင္းႏိုင္ေသာ္လည္း အင္အားတစံုတရာရွိသည့္ အဖြဲ႔အစည္းမ်ားက စစ္ အုပ္စုထိန္းခ်ဳပ္မႈေအာက္ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ မလုပ္ႏိုင္သည့္ ျပႆနာေပၚလာသည္။ ထုိအခါ အားနည္း၍ေပ်ာ့ကြက္ရွိသည့္ ကုိးကန္႔ ကိုတိုက္ခိုက္ သိမ္းပိုက္ျပလိုက္သည္။ ကိုးကန္႔မွာေသနတ္သံျပန္ျမည္၍ ထြက္ေျပးခိုလႈံ ဒုကၡေတြ႔ၾကရသည္မွာ ေဒသခံျပည္သူမ်ား သာျဖစ္သည္။ စစ္အုပ္စု၏ လုပ္ဟန္အတိုင္း နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ မလုပ္ႏိုင္သည့္ က်န္အဖြဲ႔အစည္းမ်ားအေပၚ အင္အားျပၿခိမ္းေျခာက္ ျခင္းျဖင့္ ဖိအားအမ်ဳိးမ်ဳိးသံုးေနသည္။

အေမရိကန္ႏွင့္ နအဖဆက္ဆံေရးေျခလွမ္း ေျပာင္းလွမ္းလာေနၿပီ စစ္အစိုးရအေနႏွင့္ စစ္အာဏာရွင္စနစ္ ဆက္လက္တည္ၿမဲေရး ေကာင္းေကာင္းအသံုးခ်လိမ့္မည္။ အပစ္ရပ္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ဆက္ထိန္းႏိုင္ မထိန္းႏိုင္ ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ရမည္။ ေသခ်ာတာ္ခုမွာ နအဖ စစ္ အုပ္စုသက္တမ္းတေလွ်ာက္လံုး ကိုယ့္ျပည္တြင္း အဖြဲ႔အစည္းမ်ားအေပၚ အေလ်ာ့ေပးလိုက္ေလ်ာမႈ လံုးဝမလုပ္သည့္ ျဖစ္စဥ္သာရွိ သည္။ အမ်ဳိးသားေပါင္းစံုျပည္သူမ်ား မိမိ၏ ႏိုင္ငံေရးရပိုင္ခြင့္ႏွင့္ အသက္အိုးအိမ္ ကာကြယ္ပိုင္ခြင့္ရွိသည္။ တျပည္လံုး ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးအ တြက္ စစ္အာဏာရွင္စနစ္ကို တိုက္ဖ်က္ေသာနည္းျဖင့္သာ ရယူႏိုင္မည္။


ဒီမိုကေရစီေရးျပႆနာ
ျပည္တြင္းစစ္မီး ေတာက္ေလာင္ရျခင္းသည္ အရင္းစစ္လွ်င္ ဒီမိုကေရစီ မရွိမႈေၾကာင့္ ေတာက္ေလာင္ခဲ့ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။ စစ္အာဏာရွင္စ နစ္က မီးေလာင္ရာေလပင့္ ေပးသည့္နည္း က်င့္သံုးသည္။ စစ္အစိုးရေခတ္ အဆက္ဆက္ သဏၭာန္မ်ိိဳးစံုျဖင့္ ေပၚေပါက္ခဲ့ေသာ ဒီမို ကေရစီေရး လႈပ္ရွားမႈမ်ားကို ေသြးထြက္သံယို အၾကမ္းဖက္ႏိွပ္ကြပ္မႈမ်ားျဖင့္ တုန္႔ျပန္ေျဖရွင္းသည္။

ရွစ္ေလးလံုး ဒီမိုကေရစီ အေရးေတာ္ပံုသည္ ျပည္သူ႔တိုက္ပြဲ အထြ႗္အထိပ္တခုထိ ေရာက္ခဲ့သည္။ ရွစ္ေလးလံုးအေရးေတာ္ပံုကို ၿဖိဳ ခြင္း အာဏာသိမ္းခဲ့သည့္ စစ္အုပ္စု ယခုထိ အာဏာဆုပ္ကိုင္ထားသျဖင့္ ဒီမိုကေရစီေရး ေဝးေနရဆဲျဖစ္သည္။ ဒီမိုကေရစီေရးေရွ႕႐ႈ ႏိိုင္သည့္ (၉ဝ) ခုႏွစ္ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲရလဒ္ကို စစ္အစိုးရက အသိအမွတ္မျပဳသည္မွာ ဒီမိုကေရစီကို မလိုလားေၾကာင္းေဖၚျပသည္။

ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲအႏိုင္ရ NLD ၏ ေတြ႔ဆံုေဆြးေႏြးအေျဖရွာေရး ကမ္းလွမ္းခ်က္ကို စစ္အစိုးရက ပယ္ခ်ေနျခင္းသည္ ဒီမိုကေရစီကို လက္မခံျငင္းဆန္သည့္ အဓိပၸါယ္ျဖစ္သည္။ ျပည္သူလူထုႏွင့္ ဒီမိုကေရစီအင္အားစုမ်ား ဆန္႔က်င္ကန္႔ကြက္ေနသည့္ၾကားက စစ္အာ ဏာရွင္စနစ္ တရားဝင္ခြင့္ျပဳမည့္ ၂ဝဝ၈ ဖြဲ႔စည္းအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ပံု တဖက္သတ္္ေရးဆြဲ အဓမၼနည္းျဖင့္ အတည္ျပဳထားၿပီး (၂ဝ၁ဝ) မွာ ေရြး ေကာက္ပြဲလုပ္ေရး ျပင္ဆင္ေနၾကသည္။

ဤေရြးေကာက္ပြဲသည္ (၂ဝဝ၈) ဖြဲ႔စည္းအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ပံု မျပဳျပင္လွ်င္ ဒီမိုကေရစီ ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲေရး မျဖစ္ႏိုင္ပါ။ (၂ဝဝ၈) ဖြဲ႔စည္းအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ပံု ကို စစ္အစိုးရက ျပင္ဆင္ႏိုင္မည္မဟုတ္ဟု အခ်ဳိ႕ေသာသူမ်ား ေရွ႕ေနလိုက္ ထင္ေၾကးေပးေနၾကသည္။ မျပဳျပင္လွ်င္ ျပည္သူလူထု ေတာင္း ဆိုေနသည့္ ဒီမိုကေရစီရရွိေရး မျဖစ္ႏိုင္ေၾကာင္း တထစ္ခ်ေျပာႏိုင္သည္။

စစ္အာဏာရွင္စနစ္ေၾကာင့္ ႏိုင္ငံတကာအလယ္မွာ တိုင္းျပည္ဂုဏ္သိကၡာမဲ့ၿပီး ရစရာမရွိေအာင္ ခၽြတ္ျခံဳက်ေနရသည္။ ယခုတဖန္ စစ္တပ္လႊမ္းမိုးေရး စစ္အာဏာရွင္စနစ္ကို တရားဝင္အတည္ျပဳရန္ (၂ဝဝ၈) ဖြဲ႔စည္းပံု လုပ္လာျပန္သည္။ ၎ဖြဲ႔စည္းပံုက ေဒၚေအာင္ ဆန္းစုၾကည္ကိုေတာ့ ႏိုင္ငံေရးလုပ္ခြင့္မေပး သူတို႔စစ္တပ္ကိုေတာ့ ေရြးေကာက္ခံစရာမလိုဘဲ လႊတ္ေတာ္မွာ (၄) ပံု (၁) ပံု ေနရာယူ ခြင့္ ျပဳထားသည္။

သမၼတအာဏာကိုလည္း ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြက ခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္ၾကဦးမည္။ မေၾကနပ္လွ်င္လည္း အာဏာသိမ္းခြင့္ ေပးထားသည့္ ဖြဲ႔စည္းပံုျဖစ္ သည္။ “တရား မလြန္လြန္းဘူလား” နအဖ စစ္အုပ္စုရယ္လို႔သာ ေအာ္ဟစ္ကေလာ္တုတ္ ေနဖို႔ေကာင္းသည္။ ဒါကိုမ်ား ဒီမိုကေရစီအ ေရးေတာ္ပံု သစၥာေဖာက္ေတြက အာဏာရွင္အႀကိဳက္လိုက္ေရးေနၾကၿပီး ျဖစ္ႏိုင္တာလုပ္ေရးဆိုၿပီး ဒူးေထာက္ေရးေလသံေတြ ပစ္ေန ၾကသည္။

ဒီသစၥာေဖာက္ေတြဟာ ဒီမိုကေရစီတိုက္ပြဲ ဒီေရျမင့္ခ်ိန္မွာ ျပည္သူ႔ဘက္မွ ေရွ႕တန္းအထိတိုးဝင္လာၾကၿပီး ဒီမိုကေရစီတိုက္ပြဲ အခက္ အခဲေတြ႔ခ်ိန္မွာ အာဏာရွင္မ်ားႏွင့္ ပူးေပါင္းေရးတဘက္သတ္ အေလ်ာ့ေပးေရး တရားေတြ ထူေထာင္၍ ဒီမိုကေရစီတိုက္ပြဲ႐ႈပ္ေထြး ေအာင္ လုပ္ၾကသည္။

စစ္အာဏာရွင္စနစ္ မတရားတည္ရွိေနသည္ကိုေတာ့ မျပာရဲၾကဘူး။ ဒါမ်ဳိးဘက္ေျပာင္းေအာ္ၾကတာ တခ်ဳိ႕က တႀကိမ္မကဘူး။ ရပ္ တည္ခ်က္ ေျပာင္းလြယ္သည့္ သူမ်ားက ရပ္တည္ခ်က္မေျပာင္းသည့္ ဒီမိုကေရစီေရးတိုက္ပြဲ တက္ႂကြသူမ်ားကို မလိုတမာ သခင္အား ရ အပုတ္ခ်ေနၾကသည္မွာ အလြန္စက္ဆုုပ္ဖြယ္ေကာင္းသည္။

စစ္တပ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္မႈျဖင့္ ဒီမိုကေရစီ မေျပာင္းလဲႏိုင္ပါ။ ျမန္မာ့ႏိုင္ငံေရးျဖစ္စဥ္တြင္ ဒီမိုကေရစီေရး အဓိက တားဆီးျပဳေနသည္မွာ စစ္ တပ္ျဖစ္သည္။ ပို၍တိတိက်က် ေျပာရလွ်င္ စစ္တပ္အားကိုး ျပဳထားသည့္ အာဏာပိုင္ (အာဏာရွင္) စစ္ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ တစု၏ ဒီမိုကေရစီ ေရး တားဆီးထားမႈ ျပႆနာပင္ျဖစ္သည္။

၎တို႔က စစ္ဗ်ဳ႐ိုကရက္ယႏၱယားျဖင့္ စစ္အစိုးရထူေထာင္၍ စစ္အာဏာရွင္စနစ္ က်င့္သံုးေနၾကသည္။ ထို႔ေၾကာင့္ (၂ဝ၁ဝ) ေရြး ေကာက္ပြဲ လုပ္သည္ျဖစ္ေစ မလုပ္သည္ျဖစ္ေစ (၂ဝဝ၈) ဖြဲ႔စည္းပံုႏွင့္ စစ္အာဏာရွင္စနစ္ ျပႆနာ မေျဖရွင္းႏိုင္လွ်င္ ဒီမိိုကေရစီေရး ေဝးေန မည္သာ ျဖစ္သည္။

ျပည္သူကို အေျခခံလႈပ္ရွားေနသည့္ ဒီမိုကေရစီ ေတာ္လွန္ေရး တိုက္ပြဲမ်ား ဒီမိုကေရစီမရမခ်င္း သဏၭာန္မ်ဳိးစံုျဖင့္ ျဖစ္ပြားေနလိမ့္ မည္။ မည္သည့္ ေဖါက္ျပန္ေရးအင္အားမွ ေႏွာင့္ယွက္ တားဆီးႏိုင္မည္မဟုတ္ေပ။ ေနာက္ဆံုးမွာ ဗမာျပည္၏ ပင္မႏိုင္ငံေရးကို ေရွ႕ ေဆာင္မႈ ေပးႏိုင္မည့္ ဥပေဒတြင္း ဥပေဒပရွိ္ ပါတီစံု ႏိုင္ငံေရးအင္အားမ်ား ပါဝင္လာႏိုင္ၾကၿပီး စစ္အာဏာရွင္ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္မႈ ျပႆနာကို ေျဖရွင္း ႏိုင္မွသာ ျမန္မာ့ဒီမိုကေရစီေရး ေဖာ္ေဆာင္ ႏို္င္ေပလိမ့္မည္။

အမ်ဳိးသား ေသြးစည္းညီၫြတ္ေရးျပႆနာ ဦးႏုေခါင္းေဆာင္ၿပီး ျပည္ေထာင္စုအေရး ေဆြးေႏြးရန္ ျပည္နယ္ကိုယ္စားလွယ္မ်ား ရန္ ကုန္မွာ စုစည္းထားခ်ိန္ ျပည္ေထာင္စုၿပိဳကြဲမည့္ အႏၱရာယ္မွ ကယ္တင္လိုက္သည္ဆိုေသာ အေၾကာင္းျပခ်က္ကို သံုး၍ ဗိုလ္ေနဝင္း၊ ဗိုလ္ေအာင္ႀကီးတို႔ ေခါင္းေဆာင္သည့္ စစ္တပ္က (၁၉၆၂) မတ္လ (၂) ရက္ေန႔မွာ အာဏာသိမ္းယူလိုက္သည့္ ျဖစ္ရပ္ကို ႏိုင္ငံေရး စိတ္ဝင္စားသူတိုင္း သိၾကၿပီးျဖစ္လိမ့္မည္။

ခ်ီကထဲက ယဥ္သကို ဆိုသလို ဝန္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ ဦးႏုႏွင့္ ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ သမၼတ အပါအဝင္ ျပည္နယ္ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္မ်ား ႏိုင္ငံေရးသမား အ ေတာ္မ်ားမ်ားပါ ဖမ္းဆီးထိန္းသိမ္းလိုက္ၿပီး စစ္အာဏာျဖင့္ တျပည္လံုးကို လႊမ္းမိုးခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္လာခဲ့သည္မွာ ယေန႔တိုင္ျဖစ္သည္။ လူေတြ ေျပာင္းသြားေသာ္လည္း စစ္အာဏာရွင္စနစ္က မေျပာင္းေပ။

အမ်ဳိးသားေရး ျပႆနာ အေၾကာင္းျပဳ အာဏာသိမ္းခဲ့သည့္ စစ္အစိုးရသည္ အမ်ဳိးသားေရး ဖိႏိွပ္မႈေတြ အခ်ဳိ႕ဖမ္းဆီးေထာင္ခ် အခ်ဳိ႕သတ္ပစ္သည္အထိ ပိုကဲလုပ္လာ၍ သူပုန္ထမႈမ်ား အမ်ဳိးသား လက္နက္ကိုင္ အဖြဲ႔အစည္းမ်ား တိုးပြားလာသည္။ ဗာမာျပည္မွာ လူမ်ဳိးတမ်ဳိး လက္နက္ကိုင္တဖြဲ႔ ဆိုရမလို ျဖစ္လာသည္။ တခ်ဳိ႕လူမ်ဳိးစုေတြ စစ္အစိုးရ၏ ေသြးခြဲသပ္လွ်ိဳမႈေၾကာင့္ လက္နက္ကိုင္တပ္ တဖြဲ႔မက ႏွစ္ဖြဲ႔ သံုးဖြဲ႔အထိ ရွိလာေနေၾကာင္း ၾကားသိေနရသည္။

စစ္အစိုးရတပ္မ်ားႏွင့္ တိုက္ပြဲမ်ားျဖစ္ပြားၾက၍ စစ္ေဘးစစ္ဒဏ္ခံစားၾကရသည္ကတမ်ဳိး တိုးခ်ဲ႕ဖြဲ႔စည္းထားသည့္ စစ္အစိုးရတပ္မ်ား ျဖန္႔က်က္ ေနရာယူထားမႈဒဏ္ ျပည္သူေတြ ရင္ဆိုင္ေနၾကရသည္က တဖံုျဖစ္လာသည္။ အထက္ေဖာ္ျပပါ မံုဂူေဒသလူသတ္ပြဲႏွင့္ ေနာက္လုပ္ရပ္တခုမွာ အပစ္ရပ္ၿငိမ္းအဖြဲ႔တခုျဖစ္သည့္ ရွမ္းအဖြဲ႔မွ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေဆထင္ႏွင့္ SNLD ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားအား ႏွစ္ရွည္ေထာင္ ဒဏ္ ႏွစ္ (၉ဝ) ႏွစ္ (၁ဝဝ) ေက်ာ္ထိ မတရားခ်ပစ္ေနျခင္းသည္ အမ်ဳိးသားအဖြဲ႔အစည္းမ်ားအေပၚ စစ္အုပ္စု၏ အာဃာတစိတ္ လြန္ကဲမႈကို ျပ ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။ သမိုင္းတြင္ေလာက္ပါေပသည္။

ဤစိတ္ဓာတ္ ဤလုပ္ရပ္မ်ဳိးႏွင့္ အမ်ဳိးသား ေသြးစည္းညီၫြတ္ေရး မျဖစ္ႏိုင္ စစ္အာဏာပိုင္မ်ားသည္ ၎တို႔ တပ္တြင္းမွာလည္း ဗမာ အမ်ဳိးသားေရးဝါဒ က်င့္သံုးသည္။ (နဝတ၊ နအဖ) ၏ ႏွစ္ (၂ဝ) ေက်ာ္ကာလအတြင္း စစ္တိုင္းေတြအလိုက္ တိုင္းမွဴးမ်ား လုပ္ပိုင္ခြင့္ ပိုင္စားေပးထားသည္။

တိုင္းမွဴး ဗမာဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြ ျပည္နယ္ေတြမွာ မင္းမူခဲ့ၾကျခင္းသည္လည္း လူမ်ဳိးေရးဆန္သည့္ ႐ိုက္ခတ္မႈကိုျဖစ္ေစသည္။ တန္းတူေရး၊ ေသြးစည္းေရးႏွင့္ ကိုယ္ပိုင္ျပ႒ာန္းခြင့္ကို အာမ မခံဘဲ စစ္တပ္ကိုယ္စားလွယ္မ်ား ထည့္သြင္္းထားမည့္ (၂ဝဝ၈) ဖြဲ႔စည္းပံုျဖင့္ အမ်ဳိး သား ေသြးစည္းညီၫြတ္ေရးကို တည္ေဆာက္ႏိုင္မည္ မဟုတ္ေပ။

ဗမာျပည္တြင္ ဗမာအမ်ဳိးသား တမ်ဳိးတည္း ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းတည္ၿငိမ္သည့္ ဒီမိုကေရစီေရး လြတ္လပ္ခြင့္မရႏိုင္သလို ျပည္နယ္မ်ားရွိ လူမ်ဳိးစု အသီးသီးသည္လည္း တျပည္နယ္ တေဒသခ်င္း ကြက္၍ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းတည္ၿငိမ္မႈႏွင့္ ဒီမိုကေရစီမရႏိုင္။ အမ်ဳိးသားေပါင္းစံု ျပည္သူေတြ ေသြးစည္းညီၫြတ္စြာ လက္တြဲ၍ စစ္အာဏာရွင္စနစ္ကို ဖယ္ရွားပစ္ႏိုင္မွသာ အမ်ဳိးသားျပည္လည္ ေပါင္းစည္းေရးျဖစ္၍ တျပည္လံုး ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းၿပီး ေသြးစည္းညီၫြတ္ေသာ ဒီမိုကေရစီႏိုင္ငံ ထူေထာင္ႏိုင္လိမ့္မည္။


ေမာင္စိန္ေသာ္
၁-၁ဝ-၂ဝဝ၈


(လူ႔ေဘာင္သစ္ ဂ်ာနယ္ အမွတ္ ၈၊ ေအာက္တိုဘာလ ၂၀၀၉)


http://www.naytthit.com/articals/October09/mgseinthaw-arti-oct17.html

Photo Competitions

ျပည္တြင္းျပည္ပကဓါတ္ပံု၀ါသနာရွင္မ်ားနဲ႔ေၾကးစားမ်ားအားလံုးဆႏၵရွိလို႔ျပိဳင္ပြဲ၀င္ခ်င္ရင္ေတာ့
ေလာေလာဆယ္ Sony World Photography Awards Cannes 2010 က်င္းပေနပါတယ္။
ဒါေပမယ့္ျပိဳင္ပြဲ၀င္မယ့္ပံုေတြကေတာ့လက္ရွိ ၂၀၀၉ ခုနွစ္ထဲမွာရိုက္ထားတဲ့ပံုေတြပဲျဖစ္ရမွာပါ။
၀ါသနာရွင္မ်ားအေနနဲ႕ ဒီေနရာ http://www.worldphotographyawards.org/register.aspx?type=1
မွာသြားေရာက္ျပီးျပိဳင္ပြဲ၀င္လို႔ရပါတယ္။

ပေရာ္ဖက္ရွင္နယ္ေၾကးစားသမားမ်ားအတြက္ကေတာ့ ဒီေနရာ http://www.worldphotographyawards.org/register.aspx?type=2
မွာသြားေရာက္ျပီးျပိဳင္ပြဲ၀င္လို႔ရပါတယ္။

မွတ္ခ်က္။ ။ျပိဳင္ပြဲကိုေသာၾကာေန႔ ၄.၁၂.၂၀၀၉ ေနာက္ဆံုးထားျပီး၀င္ျပိဳင္ရမွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ဓါတ္ပံုသံုးပံုအထိျပိဳင္ဆိုင္နိုင္ပါတယ္။

Thanks to the sender for sharing this news.

Happy Birthday Wish From Burma Democratic Concern



May You Be free along with all the other political prisoners!!!!

Sunday 18 October 2009


Mingalaba!
I’ve been asked why I’ve decided to take a stand for the people of Burma. I pondered this question for a moment then I explained exactly why.
A little over 150 years ago my people along with the rest of the Indigenous population of the United States of America were under siege. With the pseudo religious axiom of Manifest Destiny the US Government declared war on us allowing for the wholesale murder of our sovereign nations. From the land of the Lenapi, Lakota, Cheyenne, Apache and a multitude of other noble tribes we were hunted down like animals.
We were hunted down, tortured raped and murdered in the secret holocaust that killed millions of my brothers and sister in this hellish bloodbath. Children were raped and cut to ribbons while pregnant women had babies carved out of their bellies while U.S. Soldiers laughed and joked. Civilians were offered rewards for our scalps while soldiers paraded through their towns with human body parts ornamenting their ponies and uniforms. And the media pumped the papers full of lies to fostered support for the genocide of those “pesky savages”.
Lusting for the funny yellow medal that makes the white man crazy, soldiers under the stewardship of General George Armstrong Custer they invaded tribal land that was promised by treaties. The Black Hills became a killing field as well as the rest of Indian Country. Screams of agony echoed throughout the land while anyone who could carry a rifle shot innocent men women and children in their slept, as they ate or hunted. Even on territory promised to tribes in the waning years of the holocaust such as Oklahoma the land was opened up to settlers in the most criminal acts of land theft in U.S. history. People were murdered in clod blood by settlers who brought wagons and built farms and communities with no regard for treaties.
Rivers ran with the blood of my people as the land grab continued. Manifest Destiny was their divine right to take what they wanted even though the land was promised to us. Eventually many of our nations ceased to exist and their histories ripped from history books. They could not take away our oral tradition and we remember what they have done to us and the myriad of tribes that disappeared from the face of this Earth. All that remained of these tribes were names in a subdivision street or ally. The countryside was filled with mass graves where the Cavalry buried our slaughtered people, out of sight and out of mine. Many events were never recorded or the facts skewed to justify our demise.
The once bountiful buffalo was all but exterminated in part to destroy our food supply and to introduce their tasteless fat laden cow from English cattle barons. Herds used to span as far as the eye could see. Eye witness accounts told of trains stopped for over a day as herds many miles wild and untold miles long would cross the railroad track. Photos of these so called great buffalo hunters sitting on gigantic piles of carcasses adorn museums to this day. Speaking about the railroad, people would ride the train and take pot shots for sport at Indians who were simply watching the locomotive roll through they land. People would wager who would shoot the most “savages” on a trip killing fathers, mothers and children in their wake.
To add insult to injury we were victims of biological warfare with cholera infested blankets that were distributed to our people on the paltry reservations they finally gave us. The locations were wind driven with no game or a means to survive the cold bitter months. Rancid and putrefied food was distributed to us while greedy brokers kept the good. And the whole world looked on with ambivalence and distain as the media masters pumped out lies after lies with their tabloids raising even more negative press against us. Only after the advent of the 20th Century did the U.S. Government stop a program of rewarding people with $900 for Indian skulls robbed from our graves Government anthropologists were feverishly trying to prove we were sub human. This is only a tiny glimpse of the stories that abound with much more gruesome tales of genocide, betrayal and survival against all odds. All that remains is a fraction of the Indigenous populations who once lived on this land. The few buffalo that survived are relegated to ranches never to roam the plains again.
My uncle once told me that we are related to the coyote since no matter how hard the white man tried to kill us off we still returned. The shooting has stopped for the most part. We are relegated to reservations and in many cases still struggle to survive. But we are still here, witnesses to mans greed and the wholesale slaughter of innocent men women and children. It was one of the greatest acts of genocide in world history. From the tip of Alaska to the tip of South America untold millions of Natives were slaughtered in cold blood by Europeans hunting for gold, land and a multitude of natural resources. In the south the genocide continues throughout Central and South America for gold, oil and other natural resources. So I guess I should feel fortunate living in relative safety, but I’m not so inclined.
When I first met a Karen villager I was curious about their culture so I queried through my interpreter Madam Butterfly. I was taken back by what I heard because it was a carbon copy of what happened to our people in the Americas. The ghoulish and barbaric details brought tears to my eyes because I saw my own relations in these soft spoken tribal people. I was introduced to the political exiles that spent their young years in Insein prison. They were tortured and beaten to till they did not move on a daily basis for the crime of wanting freedom and democracy. An elder told me an ancient story about 7 fabled brothers within their Asian tradition. Then I was told that I and all the Natives of the Americas were descendants of the eldest brother, (Shaun htoi Gam). It was a very intriguing yet humbling story.
As I looked into the eyes of their children I could see my cousins, nieces and my beloved sister who I used to call the Chinaman because of her pronounced Asian features. That’s when I decided to take up this cause and make the world aware of the atrocities that befell these innocent and kind people. The eldest brother has come back home to help his people.
A lot of water has passed under the bridge of life and I’ve traveled many miles since that fateful day. With a wealth of resources including intelligence and advanced technology at my disposal I’ve taken up the cause with a vengeance. Whether they are Kachin, Mon, Karen, Wa, Rvwang or the multitude of tribes who face extinction they are my people. I will utilize my resources in both Asia and the free world to accomplish the common goal, freedom from bondage. I have many aces up my sleeve and some spooky little friends who are already in the trenches fighting for Burma’s democracy. One day I will be drinking tea at a quaint little café with my brother Myo Thein in Rangoon City. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi will be dedicating a new hospital down the street. I can smell the nga pi wafting in the air now.
Kyay Zu Tin Pa Te
Your Devil’s Advocate
Buffalohair

Friday 16 October 2009

Rejecting Junta's 2010 election by Burmese Democratic Forces in USA
ရွာ့ပင္ခရီး၊ ဖိနပ္ပ်ံ ႏွင့္ အတိတ္ေမ့သြားေသာ ခ်ဳိကုပ္ဒူးႀကီး
Wednesday, 14 October 2009 18:51
ရန္ကုန္သားတာေတ

ထုိင္းႏုိင္ငံ၊ ခ်င္းမုိင္ၿမိဳ႕တြင္ နာမည္ေက်ာ္ ပုဂၢဳိလ္မ်ား ေရာက္ရိွေနၾကသည္။ ခ်ဳိကုပ္ဒူးႀကီး၊ ေဒၚကိြဳင္ကိြဳင္၊ သားသမီးမ်ား ႏွင့္ ေျမးျဖစ္သူ ဖုိးေလာက္လန္းတုိ႔ ျဖစ္သည္။ ေဗဒင္ဆရာမ်ားက သူတုိ႔ကုိ ျမန္မာဘုရင္ေခတ္က သိမ္းပုိက္ႏုိင္ခ့ဲသည့္ ခ်င္းမုိင္ ေခၚ ဇင္းမယ္တြင္ ေအာင္ေျမနင္းျခင္းျဖင့္ ယၾတာေခ်ရန္ တညီတညြတ္တည္း ညႊန္ၾကားၾကသျဖင့္ ဤသုိ႔ တၿပဳံတမႀကီး ေရာက္ေနၾကျခင္း ျဖစ္ေလသည္။

မိသားစု တခုလုံး ခ်င္းမုိင္၏ အထင္ကရ ေနရာတခုျဖစ္သည့္ ဒိြဳင္ဆူေထ့ ေတာင္ေပၚဘုရား ေျခရင္းသုိ႔ သြားၾကသည္။ ေတာင္ေျခရိွ အမွတ္တရပစၥည္း အေရာင္းဆုိင္တန္းတြင္ ေရွာ့ပင္ ထြက္ၿပီး တေယာက္တေပါက္ ေျပာေနၾကေသာ ေျမးေတာ္ ႏွင့္ သမီးေတာ္မ်ားကုိ ေဒၚကိြဳင္ကိြဳင္က လုိအပ္သည္မ်ား ညႊန္ၾကားလ်က္ရိွသည္။

ေဒၚကိြဳင္ကိြဳင္။ ။ ဟ့ဲ ေကာင္မ … ၊ ႀကိဳက္တာေတြ႔ရင္ ျမန္ျမန္ယူ။ ပုိက္ဆံေတာ့ ေပးေနာ္၊ ျမန္မာျပည္မွာလုိ ပုိက္ဆံမေပးဘဲ ဆုိင္ထဲက ထြက္မသြားနဲ႔။ ေတာ္ၾကာ ေနာက္က လုိက္ေတာင္းမွ ငါတုိ႔ အရွက္ကဲြေနဦးမယ္။

သမီးေတာ္(၁)။ ။ ပစၥည္းေတြကလည္း အေပါစားေတြခ်ည္းပဲ။ ေစ်းႀကီးတာလည္း မရိွပါလား။ ဟြန္႔ … … ။

သမီးေတာ္(၂)။ ။ ဒီေစ်းသည္ေတြကလည္း ျမန္မာလုိမတတ္ ဘာမတတ္နဲ႔၊ သင္ထားတာ မဟုတ္ဘူုး … ။

ဖုိးေလာက္လန္း။ ။ ေဘ့စ္ေဘာရုိက္တံ ဒီမွာ ဘာေၾကာင့္ မေရာင္းတာလဲ။ ခက္တာပဲ … ။

ေျမးႏွင့္သမီးမ်ား တေယာက္တေပါက္ ေျပာေနစဥ္ ခ်ဳိကုပ္ဒူးႀကီးက ေဗဒင္ဆရာတုိ႔၏ ညႊန္ၾကားခ်က္မ်ားအေၾကာင္းသာ စဥ္းစားေနသည္။

ခ်ဳိကုပ္ဒူးႀကီး။ ။ ငါ့ေဗဒင္ဆရာေတြ အေျပာအရဆုိရင္ ဒီလမ္းခရီးက အစစ အရာရာ အဆင္ေျပမယ္ တ့ဲ ကိြဳင္ကိြဳင္ေရ …။

ေဒၚကိြဳင္ကိြဳင္။ ။ ႐ႉး … … ၊ တုိးတုိးေျပာပါရွင္။ ဒီၿမိဳ႕မွာ ျမန္မာျပည္သားေတြ သိပ္မ်ားတယ္ တ့ဲ၊ ဘုရားဖူးေတြထဲမွာလည္း ျမန္မာေတြ ပါႏုိင္တယ္ေနာ္။ က်မတုိ႔လာတာ သိသြားရင္ ခက္ရခ်ည္ရဲ႕။

ခ်ဳိကုပ္ဒူးႀကီး။ ။ ေၾသာ္ … ကိြဳင္ကိြဳင္ကလည္း ဘာကုိ စုိးရိမ္ေနတာလဲ။ ငါေၾကာက္တ့ဲလူ ကမၻာေပၚမွာ မေမြးေသးပါဘူးကြ။ ငါတုိ႔လာတာလည္း ဘယ္သူမွ သိမယ္ မထင္ပါဘူး။

ထုိသုိ႔ ခ်ဳိကုပ္ဒူးႀကီးက ယူဆေနေသာ္လည္း သူ၏ ခရီးစဥ္သတင္းကုိ အတိအက် သိထားသည့္ ဘေလာ္ဂါ မုိးသီးဇူလုိင္ ႏွင့္ ဆႏၵျပသူတခ်ဳိ႕က ေတာင္ေျခ တေနရာတြင္ ေစာင့္ဆုိင္းေနၾကသည္။ အနီးတြင္ သတင္းသမားတခ်ဳိ႕လည္း ရိွေနသည္။

သတင္းသမားမ်ားၾကားထဲတြင္ ရန္ကုန္အေျခစုိက္ အသံတိတ္ဂ်ာနယ္ ထုတ္ေ၀သူကုိလည္း ေတြ႔ရသည္။ သူက က်ပ္ ၅၀၀၀ ေထာင္တန္ ေငြစကၠဴကုိ အထူးႀကိဳဆုိေၾကာင္း သူ႔ဂ်ာနယ္တြင္ ေရးသားလုိက္ရသျဖင့္ ယခုအခ်ိန္အထိ ပီတိျဖစ္ေနသည္။ ယခုလည္း ထူးျခားေသာ အယ္ဒီတာ့ အာေဘာ္မ်ား ေရးသားႏုိင္ေရးအတြက္ ဆႏၵျပသူမ်ား၊ သတင္းသမားမ်ားၾကားတြင္ စနည္းနာေနျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။

မၾကာမီ ခ်ဳိကုပ္ဒူးႀကီးတုိ႔မိသားစု ႏွင့္ ဆႏၵျပရန္ ေစာင့္ေနသူမ်ား ထိပ္တုိက္ ေတြ႔ၾကေလသည္။ ဆႏၵျပသူမ်ားက လက္သီးလက္ေမာင္းမ်ား ဆန္႔တန္းၿပီး တခဲနက္ ေအာ္ဟစ္၊ ကန္႔ကြက္ၾကရာ ခ်ဳိကုပ္ဒူးႀကီးတုိ႔ အထိတ္တလန္႔ ျဖစ္သြားၾကသည္။

ခ်ဳိကုပ္ဒူးႀကီး။ ။ ဟုိက္ … ျမန္မာျပည္သားေတြကြ၊ ဒုကၡပဲ။

ေဒၚကိြဳင္ကိြဳင္။ ။ ေအာင္မယ္ေလးေတာ္၊ ဒီတခါေတာ့ ကုိယ္က်ဳိးနည္းပါေပါ့လား။

သမီးေတာ္(၁)။ ။ ေဖေဖ … ၊ ေမေမ … လုပ္ပါဦး။ သမီးတုိ႔ကုိ ေအာ္ေနၾကၿပီ၊ ေအာ္ေနၾကၿပီ။

သမီးေတာ္(၂)။ ။ အေဖႀကီး … စစ္သားေတြကုိ ေခၚၿပီး ပစ္ခုိင္းလုိက္ေလ … ။

ဖုိးေလာက္လန္း။ ။ မေၾကာက္စမ္းပါနဲ႔ မာမီရယ္၊ ဒီလူေတြက ေလသမားေတြပါ … ။ ေတာက္ … … လက္ထဲမွာ ေဘ့စ္ေဘာရုိက္တံ ရိွလုိ႔ကေတာ့ ဒီလူေတြ နာၿပီသာမွတ္ … ။

ဆႏၵျပ ကန္႔ကြက္ေနသူမ်ားကလည္း “လူသတ္သမား အလုိမရိွ … ၊ အာဏာရွင္ အလုိမရိွ … ” စသည္ျဖင့္ အဆက္မျပတ္ ေအာ္ဟစ္ေနၾကသည္။ ၎တုိ႔ထဲမွ ဦးေဆာင္သူ ျဖစ္သည့္ မုိးသီးဇူလုိင္က သူ၏ ဖိနပ္ကုိ ခြ်တ္လုိက္သည္။ ထုိ႔ေနာက္ ဖိနပ္ကုိ ဆုပ္ကုိင္ထားသည့္ သူ၏ ညာဘက္လက္သုိ႔ အတြင္းအားမ်ား စုစည္းလုိက္ၿပီး ဖိနပ္ကုိ ခ်ဳိကုပ္ဒူးႀကီးထံ ပစ္လုိက္ေလသည္။ သူက ဤဆႏၵျပပဲြအတြက္ ထူထဲ ေလးလံသည့္ ႐ႉးဖိနပ္တရံကုိ ကုန္တုိက္တကာ လွည့္လည္ရွာေဖြၿပီး စိတ္ႀကိဳက္ ၀ယ္ယူခ့ဲျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္။

၇ ရက္ၾကာ အခ်ိန္ယူ ရွာေဖြ ၀ယ္ယူထားရသည့္ သူ၏ ဖိနပ္က ၁ စကၠန္႔လွ်င္ ၇ မုိင္ႏႈန္းျဖင့္ ပ်ံသန္းသြားသည္။ ခ်ဳိကုပ္ဒူးႀကီး၏ ေခါင္းကုိ တည့္တည့္ ထိမွန္ေလသည္။ ခ်ဳိကုပ္ဒူးႀကီး အ႐ုပ္ႀကိဳးျပတ္ လဲက်သြားသည္။ မုိးသီးဇူလုိင္ ၿပဳံးလုိက္သည္။

မုိးသီးဇူလုိင္။ ။ ကဲ … ရဲေဘာ္တုိ႔၊ ျပန္ၾကမယ္ … ။ တုိ႔ရဲ႕ ဆႏၵျပပဲြ ေအာင္ျမင္တယ္။ ရဲေတြ မလာခင္ ငါတုိ႔ ဒီေနရာကေန ခြာမွ ျဖစ္မယ္။ တနာရီအတြင္း စုရရပ္မွာ ျပန္ဆုံမယ္။ ဒီပဲြကုိ လာၾကတ့ဲ သတင္းေထာက္ေတြကုိလည္း ေက်းဇူးတင္ပါတယ္။

ထုိသုိ႔ အမိန္႔ေပးၿပီး လူစုခဲြလုိက္ၾကသည္။ မုိးသီးဇူလုိင္က ဆႏၵျပပဲြႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္ၿပီး သူ၏ ဘေလာ့ဂ္တြင္ ေရးသားရန္ အင္တာနက္ကေဖးတခုသုိ႔ သြားသည္။ “ဆႏၵျပပဲြ ေအာင္ျမင္တယ္။ မိမိဘက္မွ အက်အဆံုး မရိွပါ။ လူနည္းေသာ္လည္း ညီညီညာညာ တိုက္ပြဲ၀င္ႏုိင္သျဖင့္ အက်ိဳးအျမတ္ ႀကီးလွပါတယ္” ဟု သူ၏ ဘေလာ့ဂ္တြင္ ေရးသားရန္ စိတ္ကူးထဲတြင္ စာစီသြားသည္။

ရန္ကုန္အေျခစုိက္ အသံတိတ္ဂ်ာနယ္ ထုတ္ေ၀သူကလည္း ဤျဖစ္ရပ္ႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္ၿပီး အလြန္႔အလြန္ ၀မ္းနည္းေၾကာင္း ဂ်ာနယ္၏ အယ္ဒီတာ့အာေဘာ္တြင္ ေရးခုိင္းမည္ဟု ဆုံးျဖတ္လုိက္သည္။ “႐ုိင္းစုိင္းေသာ ႏုိင္ငံတခုမွ လာသည့္ ဖိနပ္ပ်ံဗ်ဴဟာကုိ ဆန္႔က်င္ၾက” ဟု ေခါင္းစဥ္ေပးသင့္သည္ဟုလည္း ေတြးလုိက္သည္။

ထုိအခ်ိန္တြင္ ဖိနပ္ထိထားေသာ ခ်ဳိကုပ္ဒူးႀကီးက သတိလစ္ေနဆဲျဖစ္ၿပီး ေဘးတြင္ မိသားစုက ပ်ာယာခပ္ေနသည္။ ဒဏ္ရာမွ ေသြးထြက္ျခင္း မရိွေသာ္လည္း အာလူးသီးအလတ္စားအရြယ္ ဘုႀကီး ထြက္လာသည္။ ကြမ္းတရာညက္ခန္႔အၾကာတြင္ ခ်ဳိကုပ္ဒူးႀကီး မ်က္လုံး တျဖည္းျဖည္း ပြင့္လာသည္။ ေတြေ၀ေနေသာ မ်က္လုံးမ်ားျဖင့္ အားလုံးကုိ ၾကည့္ေနသည္။

ေဒၚကိြဳင္ကိြဳင္။ ။ ေဟာ … ေမာင္ေတာ္ … သတိရလာၿပီ၊ သတိရလာၿပီ … ။

သမီးေတာ္(၁)။ ။ ေအာင္မယ္ေလး … ျဖစ္မွ ျဖစ္ရေလ ေဖေဖရယ္ … ။

ဖုိးေလာက္လန္း။ ။ အဘုိး၊ အဘုိး … ဘယ္နား နာသြားေသးလဲဟင္။

သမီးေတာ္(၂)။ ။ ေၾသာ္ … ဖုိးေလာက္လန္းရယ္၊ ဘယ္နား နာရမွာလဲဟ့ဲ … ၊ နားထင္မွာ ဘုထြက္ေနတာ နင္ မေတြ႔ဘူးလား … ။

ေဒၚကိြဳင္ကိြဳင္က သူတုိ႔အားလုံးကုိ မာန္မဲလုိက္သျဖင့္ အသံမ်ား တိတ္သြားသည္။ သူတုိ႔အားလုံး ခ်ဳိကုပ္ဒူးႀကီးကုိ စုိက္ၾကည့္ေနၾကသည္။ ခ်ဳိကုပ္ဒူးႀကီးကလည္း သူတုိ႔အားလုံးကုိ ၾကည့္ေနသည္။

ခ်ဳိကုပ္ဒူးႀကီး။ ။ မင္း … မင္းတုိ႔ ဘယ္သူေတြလဲ၊ ငါ့ကုိ ဘာေၾကာင့္ လာၾကည့္ေနၾကတာလဲ၊ ငါကေရာ ဘယ္သူလဲ … ။

ခ်ဳိကုပ္ဒူးႀကီး၏ စကားေၾကာင့္ အားလုံး အ့ံၾသသြားၾကသည္။ ေဒၚကိြဳင္ကိြဳင္က ျဖစ္ပ်က္ခ့ဲသည္မ်ားကုိ ျပန္လည္ ရွင္းျပသည္။ သုိ႔ေသာ္လည္း ခ်ဳိကုပ္ဒူးႀကီးက ေဒၚကိြဳင္ကိြဳင္ကုိ ခုမွ ေတြ႔ဖူးသည့္အလား စုိက္ၾကည့္ေနသည္။ ေနာက္ထပ္ ကြမ္းတရာညက္ခန္႔ အၾကာတြင္ ေဒၚကိြဳင္ကိြဳင္က အေျခအေနမွန္ကုိ ရိပ္စားလုိက္မိသည္။ ထုိ႔ေနာက္ ႐ိႈက္ႀကီးတငင္ ငုိခ်လုိက္ေလသည္။

ေဒၚကိြဳင္ကိြဳင္။ ။ အီး … ဟီး ဟီး … ၊ ေမာင္ေတာ္ အတိတ္ေမ့သြားၿပီ။

ဖုိးေလာက္လန္း။ ။ ဟင္ … ဘာလုိ႔ငုိတာလဲ။ အတိတ္ေမ့တယ္ဆုိတာ ဘာကုိ ေျပာတာလဲ။

သမီးေတာ္(၁)။ ။ ဖုိးေလာက္လန္းတေကာင္နဲ႔ေတာ့ ခက္ေတာ့တာပဲ၊ အတိတ္ေမ့တယ္ဆုိတာ အတိတ္ေမ့တာေပါ့ကြ။

ဖုိးေလာက္လန္း။ ။ အဲဒါေၾကာင့္ ေျပာတာေပါ့ဗ်၊ ခ်င္းမုိင္ကုိ မသြားနဲ႔၊ ပတၱရားသြားမယ္လုိ႔ က်ေနာ္ေျပာတာကုိ နား မေထာင္ၾကဘူး။ ရန္ကုန္မွာ ေကာ္ဖီဆုိင္ဖြင့္ၿပီးမွ သြားမယ္ ဆုိတာကုိလည္း လက္မခံဘူး။ ခုေတာ့ ထိၿပီေပါ့၊ ကဲ … ဘုိးဘုိးႀကီး အားကုိးတ့ဲ ေဗဒင္ဆရာေတြ၊ ဘုိးေတာ္ေတြ ဘယ္မွာလဲ။

ဖုိးေလာက္လန္း၏ စကားအဆုံးတြင္ ၀ုန္းခနဲ ျမည္သံႏွင့္အတူ မီးခုိးလုံးႀကီးထသြားသည္။ မီးခုိးမ်ား စဲသြားေသာအခါ သူတုိ႔၏ ေရွ႕တြင္ တစိမ္းတေယာက္ကုိ ေတြ႔လုိက္ၾကသည္။ ထုိသူမွာ တျခားမဟုတ္၊ ခ်င္းမုိင္႐ုကၡစိုးႀကီး ျဖစ္သည္။

သမီးေတာ္(၂)။ ။ ဖုိးေလာက္လန္းေရ ဘုိးေတာ္ ၾကြလာၿပီထင္တယ္၊ အဲဒါေၾကာင့္ နင့္ကုိ ေျပာတာ ေဗဒင္တုိ႔ ဘုိးေတာ္တုိ႔ကုိ ပစ္ထားလုိ႔ မရဘူးဆုိတာ ခုေတာ့ နင္ ယုံၿပီ မဟုတ္လား။

ေဒၚကိြဳင္ကိြဳင္။ ။ အမုိက္အမဲေလးကုိ ေဗြမယူပါနဲ႔ ဘုိးေတာ္ရယ္ … ။ တပည့္ေတာ္မ ေတာင္းပန္ပါတယ္။ ေဟာ … ေဟာဒီမွာ ေမာင္ေတာ္ရဲ႕ ေခါင္းမွာ အာလူးသီးႀကီး ထြက္ၿပီး အတိတ္ေမ့ေနပါတယ္။ ျပန္ၿပီး သတိရလာေအာင္ ဘုိးေတာ္က ကူညီ၊ ေစာင္မ၊ ၾကည့္႐ႈ၊ ေစာင့္ေရွာက္၊ ကုသေပးေတာ္မူပါဦး။

ဖုိးေလာက္လန္း။ ။ ဟုတ္တယ္ဗ်ာ။ ကူႏုိင္ရင္ ကူပါဦးဗ်။ က်ေနာ္က ကမၻာ့အႀကီးဆုံး ေကာ္ဖီဆုိင္ႀကီးကုိ ရန္ကုန္မွာ ဖြင့္ဖုိ႔ ျပင္ေနတာ။ က်ေနာ့္ဆုိင္ထက္ႀကီးရင္ အဲဒီဆုိင္ကုိသြားၿပီး ႐ုိက္ခဲြလုိက္မယ္။ ဟဲဟဲ … ဆုိင္ ဖြင့္ၿပီးရင္ ဘုိးေတာ္ ေန႔တုိင္းလာေသာက္ဗ်ာ။

႐ုကၡစိုး။ ။ ေဟ့ … ငါက ဘုိးေတာ္မဟုတ္ဘူးကြ … ။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ငါတတ္ႏုိင္သေလာက္ လုပ္ေပးပါ့မယ္ကြာ။ ေနစမ္းပါဦး၊ ေနစမ္းပါဦး … ၊ ဘယ္လုိဘယ္လုိ ျဖစ္ၾကတာလဲ ေျပာျပပါဦး။

အမွန္တကယ္တြင္မူ ႐ုကၡစိုးႀကီးက ျဖစ္ရပ္ အစအဆုံးကုိ ျမင္ေတြ႔ၿပီး ျဖစ္သည္။ မသိခ်င္ေယာင္ေဆာင္ကာ ေမးလုိက္ျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္။ ေဒၚကိြဳင္ကိြဳင္က ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္းကုန္စင္ ရွင္းျပလုိက္သည္။ အတိတ္ေမ့ေနေသာ ခ်ဳိကုပ္ဒူးႀကီး သတိျပန္လည္ေရးအတြက္ ထပ္မံ အကူအညီ ေတာင္းျပန္သည္။ ေျခဦးတည့္ရာ သြားမည့္ ဟန္ျပင္ေနသည့္ ခ်ဳိကုပ္ဒူးႀကီးကုိလည္း ၀ုိင္း၍ ဆဲြထားရေသးသည္။ ႐ုကၡစိုးႀကီးက ႏႈတ္ခမ္းေမြးကုိ လက္ျဖင့္ သပ္ၿပီး ေခတၱမွ် စဥ္းစားခန္း ၀င္ကာ ေနာက္ဆုံးတြင္ သူတုိ႔အား အႀကံေကာင္းတခု ေပးလုိက္ေလသည္။

႐ုကၡစိုး။ ။ ငါၾကည့္ဖူးတ့ဲ ႐ုပ္ရွင္ဇာတ္လမ္းေတြမွာေတာ့ အတိတ္ေမ့တ့ဲသူဆုိတာ ေခါင္းမွာ တခုခုနဲ႔ ျပင္းျပင္း ထန္ထန္ ထိခုိက္သြားတ့ဲအခါ ျပန္ၿပီး သတိရလာတတ္ၾကတယ္။ အဲဒီေတာ့ … ဒီပုဂၢဳိလ္ရဲ႕ ေခါင္းကုိလည္း ခပ္နာနာေလး ႏွက္လုိက္ရင္ အားလုံးကုိ သတိျပန္ရလာႏုိင္တယ္၊ ႐ုပ္ရွင္ထဲကလုိမ်ဳိးေပါ့ကြာ။ ဘယ္လုိလဲ၊ စမ္းၾကည့္ၾကမလား။

ဖုိးေလာက္လန္း။ ။ သိပ္ေကာင္းတာေပါ့ ဘုိးေတာ္ရယ္၊ အဲ … ႐ုကၡစိုးႀကီးရယ္။ က်ေနာ္ ကုိင္လုိက္ပါ့မယ္။ အေတာ္ပဲ လက္စြမ္းျပခ်င္ေနတာနဲ႔။

ေဒၚကိြဳင္ကိြဳင္။ ။ ဟ့ဲ … ဟ့ဲ … ဟ့ဲေကာင္ေလး … ၊ ေနစမ္းပါဦးဟယ္။

သမီးေတာ္(၁)။ ။ ေဟ့ … ေဟ့ … ဖုိးေလာက္လန္း မလုပ္နဲ႔ … မလုပ္လုိက္နဲ႔ … ။

သမီးေတာ္(၂)။ ။ သားေရ … မလုပ္နဲ႔ေနာ္၊ သတိထားေနာ္ … ။

ဖုိးေလာက္လန္းကုိ ၀ုိင္း၀န္း တားျမစ္ရန္ ႀကိဳးပမ္းၾကေသာ္လည္း ေနာက္ၾကသြားေလၿပီ။ ဖုိးေလာက္လန္းက ဟုိဟုိ ဒီဒီ ၾကည့္ၿပီး အနားတြင္ ေတြ႔ရေသာ တုတ္ကုိ ေကာက္ကုိင္ကာ ခ်ဳိကုပ္ဒူးႀကီး၏ ေခါင္းကုိ ခပ္ဆဆေလး ႏွက္လုိက္ေလသည္။

ဖုိးေလာက္လန္း၏ တုတ္ခ်က္ေၾကာင့္ ခ်ဳိကုပ္ဒူးႀကီး ဒုတိယအခ်ီ ေမွာက္သြားေလသည္။ ေခါင္းတြင္လည္း ဒုတိယေျမာက္ အာလူးသီးတလုံး တျဖည္းျဖည္း ထြက္လာသည္ကုိ ေတြ႔လုိက္ရသည္။

႐ုပ္ရွင္ထဲက က့ဲသုိ႔ အတိတ္ေမ့သည့္ ေရာဂါ ေပ်ာက္ကင္းသြားျခင္း ရိွမရိွကုိ သိႏုိင္ရန္ သူတုိ႔ အားလုံး ခ်ဳိကုပ္ဒူးႀကီး ဒုတိယအႀကိမ္ သတိျပန္ရလာသည္အထိ ထုိင္ေစာင့္ေနၾကရေလသည္။

ေထြရာေလးပါး က႑သည္ Satire ေခၚ သေရာ္စာ က႑ ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ သတင္းအခ်က္အလက္ အမွန္မ်ား အေပၚ အေျခခံ ေရးသားထားျခင္း မဟုတ္ပါ။ အားေပး ေဝဖန္ၾကေသာ ပရိသတ္ကို ေလးစားလ်က္ … ။

ဖုိးေလာက္လန္းက ဟုိဟုိ ဒီဒီ ၾကည့္ၿပီး အနားတြင္ ေတြ႔ရေသာ တုတ္ကုိ ေကာက္ကုိင္ကာ ခ်ဳိကုပ္ဒူးႀကီး၏ ေခါင္းကုိ ခပ္ဆဆေလးႏွက္လုိက္ေလသည္။