Burma Democratic Concern has the firm determination to carry on doing until the democracy restore in Burma.

Tuesday 29 September 2009

Myo Yan Naung Thein, one of the prominent leaders of Burma, told how he suffered at the hands of brutal junta


September 28th, 2009

Interview with 88 Generation Student member Myo Yan Naung Thein

Unofficial AAPP translation of interview with Democratic Voice of Burma 23 September 2009

88 Generation Student member Myo Yan Naung Thein was released by the military government along with other prisoners. He was released from Thandwe prison in Arakan State. 35 year-old Myo Yan Naung Thein has suffered severely from a neurological disease that has left him unable to walk. He was arrested on 15 December 2007 and given a 2 year sentence, charged under section 505b of the Penal Code. He was released three months before the completion of his sentence. He said he was released from Thandwe prison on 19 September, and arrived at home on 21 September. “We were told in the afternoon of 18 September that we would be released. And they give us 1000 kyats (1$) for the traveling costs to get back home. But we weren’t released that day because they were waiting for a fax from the district local authority. So we were released on the morning of 19 September,” said Myo Yan Naung Thein.
Please explain how you were arrested?

In the afternoon of 15 December 2007, while I was on the phone to my Mom at a shop on the corner of Hledan Junction, two men grabbed me by the hands. They were very strong. They had tattoos and looked like criminals. I shouted out because I thought that they had kidnapped me by mistake. And then one of them grabbed me by the throat, put his hand over my mouth, and pushed me into a taxi. They hooded me, and I was forced to lie down in the taxi. One of them sat on top of me.

Where did they take you?

I don’t know where they took me because I was hooded.

What happened next?

As soon as I got there, they started to kick and punch me. They forced me to kneel on all fours like a dog, and one of them sat on my back.

Did they ask you anything?

They asked me, “Do you know Soe Tun? Where is Nilar Thein? Where are Zaw Min alias Baung Baung, and Htay Kywe?”

Why did they imprison you?

I was accused of allowing Zaw Min alias Baung Baung to stay at my home, and giving wrong information to 88 Generation Student Soe Tun and Win Zaw from DVB. For those reasons, the authorities charged me under Section 505b [of the Penal Code].

How did they interrogate you in the Interrogation Center?

At first I didn’t know where I was taken. Those men were really violent and rude to me. Later I found out the people who took me were from Military Affairs Security. They asked me about Min Ko Naing, Ko Ko Gyi and Htay Kywe. Mainly they asked about Soe Tun. Soe Tun and I worked together in the 1996 student movement, we both had leading roles, and we were arrested and imprisoned in the same case. Finally I realized I was in the Interrogation Center. They tortured me very brutally. My hands were tied behind my back, they kicked and punched me. They locked me in a dark wet room with no windows. I didn’t know whether it was day or night.

How was your health after you were sentenced?

I was sent to Insein Annex prison and put in a cell. One of my legs was deteriorating day by day. I already suffered from a neurological condition once in 1991. So I informed prison authorities that I couldn’t move, because of nerve damage. But they didn’t care. A prison medic came and saw me but he was a normal doctor, not a Neuro-Specialist. So I requested to meet see a Neuro-Specialist but they ignored my request. Then the nerve damage got so bad I couldn’t move my legs at all. My mother sent request letters to the prison General Director many times, and the exile media also reported on my case. So finally I got a chance to see a Neuro-Specialist, and he told me my hands were also affected.

How long did you stay in Thandwe prison?

I was transferred to Thandwe prison after sentencing. Actually, I had an appointment with a doctor at Rangoon hospital [at that time]. But they sent me to Thandwe prison anyway, without any consideration about my appointment. They transferred me to Thandwe prison, because it is really far away from home and very cold, and because they thought it would help my health!

How was it in Thandwe prison?

We – me, Zaw Min Zin, Maung Latt and Maung Than – were transferred to Thandwe prison. We were all handcuffed. They put everyone in iron shackles except me. They carried me because I couldn’t walk. They didn’t allow me to urinate during the journey to Thandwe prison, which took the whole night. It was so hard on me.

Did you sign a pledge?

Yes, we were released under section 401. It’s not a pledge exactly, but we will have go back to prison and serve the remainder of our sentences if we are arrested again for political activities.

How do you feel about your release?

I feel nothing, because I was close to completing my sentence. There are 10 political prisoners in Thandwe prison. Now two were released, and the others were not. If they are honest, they will have to release all political prisoners because they are talking about national reconciliation. Ko Win Maw, the guitarist from the band Alinkar, is in bad health and suffers from asthma. At night, sometimes he can’t breathe properly and then he almost falls unconscious. There are no medics, no doctors, and no proper medical care.

How’s your health condition after your release from prison?

I can’t stand up or walk. I can only walk if I have a person on either side to help me.

Now that you have been released, what are you going to do next?

It’s the second time for me to be released from prison. I was in prison first when I was 22 years old because I was involved in the 1996 student movement. I was released in 2003. After Min Ko Naing and Ko Ko Gyi were released, I worked with them, the 88 Generation Students. So I was imprisoned again. We sacrificed a lot. I will have to carry on until we get democracy in Burma. As a student, I didn’t really know about politics. I only knew that the military government is wrong. So I rebelled and demonstrated against the military government. Their rule is totally wrong for Burma. Because of that, they arrested and cruelly imprisoned me. After we were imprisoned, we learned more and more about the injustices carried out by the military government, and that strengthened my beliefs even more. So who will keep fighting if we don’t? We have to carry on. But for the moment, I still don’t know about the current situation in Burma. I need to learn, and wait and see for a while. I am sure I will carry on, but I don’t know how.

http://www.scribd.com/doc/20312820/Interview-With-88-Generation-Student-Myo-Yan-Naung-Thein-AAPP-Translation
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Statement by Thein Sein
အေၾကာင္းၾကားစာ။

စာရြက္ေပၚမွသည္ လက္ေတြ ့တိုက္ပြဲဆီသို ့

စာရြက္ေပၚမွသည္ လက္ေတြ ့တိုက္ပြဲဆီသို ့


မင္းေသြးသစ္(၂၀၀၇)
(၂၀၀ရ)မ်ိဳးဆက္ေက်ာင္းသားသမဂၢေက်ာင္းသားတဦး
28.9.09 (2:59)AM

ဤစာစုေလးကိုမဖတ္ခင္ ပထမဆံုးၾကိဳတင္အသိေပးထားခ်င္တာကေတာ့ ဤစာစုဟာ မည္သူ တဦးတေယာက္ တဖြဲ႔ကိုမွ ရည္ရြယ္ေရးထားျခင္းမဟုတ္ပဲဲျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံစစ္အာဏာရွင္စနစ္မွ လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရးအတြက္ အုတ္တခ်ပ္ သဲတပြင့္ျဖစ္လွ်င္ပင္ ေရးရက်ိဳးနပ္ျပီဟူေသာ ေစတနာသန့္သန့္ျဖင့္သာ ေရးသားျခင္းျဖစ္ေၾကာင္းၾကိဳတင္ အသိေပးလိုပါသည္။

ယေန႔ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ၏ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအခင္းအက်င္းကို ၾကည့္လွ်င္ ျပည္တြင္းရွိ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအင္အားစုမ်ားအၾကား စစ္အစိုးရ၏(၂၀၁၀) ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲကို ၀င္ေရး မ၀င္ေရး ကြဲျပားေနသကဲ့သို႔ အယူအဆေရးရာတြင္လည္း ပူးသတ္မည့္အယူအဆ ႏွင့္ မပူးေပါင္းပဲ လံုး၀ ဆန္႔က်င္ေရး အယူအဆဟူ၍ကြဲျပားေနၾကသည္။ ၄င္းအကြဲအျပဲအတြင္းတြင္ အပစ္အခတ္ရပ္ထားေသာ ျငိမ္းအဖြဲ႔မ်ားႏွင့္ ျပည္သူလူထုမွာ ေ၀၀ါးေသာလမ္းေၾကာင္းေပၚသို့ေရာက္မွန္းမသိေရာက္ကုန္ၾကျပီျဖစ္သည္။


ထိုအေနအထားတြင္ပင္(၁၉၉၀)ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲကိုအႏိုင္ရရွိခဲ့ေသာအမ်ိဳးသားဒီမိုကေရစီအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္ ကိုယ္တိုင္ကလည္းေရွ႔လာမည့္ တႏွစ္အတြင္း ျပည္သူကိုဦးေဆာင္၍ ေလွ်ာက္လွမ္းရမည့္ႏိုင္ငံေရးခရီးၾကမ္းၾကီးအတြက္ အဖက္ဖက္မွထိုးႏွက္ခံထားရေသာ ဒဏ္ရာဒဏ္ခ်က္မ်ားစြာေၾကာင့္ မ်ားစြာရင္ေလးဖြယ္ရာအေနအထားပင္ျဖစ္သည္။ ထိုအေျခအေနတြင္ ျပည္ပႏိုင္ငံေရး အင္အားအမ်ားစုမ်ားမွာ ညီညႊတ္ေနရမည့္အစား အခ်င္းခ်င္းလက္ညွိဳးထိုး၍ ငယ္က်ိဳးငယ္နာေဖာ္ေနၾကသည့္သံသရာမွ ရုန္း မထြက္ႏိုင္ေသးပဲ နစ္ျပီးရင္းနစ္ေနၾကသည္ကိုစိတ္မေကာင္းစြာေတြ႔ရွိေနရေပသည္။ တိုင္းျပည္ေခ်ာက္ကမ္းပါးက်ေတာ့မည့္ အေနအထားတြင္ကယ္တင္ႏိုင္မည့္ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေပၚထြက္လာႏိုင္မည့္အေရးမွာလဲ လူ႔ျပည္မွ အပ္တစင္းႏွင့္ ျဗဟၼာျပည္မွ အပ္ တစင္း ေတြ႔ဆံုေရးခက္ခဲသလိုခက္ခဲေနေပသည္။
အဘယ့္ေၾကာင့္ ယခုလိုအေျခအေနထိ ျဖစ္ခဲ့သနည္း။ အေမးရွိကအေျဖရွိရေပမည္။ လြန္ခဲ့သည့္ႏွစ္အနည္းငယ္အတြင္း ႏိုင္ငံ ေရးအင္အားစုမ်ားျဖိဳခြဲမခံရေသးမွီအခ်ိန္က ျပည္သူတို႔ကိုယ္တိုင္မသိလိုက္မသိဘာသာေနလိုက္ျခင္းက ပထမဆံုးအမွား ျဖစ္ လွ်င္ တဗိုလ္က်တဗိုလ္တက္စနစ္ကို အေကာင္အထည္ေဖာ္မွဳနည္းပါးစြာပင္ အရာရာတိုင္းတြင္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ကို လြန္စြာအားကိုးေနၾကျခင္းသည္ဒုတိယအမွားဟုဆိုလွ်င္လြန္အံ့မထင္ပါ။ တတိယႏွင့္အၾကီးက်ယ္ဆံုးေသာအမွားမွာ အဖြဲ႔အ စည္းအသီးသီးရွိႏိုင္ငံေရးအင္အားစုမ်ားကို ဦးေဆာင္ေနၾကေသာ၀ါရင့္ႏိုင္ငံေရးသမားၾကီးမ်ားသည္ မ်ိဳးဆက္သစ္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ မ်ား ေမြးမထုတ္ေပးႏိုင္ျခင္းႏွင့္ မိမိတို႔အေတြ႔အၾကံဳမ်ားကို လူငယ္မ်ားအားမွ်ေ၀ေပးရန္ပ်က္ကြက္ခဲ့ျခင္းပင္ျဖစ္သည္။ ဤ အယူ အဆကိုေစာဒတက္လိုကတက္ႏိုင္ေသာ္လည္း လူတိုင္းလူတိုင္းအမွားမကင္းခဲ့၍သာ ယခုလိုအေနအထားထိ ေရာက္ရွိခဲ့သည္ မွာျငင္း၍မရေသာအမွန္တရားျဖစ္သည္။



အထူးသျဖင့္ စစ္အာဏာရွင္စနစ္ကို ဆန္႔က်င္ေနပါသည္ဆိုေသာ ဒီမိုကေရစီအင္အားစုမ်ားသည္မိမိတို႔အမွားအတြက္ အမိ ျမန္မာျပည္ကိုအျခားသူမ်ားထက္ ပိုမိုေပးဆပ္သင့္လွသည္။ လူထုေခါင္းေဆာင္အက်ယ္ခ်ဳပ္က်ေနျခင္းကို ဆယ္စုႏွစ္တခု ေက်ာ္ၾကာ အထူးအေလးအနက္မထားခဲ့ပါပဲ ေထာင္ခ်ခံရမည့္ဆဲဆဲတြင္မွ အိပ္ေနရာမွလွဳပ္ႏွိဳးခံလိုက္ရသလို သတိ၀င္လာျခင္း မွာ တိုင္းျပည္အတြက္မ်ားစြာနစ္နာလွေပသည္။


ေၾကျငာခ်က္ထုတ္ရံု၊ျမန္မာသံရံုးေရွ႔ဆႏၵျပရံု၊ ကန္ပိန္းလုပ္ရံုျဖင့္သာ န.အ.ဖကိုျဖဳတ္ခ်ႏိုင္မည္ဆိုပါက ေရွးမဆြကတည္းကပင္ ျပည္သူမ်ားတက္ၾကြစြာပါ၀င္လာေပမည္။ ထိေရာက္မွဳႏွင့္တန္ျပန္ထိေရာက္မွဳမညီမွ်၍သာ ျပည္သူပါ၀င္လာမွဳမရွိသည္ကို သတိမျပဳမိခဲ့ၾကျခင္းေပေလာ..။သတိမျပဳမိခ်င္ေယာင္ေဆာင္ခဲ့ၾကျခင္းေပေလာ။န.အ.ဖျပဳတ္က်လွ်င္ေထာက္ပံ့ေၾကးမရေတာ့ မည့္အေရး ေတြးပူ၍ ေက်ာက္ေဆာင္ကို ေလႏွင့္သာ မွဳတ္ခဲ့ၾကျခင္းေပေလာ..။ မည္သို့ပင္ဆိုေစ ေသြးစည္းၾကရေတာ့မည့္ အေျခအေနတြင္ တိုင္းျပည္ေခ်ာက္ကမ္းပါးေရာက္ေအာင္တြန္းပို႔ေပးေနေသာ မည္သည့္အလုပ္ကိုမဆို မိမိတို႔ရပ္တန္႔ရေတာ့ မည္ျဖစ္သည္။ ညီညႊတ္ေရးအတြက္ လိုအပ္ခ်က္မ်ားကိုမျဖစ္မေန အေကာင္အထည္ေဖာ္ရေတာ့မည္ျဖစ္သည္။ ဖက္ဆစ္စနစ္ တိုက္ဖ်က္ေရးအတြက္ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္းႏွင့္တကြ ႏိုင္ငံ့ေခါင္းေဆာင္ၾကီးမ်ားက ဖ.ဆ.ပ.လအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္ၾကီးကို အဖြဲ႔အစည္း ေပါင္းစံုျဖင့္ညီညႊတ္စြာဖြဲ႔စည္းခဲ့ၾကသလို ယေန့အခ်ိန္အခါတြင္လည္း စစ္အာဏာရွင္စနစ္တိုက္ဖ်က္ေရးအတြက္ တခုတည္း ေသာ အဖြဲ႔အစည္းၾကီးတခု တည္ေထာင္ရန္မွာ တိုင္းျပည္လိုအပ္ခ်က္ကို သိနားလည္ေသာေခါင္းေဆာင္ေကာင္းတို႔၏ တာ၀န္ပင္ျဖစ္သည္။
တိုင္းရင္းသားလက္နက္ကိုင္အင္အားစုမ်ားသည္လည္း ကိုးကန္႔ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးအဖြဲ႔ကို သင္ခန္းစာယူ၍မိမိတို႔အလွည့္ က်လာ မည့္အခ်ိန္ကိုေစာင့္မေနသင့္ေတာ့ပဲ အခ်ိန္မီ တခုတည္းေသာလက္နက္ကိုင္မဟာမိတ္တပ္ေပါင္းစုၾကီးကို ဖြဲ႔စည္းရမည့္ အခ်ိန္ ေရာက္ရွိေနျပီျဖစ္သည္။ အဖြဲ႔အစည္းအသီးသီး၏ လူမ်ိဳးစြဲ၊၀ါဒစြဲမ်ားႏွင့္ပုဂၢိဳလ္ေရးမာနမ်ားကို ခ၀ါခ်၍အခ်င္းခ်င္း ယံုၾကည္ခ်က္ တည္ေဆာက္ေရးသည္အလိုအပ္ဆံုးႏွင့္အျဖစ္သင့္ဆံုးေသာအလုပ္သာျဖစ္သည္။ အစြယ္ထုတ္ျပျပီးတာေတာင္ က်ားဟု မျမင္ ေသးပါက မိမိတို့ေလာက္ညံ့ေသာသူကမာၻေပၚတြင္ရွိႏိုင္ေတာ့မည္မထင္ေပ။
န.အ.ဖသည္ ပညာရွိနည္းႏွင့္ဆံုးမ၍မရေသာအစိုးရျဖစ္ေၾကာင္းကို ၂၀၀၇ ေရႊ၀ါေရာင္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးက သက္ေသျပခဲ့ျပီးျဖစ္ သည္။ ယခုအခ်ိန္ထိအစိုးရကိုနားခ်၍ ရႏိုင္ေလာက္သည္္ထင္ျပီး န.အ.ဖႏွင့္အေပးအယူလုပ္ခ်င္ေနေသးသည့္ လူမိုက္မ်ား အတြက္အခ်ိန္ကုန္ခံမေနပဲျပည္သူမ်ားနားမေယာင္ေစရန္အတြက္ မိမိတို႔ဘက္မွတိက်သည့္လမ္းေၾကာင္း၊ ခိုင္မာသည့္အဖြဲ႔ အစည္း ခ်ျပႏိုင္မွသာ လွ်င္ျပည္သူတို႔၏ ယံုၾကည္ကိုးစားပါ၀င္လာျခင္းကိုျမင္ေတြ႔ရေပမည္။ ဓားလိုအပ္ေနခ်ိန္တြင္ ဓားမေပးပဲ ေရၾကည္ကမ္းေနမိသည့္ မိမိတို႔အျဖစ္ကို အျမန္သတိျပဳမိျပီး ျပဳျပင္ႏိုင္မွသာ အမိျမန္မာျပည္ၾကီးကံဆိုးမိုးေမွာင္က်ေတာ့မည့္ အေရးမွ ႏိုင္ငံ့သားေကာင္းပီသစြာကယ္တင္ႏိုင္ေပမည္။ ေက်ာက္ေဆာင္ျဖိဳ့မည့္သူသည္ ေက်ာက္ေစာင္းရွမွာေလာက္ေတာ့ ျဖံဳမေနသည့္စိတ္ဓာတ္ထားရွိရေပမည္။
သမိုင္းသည္မိမိတို႔လက္ထဲတြင္ရွိသည္။ အလွည့္အေျပာင္းသည္ဆံုးျဖတ္ခ်လိုက္သည့္ အခ်ိန္ပိုင္းကေလးပင္ျဖစ္သည္။ ကၽြႏု္ပ္ တို႔၏မ်ိဳးဆက္ေသြး ကေလးငယ္မ်ားကို စာသင္ခန္းထဲတြင္ကမာၻ့အဆင့္မီပညာမ်ားကို သင္ၾကားခိုင္းမည္ေလာ.. လမ္းမ်ားေပၚ တြင္ေတာင္းစားခိုုင္းမည္ေလာ..။ကၽြႏု္ပ္တို႔၏အမ်ိဳးသမီးငယ္မ်ားကို တင့္တယ္မွဳအေပါင္းႏွင့္ကမာၻ့အလယ္တြင္၀င့္ထည္ေစမည္ ေလာ…တျခားႏိုင္ငံမ်ား၏ျပည့္တန္ဆာတန္းသို့ပို့ပစ္ၾကမည္ေလာ…။အမိျမန္မာျပည္ၾကီး၏အနာဂါတ္အေကာင္းအဆိုးမွာ သင့္ လက္ထဲတြင္ရွိသည္။ ေတြေ၀ေနပါက အဖိုးတန္အခြင့္အေရးမ်ားဆံုးရွံဳးေတာ့မည္။ မည္သူမွာမွအသက္အပိုမပါပါ။ ေခါင္းတလံုး အပိုမပါပါ။ အေမေမြးသည့္အသက္ တိုင္းျပည္အတြက္ေပးဆပ္ပါက မိခင္မ်ားေမြးရက်ိဳးနပ္လွမည္။ ဓားကိုင္မွေၾကာက္မည့္ လူမ်ိဳးသည္၊တရားထိုင္ေနရံုႏွင့္ေတာ့ေျပာင္းလဲမလာေပ။
“ ျမန္မာျပည္အႏွံ႔အျပားတြင္စစ္ေမာင္းသံၾကားပါကခြာရွပ္ေနေသာစစ္ျမင္းမ်ား၊မ်ားစြာရွိသည္။တိုက္ပြဲေခၚသံကိုငံ့လင့္ေနေသာ

ျပည္သူမ်ားရွိသည္။ေတြေ၀ျခင္းသည္ဆံုးရွံဳးျခင္း၏အစျဖစ္သည္။မိမိတို႔အားလံုးစာရြက္ေပၚမွစကားလံုးမ်ားကိုလမ္းမမ်ားေပၚမွ

တိုက္ပြဲမ်ားအျဖစ္အသြင္ေျပာင္းပစ္ရမည္။ ”

ကၽြႏု္ပ္တို႔ကိုးကြယ္အားထားေသာ ဗုဒၶကိုယ္ေတာ္တိုင္နႏၵာပနႏၵနဂါးမင္းအား အင္အားသံုးဦးႏွိမ္ျပီးပါမွ တရားစကားျမြက္ၾကား ေသာသာဓကရွိသည္။ လူရိုင္းမ်ားေရွ႔ေမတၱာ စကားေျပာၾကားေနပါကသင္သာလွ်င္ ဆံုးရွံဳးျခင္းၾကီးလိမ့္မည္။ တတိုင္းျပည္လံုး ၏ညီညႊတ္ေရးကိုအေကာင္အထည္ေဖာ္ရင္း သင္သည္လည္းတိုင္းျပည္အတြက္ “ဓါးေကာင္းတလက္ျဖစ္ပါေစ….”



ဒီမိုကေရစီတိုက္ပြဲအတြင္းက်ဆံုးခဲ့ၾကေသာရဟန္းရွင္လူ၊ေက်ာင္းသားျပည္သူမ်ားအားဦးညႊတ္ပါသည္။

Monday 28 September 2009

UN Report on Bur Man 0949767
ခင္ၿငိမ္းသစ္

ၾကယ္ဆိုတာ ကိုယ္ပိုင္ အလင္းေရာင္ရွိတယ္။ သူတို႔ရဲ႕ ေနရာဟာ ျမင့္မားတဲ့
ေကာင္းကင္ၾကီးပဲ။ ရာသီဥတု ၾကည္လင္တဲ့ ညေတြဆိုရင္ အေရာင္လက္ေနတဲ့
ၾကယ္ေတြဟာ စိန္ေတြလိုပဲ တဖ်ပ္ဖ်ပ္ လက္ေနတယ္ဆိုတာ လူတိုင္း သိၾကသလို၊
ျမင္လည္း ျမင္ဖူးၾကပါတယ္။

က်မတို႔တိုင္းျပည္မွာ ရွိတဲ့လူငယ္မ်ားစြာဟာလည္း ၾကယ္ေတြလိုပါပဲ။
ကိုယ္ပိုင္အရည္အခ်င္း အထင္အရွားရွိၾကတယ္။ ဉာဏ္ပညာ ထက္ျမက္တယ္။
စိတ္ဓာတ္ျမင့္မားၾကတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ၀မ္းနည္းဖို႔ ေကာင္းတာက အဲ့ဒီၾကယ္ ေတြဟာ
တျဖဳတ္ျဖဳတ္နဲ႔ ေၾကြေနတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ က်မက ၾကယ္ေတြ ေၾကြေနတဲ့
တိုင္းျပည္လို႔ နာမည္ေပးထားတယ္။

၁၉၈၈ ခု စက္တင္ဘာ ၁၈ ရက္ ေန႔က အျဖစ္အပ်က္ေတြကို ေျပာလိုက္တာနဲ႔
လူတိုင္းျမင္ဖူးျပီးသား ျဖစ္တဲ့ ဓာတ္ပံု တပံု အေၾကာင္း ေျပာျပခ်င္ပါတယ္။

အဲဒီ ဓာတ္ပုံက ေသနတ္မွန္ျပီး ဒဏ္ရာရေနတဲ့ အက်ႌအျဖဴ လံုခ်ည္အစိမ္းနဲ႔
ေက်ာင္းသူေလးကို ဂ်ဴတီကုတ္အျဖဴ၀တ္ ထားတဲ့ ဆရာ၀န္ႏွစ္ဦးက
ဆြဲေျပးေနတဲ့ပံုပါ။ ဒီဓာတ္ပံုကိုမျမင္ဘူးတဲ့လူမရွိပါဘူး။ ျမင္တဲ့လူတိုင္း
ခံျပင္းေဒါသ ျဖစ္ၾက ပါတယ္။ အဲဒီဓာတ္ပံုထဲက ဆရာ၀န္ႏွစ္ဦး
ဘယ္ကိုေရာက္သြားတယ္ဆိုတာ သိတဲ့လူနည္းမယ္လို႔လည္း က်မထင္ပါ တယ္။


ေရွ႕ကေနေက်ာင္းသူေလးရဲ႕ ေျခေထာက္ကို ဆြဲမထားတဲ့ဆရာ၀န္ရဲ႕ နာမည္က
ေဒါက္တာေစာလြင္၊ ေခါင္းကိုမထား တဲ့ ဆရာ၀န္က ေဒါက္တာမင္းသိန္းျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
သူတို႔ႏွစ္ဦးစလံုးဟာ ပညာခြ်န္သူေတြျဖစ္ၾကပါတယ္။

ေဒါက္တာေစာလြင္ဟာ ဆယ္တန္းစာေမးပြဲေအာင္တုန္းက
သဃၤန္ကြ်န္းတျမိဳ႕နယ္လံုးမွာ ပထမ ရခဲ့ပါတယ္။ သူ႔အစ္မ ကလည္း ဆရာ၀န္ပါပဲ။

ေဒါက္တာမင္းသိန္းကလည္း ေဆးေက်ာင္းမွာ ထိပ္တန္းကေက်ာင္းသားပါ၊ သူ႔ညီ
ကုိဝင္းသိန္းလည္း ဆရာ၀န္ တေယာက္ ပါပဲ၊ သူတို႔ရဲ႕ဖခင္ကလည္း
ဌာနတခုကညႊန္ၾကားေရးမွဴး အဆင့္ရွိတဲ့သူပါ။

ေဒါက္တာမင္းသိန္းဟာ စစ္အာဏာသိမ္းျပီးတဲ့ေနာက္မွာ ေတာခိုသြားခဲ့ပါတယ္။
ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံလုံးဆိုင္ရာ ေက်ာင္းသား မ်ား ဒီမိုကရက္တစ္ တပ္ဦး(ABSDF)
မွာေဆးမွဴးတာ၀န္ ထမ္းေဆာင္ခဲ့ျပီး တာ၀န္နဲ႔ ျပည္တြင္းကို ျပန္ေရာက္ခဲ့ပါ
တယ္။

အဲဒီ အခ်ိန္အတြင္းမွာပဲ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဴပ္ခင္ညြန္႔က ေတာတြင္းက
ျပန္ေရာက္လာသူေတြအေနနဲ႔ န၀တ ကို သတင္းပို႔ဖို႔ လိုေၾကာင္း၊
သတင္းပို႔လာခဲ့လ်ွင္ အေရးမယူပါေၾကာင္း သတင္းစာ ရွင္းလင္းပြဲကေန
ေျပာတာေၾကာင့္စိုးရိမ္တတ္တဲ့ ေဒါက္တာမင္းသိန္းရဲ႕ အေဖက
သူကိုယ္တိုင္စစ္ေဒသကို အေၾကာင္းၾကားခဲ့ပါတယ္။ စစ္ေဆးဖို႔ မေခၚခင္မွာ
ေဒါက္တာ မင္းသိန္း က ေဒါက္တာ ေစာလြင္ကို သူတာ၀န္နဲ႔ ျပန္လာေၾကာင္းကို
ေျပာျပခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ေနာက္တေန႔မွာ ေဒါက္တာမင္းသိန္းကိုေမးျမန္း
စရာရွိတယ္ဆိုျပီး ေခၚသြားပါေတာ့တယ္။

တပတ္ေလာက္ၾကာေတာ့ ေဒါက္တာမင္းသိန္းကို ေထာက္လွမ္းေရးစခန္းကေန
ျပန္လာပို႔ေပးပါတယ္၊ မိဘေတြဆီ ေသခ်ာအပ္ႏွံသြားခဲ့ပါတယ္၊ သို႔ေသာ္လည္း
ေဒါက္တာ မင္းသိန္းတေယာက္ ေျခလက္ေတြေဖာေယာင္ျပီး ဆီးမသြား ႏုိင္ေတာ့ပါ၊
ဒါေၾကာင့္ ကို၀င္းသိန္း (ေဒါက္တာ မင္းသိန္းရဲ့ညီ)က ေဒါက္တာ ေစာလြင္တို႔
ေမာင္ႏွမကို အေၾကာင္း ၾကားခဲ့ပါတယ္၊ ေဒါက္တာ ေစာလြင္ေရာက္လာေတာ့ ေဒါက္တာ
မင္းသိန္းက ေျပာျပပါတယ္။ သူ႔ကို ေထာက္လွမ္းေရး က ေဆးတလံုး
ထိုးေပးလိုက္တယ္တဲ့၊ ဘာေဆးလဲဆိုတာေတာ့ မေျပာဘူးတဲ့၊ သူအခုျဖစ္ေနတာေတြက
အဲဒီ ေဆးေၾကာင့္ျဖစ္မယ္လို႔ ဆိုပါတယ္။ အခုသူ ဗိုက္ၾကီးတင္းေနျပီး
အသက္႐ႈရတာ ၾကပ္ေနတယ္လို႔ ေျပာျပခဲ့ပါတယ္။

ေဒါက္တာေစာလြင္နဲ႔ ကို၀င္းသိန္းကေဆးရုံတင္ဖို႔ စီစဥ္ေနစဥ္မွာပဲ
ေထာက္လွမ္းေရးက ေဆရုံတင္မယ္ဆိုရင္ စစ္ေဆးရုံကိုပဲ တင္ခြင့္ရွိေၾကာင္း၊
စစ္ေဆးရုံမွာကုသဖို႔ စီစဥ္ထားေၾကာင္း အေၾကာင္းၾကားလာပါတယ္။ ေဒါက္တာ
မင္းသိန္းက စစ္ေဆးရုံမွာဆိုရင္ ေဆးကုမခံႏုိင္ဘူးလို႔ဆိုျပီး
အိမ္မွာပဲေနမယ္လို႔ ေျပာပါတယ္၊ အဲဒါနဲ႔ ေဒါက္တာ ေစာလြင္နဲ႔
ကို၀င္းသိန္းတို႔ကပဲ ကုသေပးခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ေဒါက္တာ မင္းသိန္းဟာ ဘယ္ေဆး႐ုံကိုမွ
တက္ေရာက္ကုသျခင္း မရွိခဲ့ဘဲေနာက္တေန႔မွာ ကြယ္လြန္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။

ေဒါက္တာ မင္းသိန္းဆံုးလွ်င္ဆံုးျခင္း ေဒါက္တာ ေစာလြင္နဲ႔
ကို၀င္းသိန္းတို႔က သူတို႔ရဲ႕ ဆရာ ဆရာဝန္ႀကီး တဦးကို အေၾကာင္းၾကားၿပီး
အဲဒီ ဆရာႀကီးနဲ႔အတူ ရင္ခြဲစစ္ေဆးခဲ့ၾကပါတယ္၊ အေျဖကေတာ့ ေက်ာက္ကပ္
အရမ္းႀကံဳ႕သြား တာတဲ့။ ေဒါက္တာ ေစာလြင္တို႔က မ်က္ျမင္သက္ေသ
ျဖစ္ခဲ့ၾကပါတယ္။ ဒါကို သိသြားတဲ့ ေထာက္လွမ္းေရးက ရင္ခြဲ စစ္ေဆးတဲ့
ဆရာ၀န္ၾကီးကိုမေပါက္ ၾကားေစရပါဘူးဆိုျပီး လက္မွတ္ထိုးခိုင္းခဲ့လို႔
ထိုးခဲ့ရျပီး ေဒါက္တာ ေစာလြင္က ေတာ့ ထြက္ေျပးခဲ့ရပါတယ္။

ေဒါက္တာ ေစာလြင္ထြက္ေျပးရတဲ့အတြက္ သူ႔ကို အားထားေနရတဲ့ ဆင္းရဲသားလူနာေတြ
ဒုကၡေရာက္ခဲ့ၾကရတာ က်မမ်က္ျမင္ပါ၊ အဲဒီအခ်ိန္က ေဒါက္တာေစာလြင္ေဆးခန္းမွာ
က်မကူလုပ္ေပးခဲ့ပါတယ္၊ ဆင္းရဲတဲ့လူနာေတြကို ပိုက္ဆံမယူတဲ့အျပင္
သူ႔ရဲ႕ေဆးဝါးေတြကိုပါ ေပးလိုက္ပါေသးတယ္။ ကင္ဆာ ေ၀ဒနာရွင္ တဦးကိုလည္း
ေဆးဖိုး၀ါးခ အကုန္ခံျပီး ေဆးကုသ ေပးခဲ့တာက်မေရွ႕တင္ပါ။

၁၉၉၄ ခုႏွစ္ထဲမွာ ေဒါက္တာ ေစာလြင္ေၾကာင့္ ပင္စင္ေပးခံခဲ့ရတဲ့
သူ႔ရဲ႕အေဖႏွလုံးေရာဂါနဲ႔ ကြယ္လြန္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ တိမ္းေရွာင္ေနတဲ့
ေဒါက္တာေစာလြင္ျပန္ေရာက္လာခဲ့ပါတယ္၊ ဘာမွထူးျခားမႈမရွိတဲ့အတြက္
ေထာက္လွမ္းေရး ေမ့ေနေလာက္ျပီဆိုျပီး အစိုးရေဆးရုံမွာ
အလုပ္ေလွ်ာက္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ဧရာ၀တီတိုင္း ဘိုကေလးျမိဳ႕နယ္ အတြင္းက
တိုက္နယ္ေဆးရုံတ႐ုံမွာ တာ၀န္က်ခဲ့ပါတယ္၊ အစပိုင္းမွာ ဘာမွမျဖစ္ခဲ့ေပမယ့္
ေနာက္ပိုင္းမွာေတာ့ ေထာက္လွမ္းေရး က မၾကာခဏ စစ္ေဆး ေမးျမန္းခဲ့ပါတယ္။

၁၉၉၅ ခုႏွစ္ထဲမွာ စစ္ေမးတာ ပိုစိပ္လာျပီး စိတ္အေႏွာင့္အယွက္လည္း
ပိုျဖစ္လာပါတယ္၊ မခံႏုိင္တဲ့အဆံုးမွာ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ ေခတၱ
လြတ္ေျမာက္စဥ္မွာ ေတြ႔ရေအာင္ ခြင့္ယူျပီးရန္ကုန္တက္လာခဲ့ပါတယ္။ သို႔ေသာ္
အန္တီနဲ႔ မေတြ႕ျဖစ္ခဲ့ပါ။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ ဘိုကေလးကို ျပန္လာခဲ့ပါတယ္။
ဘိုကေလးကုိ ေရာက္ေရာက္ခ်င္း မ၀တ အတြင္း ေရးမွဴးက ေခၚလို႔သြားတဲ့အခါမွာ
မ၀တ ရုံးခန္းတြင္း စစ္ေထာက္လွမ္းေရး ၃ ေယာက္နဲ႔ အခ်ိန္အေတာ္ၾကာ
ေတြ႕ဆံုခဲ့ ရပါတယ္။ အဲဒီေနာက္ ေဒါက္တာ ေစာလြင္တေယာက္
ညွဳိးညႇဳိးငယ္ငယ္နဲ႔အိမ္ျပန္လာခဲ့ပါတယ္။

အတူေနသူေတြရဲ့ ေျပာျပခ်က္အရ ေဒါက္တာ ေစာလြင္ဟာ စိတ္ဒုကၡေရာက္စရာရွိေနပံု
ရပါတယ္၊ သိသိသာသာ စကားနည္းသြားတယ္လို႔လည္း ဆိုပါတယ္။ ေမးရင္လည္း
စကားလႊဲသြားျပီး ဘာမွေသခ်ာမေျပာခဲ့ပါဘူး။ အဲဒီလို မေျပာတာကလဲဘယ္သူ႔ကိုမွ
သူလိုမျဖစ္ေစခ်င္လို႔ မေျပာတာလို႔ ယူဆရပါတယ္။

အဲဒီေနာက္ ခြင့္ဆက္ယူျပီး ပစၥည္းေတြသိမ္းဆည္းေနပါတယ္၊ ဒါေပမယ့္ ေနာက္၂
ရက္အၾကာမွာ ဆရာ ေဒါက္တာ ေစာလြင္ အခန္းက တိတ္ဆိတ္ေနျပီး
လႈပ္ရွားသံမၾကားရလို႔ အတူေနသူေတြက စိုးရိမ္ျပီး တခါးဖ်က္၀င္ခဲ့ရာ
သ႔ူကိုယ္သူ ဆြဲၾကိဳးခ် သတ္ေသေနခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ဆရာ ေသဆံုးရျခင္း အတြက္ က်မတကယ္
ႏွေျမာ၀မ္းနည္းမိပါတယ္။ ဆရာဟာ လူေတာ္လူေကာင္းတဦးပါ။

က်မတို႔ ဗမာျပည္မွာၾကယ္ေတြေၾကြေနပါတယ္၊ ဘယ္သူ႔မွာတာ၀န္ရွိပါသလဲ၊ အဖိုးတန္
သားေတြဆံုးရႈံးရတဲ့ မိဘ ေတြရဲ႕ခံစားခ်က္က ဘယ္ေလာက္မ်ားနာက်င္ေနမလဲ၊
က်မတို႔ရဲ႕အဖိုးတန္ လူငယ္ေတြ ဘယ္ေလာက္အထိမ်ား ဆံုး႐ႈံးေနရဦးမွာလဲ……။

ဒီေဆာင္းပါးနဲ႔ အညၾတ သူရဲေကာင္းမ်ားကို ဂုဏ္ျပဳအပ္ပါတယ္။




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Serious Thinking

Political Prisoners' Rights Group: “Torture is state policy in Burma”

Media Statement - for immediate release

28 September 2009

Political Prisoners' Rights Group: “Torture is state policy in Burma”

[Mae Sot, Thailand] The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma) (AAPP) today strongly condemned the widespread ongoing use of torture against political detainees in Burma. [http://www.aappb.org]

New testimony from political prisoners released under a general amnesty in Burma last week underlines the systematic patterns of abuse and torture of political detainees. In an interview with exile media group Democratic Voice of Burma, former student leader Myo Yan Naung Thein, who was arrested in December 2007, described being kidnapped by unknown assailants, hooded, and taken to an unknown location where he was brutally beaten. He was also denied proper medical treatment and is now unable to walk as a result.

In an interview with Radio Free Asia, another released political prisoner and former student leader arrested in June 1998, Bo Bo – also known as Moe Kyaw Thu – described being hooded and repeatedly assaulted during interrogation.

According to AAPP, 128 political prisoners were released under the latest amnesty. But high-profile political prisoners like labour activist Su Su Nway and comedian Zarganar were not amongst those released.
Both suffer from serious heart conditions and have not received adequate medical treatment in prison.

AAPP Secretary Tate Naing said, “Denial of medical treatment is also a very cruel form of torture. For those political prisoners who are in poor health, it is a kind of death sentence.”

So far this month, AAPP has documented the arrests of 36 activists in Burma, including three monks. Those arrested include well-known individual activist and US citizen Kyaw Zaw Lwin also known as Nyi Nyi Aung, detained on 3 September on his arrival at Rangoon International Airport. He was taken to various different interrogation centres where he was kicked and beaten, deprived of food for seven days, and questioned throughout the night. His request for medical treatment for his injuries has so far been denied.

AAPP Joint-Secretary Bo Kyi said, “Even though Burmese domestic law and international law forbids torture, no officials are ever held to account for their actions. There is no doubt about it: torture is state policy in Burma. We are deeply concerned for the safety of those activists recently arrested.”

“The military regime must allow the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Burma immediate and unrestricted access to the country to investigate these reports of torture,” added Bo Kyi.

Since its founding in March 2000, AAPP has documented hundreds of instances of torture experienced by political detainees. In 2005, the organization published the report The Darkness We See: Torture in Burma’s Interrogation Centers and Prisons.

-ENDS-

For media interviews, please contact:
Tate Naing, AAPP Secretary +66(0)81-287-8751
Bo Kyi, AAPP Joint-Secretary +66(0)81-324-8935
ဗမာျပည္ႏုိင္ငံေရးရဲ႕ အေရးႀကီးအခ်ိန္မွာ ေပၚထြက္လာတဲ့
၀ါရွင္တန္ရဲ႕ အေျပာင္းအလဲ
ရဲေဘာ္ဖုိးသံေခ်ာင္း
၂၅ စက္တင္ဘာ ၂၀၀၉


ဗမာျပည္နဲ႔ပတ္သက္တဲ့ ႏုိင္ငံတကာေလထုမွာ ႀကီးမားတဲ့အေျပာင္းအလဲေတြ ေပၚေပါက္လာေတာ့မယ့္ လကၡဏာေတြ စၿပီးျမင္ေတြ႔ေနရပါၿပီ။ နအဖစစ္အစုိးရကုိ နဂုိက ေဆးေဖာ္ေၾကာဖက္မလုပ္ခဲ့တဲ့ အေမရိကန္အပါ အေနာက္ႏုိင္ငံေတြက အခုေတာ့ ဒီဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြကုိ လူလူသူသူျပန္ဆက္ဆံမယ္လုိ႔ ျဖစ္လာေနပါၿပီ။
တကယ္က ေသေသခ်ာခ်ာၾကည့္တတ္ရင္ ႏုိင္ငံတကာအခင္းအက်င္းမွာကုိပဲ အေျပာင္းအလဲေတြ ေတြ႔ေနရပါတယ္။ စစ္ေအးစစ္ပြဲလြန္ ႏုိင္ငံေရးအခင္းအက်င္းမွာ စစ္ေအးစစ္ပြဲမွာ ထိပ္ကပါ၀င္ခဲ့ၾကတဲ့ ႏုိင္ငံႀကီးေတြဟာ စစ္ေအးစစ္ပြဲရဲ႕ အထုပ္အပုိးေတြကုိ ပစ္ခ်ခဲ့ၾကပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ တခ်ဳိ႕ကေတာ့ နဂုိရွိခဲ့တဲ့ မာန္ေတြ၊ ဟန္ေတြကုိ အိေႁႏၵမပ်က္ ထိန္းထားခဲ့ၾကပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ကာလတခုလြန္လာေတာ့ အေျခအေနအေျပာင္းအလဲေတြ ျဖစ္ေပၚခဲ့ပါတယ္။ အထူးသျဖင့္ ၿပီးခဲ့တဲ့ စီးပြားေရးအက်ပ္အတည္းႀကီးပါ။
ဒီႏွစ္ၾသဂုတ္လ (၁၀-၁၇) ရက္ထုတ္ ညဴးစ္၀ိခ္ဂ်ာနယ္ထဲက မ်က္ႏွာဖုံးေဆာင္းပါးမွာဆုိရင္ ဒီတခါ စီးပြားေရးအက်ပ္အတည္း ႀကီးေၾကာင့္ မဟာၿဗိတိန္ (Great Britain) ေတာင္မွ စူဠာၿဗိတိန္။ ဒါမွမဟုတ္ သာမန္ၿဗိတိန္ျဖစ္သြားရၿပီလုိ႔ ေရးထားပါတယ္။ ႏုိင္ငံႀကီးေတြအားလုံးကုိ ႀကီးႀကီးမားမား ထိခုိက္ခဲ့တယ္ဆုိတာကုိ ေျပာခ်င္လုိ႔ ကုိးကားတာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒီလုိအေျခအေန ေအာက္မွာ ႏုိင္ငံႀကီးေတြဟာ ထိန္းညႇိမႈအမ်ဳိးမ်ဳိး လုပ္ၾကရပါတယ္။ အဲဒီလုိလုပ္တဲ့ ထိန္းညႇိမႈေတြထဲမွာ ဗမာျပည္နဲ႔ဆုိင္တဲ့ ေပၚလစီေတြလည္း ပါကုန္ေတာ့တာပါပဲ။
ဒါေတြနဲ႔တဆက္တည္း လူေျပာမ်ား၊ ေဆြးေႏြးတာမ်ားလာတာကေတာ့ အေမရိကန္လုိႏုိင္ငံႀကီးက ေပၚလစီသေဘာထား ေျပာင္းလဲတယ္ဆုိရင္ ဗမာျပည္ရဲ႕ႏုိင္ငံေရးကုိ ဘယ္လုိထိခုိက္ႏုိင္သလဲဆုိတာပဲ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒီလုိေဆြးေႏြးတာဟာ အေမရိကန္အစုိးရက ဘာလုပ္သင့္သလဲလုိ႔ ေဆြးေႏြးတာထက္ ပုိေကာင္းပါတယ္။ ပုိလက္ေတြ႔က်ပါတယ္။
တကယ္က်ေတာ့ ၀ါရွင္တန္ရဲ႕ အေျပာင္းအလဲေတြက အခုမွစကာစရွိပါေသးတယ္။ ေနာင္မွာ ပုိၿပီးၾကားလာရဦးမွာပါ။ ဗိုလ္သိန္းစိန္တုိ႔နဲ႔ေတြ႔ၿပီးရင္၊ သူတုိ႔ရဲ႕အထူးတမန္ဆုိတာခ်င္း ေတြ႔ဆုံစကားေျပာၾကၿပီးရင္ ဘာေတြတဆင့္တက္လာမယ္ မသိႏုိင္ဘူး။ ေလာေလာဆယ္မွာ နအဖစစ္ဗိုလ္ေတြအဖုိ႔ေတာ့ လက္မေထာင္စရာျဖစ္ခ်င္ျဖစ္မွာပါ။
ဗမာျပည္ ျပည္သူလူထုအေနနဲ႔ ေျပာရရင္ ဒီကိစၥေၾကာင့္ သူတုိ႔မွာ အေတြးအေခၚအရေတာ့ ဘာမွ႐ႈပ္ေထြးစရာ မရွိပါဘူး။ အေမရိကန္ကေန အသိအမွတ္ျပဳလုိက္တဲ့အတြက္ နအဖစစ္ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြဟာ အာဏာရွင္ကေန သူေတာ္စင္အျဖစ္ တျဖစ္လဲသြားမွာမဟုတ္ဘူးဆုိတာ သူတုိ႔ဘ၀အသိအရ ရွင္းေနပါတယ္။ ဗိုလ္ေန၀င္းတုန္းကဆုိရင္ အေမရိကန္၊ ႐ုရွား၊ တ႐ုတ္ အားလုံးက အသိအမွတ္ျပဳတာ ခံခဲ့ရၿပီးပါၿပီ။ ဒါေပမယ့္ အာဏာရွင္ဟာ အာဏာရွင္ပါပဲ။ ဂ်ပန္၊ အုိအီးစီဒီ၊ ကမာၻ႔ဘဏ္ စတာေတြရဲ႕ အကူအညီေတြရေနတဲ့ အၾကားကပဲ တုိင္းျပည္ႀကီး ခၽြတ္ၿခံဳက်သြားခဲ့တာကုိ ျပည္သူေတြ မေမ့ပါဘူး။ ျပည္သူလူထုက ဘာမွ မ်က္စိမလည္ပါဘူး။
ဒါေပမယ့္ ဒါဟာ နအဖစစ္အစုိးရကုိ ႀကံဖန္အမႊန္းတင္ခ်င္ေနတဲ့ လူေတြအတြက္ေတာ့ ေျပာစရာ၊ ေရးစရာ အခ်က္အလက္ နည္းနည္းပါးပါး ရေကာင္းရသြားႏုိင္တာေပါ့။ သူတုိ႔အေနနဲ႔ ဒီအခ်က္အေပၚ အေျခခံၿပီး ျပည္သူလူထုကုိ မ်က္စိလည္ေအာင္၊ အျမင္မွားေအာင္ လုပ္ၾကမယ္ဆုိတာကေတာ့ သံသယျဖစ္စရာ မလုိပါဘူး။ ဗုိလ္စကားကုိသုံးရင္ အဆင့္ရွိတယ္လုိ႔ ယူဆေနသူေတြကေတာ့ ေဒၚကလင္တန္ရဲ႕ ဘယ္စကားလုံးႀကီးေတြကုိ ကုိးကားလာမယ္ဆုိတာကုိပဲ ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ရမွာပါ။
သူတုိ႔ရဲ႕ ေျပာဆုိေရးသားမႈေတြေၾကာင့္ တခ်ဳိ႕ ႐ုိးသားတဲ့ ႏုိင္ငံေရးလုိက္စားသူေတြမွာ စိတ္ဓာတ္အရ ထိခုိက္တာ နည္းနည္းပါးပါး ျဖစ္ေကာင္းျဖစ္ႏုိင္ပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ဒါဟာ ယာယီ၊ ေနာက္ၿပီး အနည္းအပါးလည္းျဖစ္၊ စိတ္ဓာတ္ပုိင္းေလာက္ပဲ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ လက္ေတြ႔ ႐ုပ္သေဘာအရ ဘာမွမထိခုိက္ႏုိင္ပါဘူး။
ဘာပဲေျပာေျပာ ဒီကိစၥနဲ႔ပတ္သက္ၿပီး ျပည္သူလူထုအျမင္ရွင္း၊ သေဘာေပါက္ဖုိ႔အတြက္ ရွင္းျပတာေတြေတာ့ လုပ္ရပါလိမ့္မယ္။ နအဖကလည္း ဒါကုိပဲ ပိတ္ပင္မွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ နအဖနဲ႔ သူတုိ႔ရဲ႕ဖြဲ႔စည္းပုံအေျခခံဥပေဒ၊ သူတုိ႔ရဲ႕ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲအေပၚ သံေယာဇဥ္ျဖစ္ဖုိ႔ဆုိတာကုိ လူထုကုိ ဆက္ၿပီးရွင္းျပ၊ ေျပာျပေနရဦးမွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ တပါတည္း ဘယ္လုိနည္းနဲ႔ဆန္႔က်င္မယ္၊ ျဖစ္ေပၚလာတဲ့ေနာက္အက်ဳိးဆက္ကုိ ဘယ္လုိရင္ဆုိင္ၾကမယ္ဆုိတာေတြလည္း စဥ္းစားျပင္ဆင္ၿပီးျဖစ္သင့္ပါၿပီ။
တည့္တည့္ေျပာရရင္ ပိတ္ဆုိ႔မႈဆုိတာေတြလုပ္ခဲ့လုိ႔ နအဖစစ္အုပ္စုရဲ႕ သံဃာေတြကုိပါသတ္တဲ့ အက်င့္စ႐ုိက္ကုိ ေျပာင္းလဲမသြားေစခဲ့ပါဘူး။ ျပည္ပဖိအားဆုိတာဟာ အာဏာရွင္ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြအေနနဲ႔ ျပည္ပဘက္ကုိ မ်က္ႏွာလွည့္တဲ့အခါမွာ ၿပံဳးၿဖဲၿဖဲအသြင္ေဆာင္ေအာင္ လုပ္ႏုိင္ေပမယ့္ ကုိယ့္ျပည္သူလူထုဘက္ကုိ လွည့္တဲ့အခါမွာေတာ့ ဘီလူး႐ုပ္သက္သက္ပါပဲ။ တကယ္ေတာ့ ျပည္ပက ဖိအားေပးတယ္၊ ေထာက္ခံတယ္ဆုိတာေတြဟာ အရန္အခန္းေလာက္သာရွိတာပါ။ အဲဒါေတြ မရွိေတာ့ရင္လည္း ျပည္သူလူထုမွာ ေျပာပေလာက္ေအာင္ ဘာမွမဆုံး႐ႈံးပါဘူး။ အားပ်က္စရာ ဘာမွမရွိဘူး။ အဲ-ဗမာျပည္ႏုိင္ငံေရးမွာ သူမ်ားႏုိင္ငံ၊ သူမ်ားအစုိးရကုိ မွန္းေမွ်ာ္တတ္တဲ့ အေလ့အက်င့္တခုေတာ့ ေပ်ာက္သြားလိမ့္မယ္လုိ႔ ယူဆရပါတယ္။
ဒါေၾကာင့္ ဒီတေကြ႔မွာ ေရွ႕ကုိခ်ီတက္ရင္း တဖက္ကုိလွည့္လွည့္ၾကည့္ေနရတဲ့ အေတြးအေခၚ ၀န္ထုပ္၀န္ပုိးတခုကုိ ပစ္ခ်လုိက္ႏုိင္ၿပီလုိ႔ပဲ ေကာင္းတဲ့ဘက္က လွည့္ေတြးရပါေတာ့မယ္။

Myanmar unveils new higher denomination bank note

Myanmar unveils new higher denomination bank note

Yangon, Myanmar -- Myanmar announced Thursday it will soon introduce a
5,000-kyat bank note, the country's highest-denominatio n currency.

State radio and television reported that the Central Bank of Myanmar will
release the note Oct. 1.

Existing notes and coins will remain legal tender.

Five thousand kyat is worth about $4.70 at the free market - or black
market - rate of exchange used for most commercial transactions. It is
worth a bit more than $800 at the nominal official rate of exchange.

The last time a new denomination was introduced was in 1998 with the
1,000-kyat note. Because it is worth only about $0.94 at the free market
exchange rate, even minor business transactions require large wads of
money.

Rumors of the introduction of a 5,000-kyat note had been circulating since
2003, but the government repeatedly described them as speculation.

Currency is a sensitive subject in Myanmar, where demonetization of some
notes in 1987 sparked protests that turned into vast pro-democracy
demonstrations that were quelled with military force.

"There will be some panic in the market" over issuing the new bank note, a
banker said on condition of anonymity because of the sensitivity of the
subject. "The price of black market dollars will go up and so will the
price of gold. However, the introduction of such a big denomination note
will help our banking transactions, as there will be a lower volume of
cash."

He added that the negative impact would not last long.

The new bank note will be red and have an elephant as its main motif.
Inflation and Burma
အေၾကာင္းၾကားစာ။

Friday 25 September 2009

အမႏုႆ ေဘး
အို သူေတာ္စင္
အရွင္သူျမတ္အေပါင္းတို႔၏ ေမတၱာေရစဥ္သည္
အရွင္တို႔၏ ဦးေခါင္းေတာ္မွေသြးတို႔ျဖင့္ နီေစြးေစခဲ့ပါျပီ။
အို သူေတာ္စင္
ျမတ္သခင္ဗုဒၶ၏ႏွလံုးသားတို႔ သည္
ၾကိဳးနဲ႔တုတ္ ဒုတ္နဲ႔ရိုက္ ေထာင္ထဲသြင္း ညွင္းဆဲ သတ္ျဖတ္
အေလာင္းေတြကိုေခ်ာင္းထဲေမွ်ာ
ေက်ာင္းေတြေပၚတက္ လုယက္ဖ်က္ဆီး
အမႏုႆတို႔၏ေလာင္မီးတိုက္မွာ
အစုလိုက္အျပံဳလိုက္ ေလာင္ျမိဳက္ေနၾကရပါျပီ။
အို သူေတာ္စင္အေပါင္းတို႔
အႏိႈင္းမဲ့ေက်းဇူးရွင္၏ စကား ဖယ္ရွား၀ံ့သူ
သံဃာ့အက်ိဳးစီးပြါး ဖ်က္ဆီးထားသူ
သံဃာအခ်င္းခ်င္းၾကား ေသြးခြဲထားသူ
သံဃာ့အက်ိဳးမဲ့စကား စြပ္စြဲထားသူ
သံဃာတို႔အားရန္ညိုးပြါးသူ
ကမ ၻာတလႊား နာမည္ဆိုးမ်ားျဖင့္ေက်ာ္ၾကားေနသူ
မိစ ၦာဘီလူး အာဏာရူးသူ
မွဴးၾကီးဗာလ နအဖ နဲ႔
မိစ ၦာလူမိုက္ ဒိ႒ိိတသိုက္ ကို
သာသနာတြင္းမွ ၾကဥ္ပလိုက္ေၾကာင္း
ဗုဒၶအႏြယ္မွ ထုတ္ပယ္ျပီးေၾကာင္း
ဒါယကာ ဒါယိကာမအျဖစ္မွ စြန္႔ပစ္လိုက္ေၾကာင္း
ျမတ္သံဃာအေပါင္းတို႔၏
ထပ္ေလာင္းသစၥာ အခိုင္အမာျပဳ သည္
ပံသုဤုကမ ၻာ သက္ေသအရာ၌ တည္ေစေသာ၀္။
တတိယပတၱနိကၠဳဇၨန သပိတ္ကံေဆာင္ ေအာင္ေစေသာ၀္။
ျမတ္ဗုဒၶ၏ ဓမၼေအာင္လံ မိုးထက္ယံသို႔ လွ်ံေစေသာ၀္
ဦးလင္း ၁၀။၀၉။၀၉


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Thursday 24 September 2009

BURMA: Released prisoners tell stories of torture; ICRC role needed

BURMA: Released prisoners tell stories of torture; ICRC role needed

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
AHRC-STM-199-2009
September 24, 2008

A Statement by the Asian Human Rights Commission

BURMA: Released prisoners tell stories of torture; ICRC role needed

The Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) welcomes the release of prisoners from jails around Burma during the last week, especially human rights defenders and persons who were detained during and after the protests of August and September 2007, including numbers of persons on whose cases the AHRC has issued urgent appeals. However, it notes with grave concern the reports of torture that some detainees experienced during interrogation. The physical and mental injuries caused in this period were either not adequately treated or not treated at all during the detainees' incarceration, causing some of them lifelong damage. Among those cases that have been reported in the media:

Ko Myo Yan Naung Thein, a former technical institute student, was assaulted by unknown assailants and taken from a march during September 2007; he suffered injuries to his nerves during torture under interrogation and did not get adequate treatment in Sittwe Prison; he is now reportedly unable to walk.

Ko Bo Bo, a former student leader also known as Ko Moe Kyaw Thu, had been imprisoned on a range of charges since 1992. He told Radio Free Asia (RFA) that after his arrest he was taken to a military intelligence unit in Rangoon where he was hooded and repeatedly assaulted, denied water and refused access to a toilet. During his term at Ohboe Jail he was twice seriously assaulted, in 2000 and 2005, causing him to suffer constant headaches.

U Aung Myint, who was also detained after September 2007 and jailed on a two-year sentence at Myaungmya, of which he served nearly the full time, also told RFA that he and other prisoners had been tortured and had not received timely medical attention during imprisonment.

The AHRC believes that there will have been many other instances of torture and assault during interrogation and imprisonment followed by a subsequent lack of appropriate treatment--constituting an additional form of cruel and inhuman treatment and punishment--among the persons released last week. It is also aware that such treatment is by no means confined to cases of political detainees. Torture and abuse of persons in custody is endemic across all types of cases in Burma, and had ordinary criminal detainees also been interviewed many, perhaps most, would have had similar stories to tell.

Accordingly, the Asian Human Rights Commission takes this opportunity to again call for the maximum amount of global effort to have the mandate of the International Committee of the Red Cross to visit detention facilities in Burma renewed without further delay. Although renewal of the mandate--which the group suspended in 2005 because of the government's failure to respect its internationally-recognized conditions--cannot fully prevent torture or protect detainees from abuse, it would be a practical and quickly-implementable step to reduce the incidence of abuse and ameliorate some of its worst consequences.

Renewal of the ICRC prison visits mandate is long overdue. There is absolutely no reason for the government of Burma to object to the visits, given that the agency is bound by confidentiality, and the visits cost the government nothing. If then this much cannot be done, what good can be said of the release of a few thousand shattered bodies, while tens of thousands more continue to have the same types of abuses heaped upon them daily?

# # #

About AHRC: The Asian Human Rights Commission is a regional non-governmental organisation monitoring and lobbying human rights issues in Asia. The Hong Kong-based group was founded in 1984.

Posted on 2009-09-24

Secretary-General's statement to the media on the High-Level Meeting of the Group of Friends on Myanmar [read by Mr. Ibrahim Gambari, Special Adviser

Secretary-General's statement to the media on the High-Level Meeting of the Group of Friends on Myanmar [read by Mr. Ibrahim Gambari, Special Adviser to the Secretary-General]
New York, 23 September 2009
Today I convened the second meeting of the Group of Friends on Myanmar at the level of Foreign Ministers. The high turnout demonstrates the strong collective interest of all the Friends in the future of Myanmar, and re-affirms the broad support for my good offices.
The year 2010 will be a critical year for Myanmar. The first planned election in twenty years must be held in an inclusive and credible manner to advance prospects for stability, democracy and national development.
As I said today in my address to the General Assembly, we will work hard for democracy, national reconciliation and human rights in Myanmar. The release of some political prisoners last week is a step in the right direction, but it falls short of our expectations. All political prisoners must be released -- including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
Our meeting today has given the Group of Friends an opportunity to consolidate unity of purpose and action in three important respects, and I call on the Friends, especially Myanmar's friends and neighbours, to do more in the best interests of Myanmar and its people.
First, to urge Myanmar to work with the United Nations to ensure an inclusive process of dialogue and create the necessary conditions for credible elections consistent with the five-point agenda that the Group of Friends has endorsed, and with the proposals that I left with Myanmar's senior leadership during my recent visit.
Second, to uphold the role of the United Nations with regard to Myanmar's immediate and long-term challenges. The UN has invaluable experience in fostering national reconciliation, promoting respect for human rights, supporting sustainable development and helping countries make the transition to democracy.
Third, to signal the international community's willingness to help the people of Myanmar address the political, humanitarian and development challenges they face, in parallel and with equal attention, and in particular to advance the Millennium Development Goals. But, Myanmar needs to help us to help them.
I am encouraged by the constructive spirit of the discussions so far. I welcome the willingness of the Friends to make joint efforts towards national reconciliation, a democratic transition and genuine respect for human rights in Myanmar.
Thank you.


Remarks at United Nations After P-5+1 Meeting
Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary of State
United Nations
New York City
September 23, 2009
SECRETARY CLINTON: (In progress) to give you brief readouts on two meetings this afternoon. The first was a meeting I participated in called by Security Council Ban Ki-moon about the policies and approaches toward Burma. A number of countries were represented, and I reported that our policy process, which has been underway for some time now, is almost complete, and I gave a preview.
I had announced this review back in February, and the major messages are as follows. First, the basic objectives are not changed. We want credible, democratic reform; a government that respond to the needs of the Burmese people; immediate, unconditional release of political prisoners, including Aung San Suu Kyi; serious dialogue with the opposition and minority ethnic groups. We believe that sanctions remain important as part of our policy, but by themselves, they have not produced the results that had been hoped for on behalf of the people of Burma.
Engagement versus sanctions is a false choice, in our opinion. So going forward, we will be employing both of those tools, pursuing our same goals. And to help achieve democratic reform, we will be engaging directly with Burmese authorities. This is a policy that has broad consensus across our government, and there will be more to report as we go forward.
Secondly, most of you were here when Foreign Minister Miliband read out the statement that has been negotiated among the United States, United Kingdom, France, Germany, China, Russia, and of course, the European Union as represented by the High Representative Javier Solana. Let me just make four points about this statement, which I hope you will get a copy of and peruse, because I think it’s a very powerful statement that expresses these specific agreements.
First, the group remains united in pressing Iran to comply with its international obligations on its nuclear program, and it has serious concerns about Iran’s lack of compliance to date, particularly on the unanswered questions about the possible military dimensions of Iran’s nuclear program.
Secondly, the countries remain united in support of a dual track of engagement and pressure as a means of persuading Iran to comply with its obligations.
Thirdly, the ministers expressed a clear expectation that Iran should come to the talks on October 1st, ready to engage in serious and substantive discussions with a sense of urgency and a review of the practical steps that need to be taken on the nuclear issue, and that we will decide next steps on the basis of the meeting’s outcome.
And finally, we are committed to this dual-track policy. No one should underestimate our intention to follow through on either or both of these tracks. It depends on Iran’s response. And some of you have heard me say this numerous times – this process is now firmly up to Iran. It is Iran’s choice as to how they choose to proceed. And we are looking to the meeting on October 1st to get a clear indication of their intentions.
So those are the two meetings that I know have particular interest to a number of you, that I wanted to give you quick readout.
QUESTION: Secretary Clinton, did you discuss in any detail enhanced sanctions, and did you sound out the Chinese and the Russians as to their willingness to join, if necessary, the first part if your dual strategy doesn’t produce results?
SECRETARY CLINTON: Well, Mark, we have agreed among us that we’re not going to go beyond what is in this statement, because the statement represents a very significant level of agreement among all of us. It clearly references the dual-track policy, and it clearly references consequences. So I think that we will now await the results of the October 1st meeting and take stock at that time.
QUESTION: How exactly do you intend to engage directly with the Burmese authorities?
SECRETARY CLINTON: Well, again, we will be offering more specifics about that. But I wanted to preview this policy for our partners in the Friends of Burma group, and also to signal that the United States will be moving in a direction of both engagement and continued sanctions, to be sure that the Burmese leaders – some of whom, as you know, are in our country or about to come to our country – understand where we are in our policy review process.
QUESTION: Secretary Clinton, what specifically do you need to see from Iran after this talk for them to avoid consequences? When you say you want a clear indication of their intentions, what do you need to see?
SECRETARY CLINTON: Well, I will speak for myself and for our Administration. As we have said consistently, we want to see a serious effort by Iran to discuss the nuclear issue, which we are putting on the table, as we have made clear in this statement. And we are also looking for Iran to recognize that they are at a turning point. They have a choice to make. We have consistently said that Iran is entitled to peaceful nuclear power. They are not entitled to a nuclear weapons program. They do have rights, which we are willing to respect and recognize. But they also have responsibilities.

And as we set forth in this agreement, the serious concerns of the international community have been set out in five separate Security Council resolutions. So it is time for Iran to engage with the international community – this process is set up to do that – and for them to accept the opinion of the international community as referenced in this statement that they need to make clear their nuclear program, invite the IAEA in to see everything, and work toward peaceful nuclear energy that can be verified and completely accepted by the international community. Thank you.

Ban calls for international action to help ensure credible elections
23 September 2009 – Myanmar’s friends and neighbours must “do more in the best interests of Myanmar and its people” by persuading the Government to hold credible elections next year, Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon said today.
“We will work hard for democracy, national reconciliation and human rights in Myanmar,” Mr. Ban said as he convened a meeting of the Group of Friends on Myanmar, comprising 14 countries and one regional bloc.
“The year 2010 will be a critical year for Myanmar. The first planned election in 20 years must be held in an inclusive and credible manner to advance prospects for stability, democracy and national development,” he added in a statement read to the media by his Special Adviser, Ibrahim Gambari.
Mr. Ban cited three important aspects for action by the Friends. First, they should urge Myanmar to work with the UN to ensure an inclusive process of dialogue and create the necessary conditions for credible elections.
Second, they should uphold the UN role with regard to Myanmar’s immediate and long-term challenges since the Organization has invaluable experience in fostering national reconciliation, promoting respect for human rights, supporting sustainable development and helping countries make the transition to democracy.
Finally, they should signal the international community’s willingness to help the people of Myanmar address the political, humanitarian and development challenges they face.
As he did last week, Mr. Ban called the recent release of some political prisoners a step in the right direction, but one that did not go far enough. All political prisoners must be released, including democracy leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, he said.
The Group of Friends, founded in December 2007, represents a balanced range of views on Myanmar and was established to hold informal discussions and develop shared approaches to support UN efforts. Its members are Australia, China, the European Union, France, India, Indonesia, Japan, Norway, Russia, Singapore, the Republic of Korea, Thailand, the United Kingdom, the United States and Viet Nam.






Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon
General Assembly
23 September 2009
Report to the United Nations - "Now Is Our Time"
Mr. President,
Distinguished Heads of State and Government,
Distinguished Delegates,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Mr. President, let me express my heartfelt congratulations on your assumption of the presidency. I wish you every success and assure you of my full support.
Excellencies,
Ladies and Gentlemen:
We gather each and every September in a solemn rite. We come to reaffirm our founding Charter — our faith in fundamental principles of peace, justice, human rights and equal opportunity for all. We assess the state of the world, engage on the key issues of the day, lay out our vision for the way ahead.
This year the opening of the General Debate of the 64th session of the General Assembly asks us to rise to an exceptional moment. Amid many crises -- food, energy, recession and pandemic flu, hitting all at once -- the world looks to us for answers.
If ever there were a time to act in a spirit of renewed multilateralism -- a moment to create a United Nations of genuine collective action -- it is now.
Excellencies,
Distinguished Delegates,
Now is our time. A time to put the “united” back into the United Nations. United in purpose. United in action.
First — let us make this a year that we, united nations, rise to the greatest challenge we face as a human family: the threat of catastrophic climate change. Yesterday, 100 heads of state and government set out the next steps toward Copenhagen . They recognized the need for an agreement all nations can embrace, in line with their capabilities -- consistent with what science requires -- grounded in “green jobs” and “green growth,” the lifeline of the 21 st century. Our road to Copenhagen requires us to bridge our differences. I firmly believe we can.
Second — let this be the year that nations united to free our world of nuclear weapons. For too long, this great cause has lain dormant. That is why, last October, I proposed a 5-point plan for putting disarmament back on the global agenda. And now, the international climate is changing. The Russian Federation and the United States have pledged to cut their nuclear arsenals. This coming May, at the United Nations Review Conference on the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, we have an opportunity to push for real progress.
Tomorrow's historic Security Council summit — chaired by the President of the United States, with us for the first time — offers a fresh start. With action now, we can get the ratifications to bring the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty into force. Together, let us make this the year we agreed to banish the bomb.
Third — in our fight against world poverty, let this be the year we focus on those left behind. Some speak of “green shoots of recovery,” but we see red flags of warning. Our recent report, “Voices of the Vulnerable,” highlights a new crisis. The near-poor are becoming the new poor. An estimated 100 million people could fall below the poverty line this year. Markets may be bouncing back, but incomes and jobs are not.
People are angry. They believe the global economy is stacked against them. That is why we have put forward a Global Jobs Pact for balanced and sustainable growth. That is why we are creating a new Global Impact Vulnerability Alert System, giving us real-time data and analysis on the socio-economic picture around the world. We need to know who is being hurt, and where, so we can best respond.
That is also why, next year at this time, we will convene a special summit on the Millennium Development Goals. With only five years to go, we must mount a final push toward 2015. Rightly, we put women and children at the fore. UNICEF reports a 28 percent decline in child mortality over the past two decades. We can hope for similar progress on maternal health and mortality.
The prevention of sexual violence against women must be a top priority. Let us agree: these acts are an abomination. Leaders of every nation are personally accountable when such crimes are committed within their borders. When women die in childbirth, when they are raped as a weapon of war and have nowhere to turn, we of the United Nations cannot look the other way. And that is why, just recently, you agreed to create a single agency to address women's issues. We have never been more empowered to empower women.
Excellencies,
This Assembly also reaffirmed the responsibility to protect. In our modern era, no nation, large or small, can violate the human rights of its citizens with impunity. Where conflicts arise, justice and accountability should follow.
That is why the work of the International Criminal Court is so vital. We look to the review conference in Kampala , next May, as an opportunity to strengthen its mandate.
We can achieve none of our noble goals without peace, security and justice. In Darfur , that means consolidating recent progress and delivering on our mandate. We will be 90 percent deployed by year's end. Yet we still lack critical assets, particularly transport and helicopters. Meanwhile, we must continue to work, urgently, for the broader stability of Sudan and the region and shore up the comprehensive peace with South Sudan .
Somalia continues to demand attention whether to support African peacekeepers and the government or international anti-piracy efforts.
We will continue to press for resettlement, reconciliation and accountability in Sri Lanka . We welcome the government's commitment to allow all displaced persons to return to their homes by the end of January — as reaffirmed last week to my envoy.
We will work hard for freedom and democracy in Myanmar . The release of some political prisoners last week falls short of what is needed. We call on Myanmar 's friends and neighbors to do more, much more, in the best interests of Myanmar and its people. If next year's elections are to be accepted as credible and inclusive, all political prisoners must be released -- including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
We worked to stop the bloodshed in Gaza . Yet people continue to suffer. Issues of justice and accountability need to be addressed. We must revive negotiations toward a two-state solution and a comprehensive peace in the Middle East . We support President Obama's efforts for a resumption of peace talks and will work with the Quartet to that end.
In Afghanistan , we face a difficult environment. Recent elections revealed serious defects. Yet we should not forget the progress made -- progress we can build on. We are committed to seeing the Afghans through their long night. We will stay with them. We pledge to stand, as well, with the people of Pakistan .
We have made significant progress in Timor Leste, Haiti , Sierra Leone and Nepal . We see quiet progress in Iraq -- and fresh opportunities in Cyprus . Now is the time to take stock and move forward.
Excellencies, Distinguished Heads of State and Government, Ladies and Gentlemen,
Let me close by inviting you to look around you. By the end of this General Assembly, our Secretariat building will be empty. Our staff will have dispersed across the city. Our United Nations will be completely renovated. Our common ambition is to make this outward renovation the symbol of our inward renewal .
That is why we have placed such emphasis on building a stronger United Nations for a better world. We have made progress in Delivering as One UN. We have made strides in getting “peace-building” right, so that societies emerging from war do not slide back into conflict. We have sharpened our tools of mediation and diplomacy so that we can stop crises from escalating into broader and more costly tragedies. We created the Department of Field Support, and we are developing the “New Horizons” strategy to make peacekeeping more agile and effective.
In this, we need the strong support of Member States, just as we do to secure the safety of our brave staff serving in dangerous places, too many of whom have lost their lives in the causes we all serve.
Excellencies, Distinguished Delegates, Heads of State and Government, Ladies and Gentlemen,
This year, I have traveled from the ice rim of the Arctic to the steppes of Mongolia . I have seen, first-hand, the effects of climate change on our planet and its people.
In the Democratic Republic of the Congo , I met an 18-year-old girl raped by soldiers. Her hope for a new life is the United Nations.
At summits from Trinidad and Tobago , London to L'Aquila , I have spoken out on one point above all others.
We of the United Nations are the voice of the voiceless, the defenders of the defenseless.
If we are to offer genuine hope to the hopeless, if we are to truly turn the corner to economic recovery, then we must do so for all nations and for all people. So much is possible if we work together. Together, we are here to take risks, to assume the burden of responsibility, to rise to an exceptional moment, to make history. This year, of all years, asks no less.
Because we are the United Nations. We are the best hope for humankind. And now is our time.
Thank you very much for your leadership and commitment. Thank you.
IBMO Announcement on 9-23-09
23 September News
1 BLURAY

END THE OPPRESSIONS! SHOW YOUR SOLIDARITY!

Subject: Reminder: Protest at the UN Headquarters for 2nd Anniversary of Saffron Revolution

END THE OPPRESSIONS! SHOW YOUR SOLIDARITY!

Monks and Democratic Forces for Burma will be holding a 2nd Anniversary remembrance of the 2007 Saffron Revolution/protest in front of the UN Headquarters.

Date: Wednesday, September 23, 2009
Time: 2:00pm - 4:00pm
Location: UN Headquarters - Dag Hammarskjold Plaza
(E 47th Street, between 1st Ave and 2nd Ave)

Contacts: U Pyinnya Zawta 415-518-7663, Nay Tin Myint 510-491-5157 Email: uscb.ny@gmail

Organized and sponsored by Monks and Democratic Forces for Burma along with Iran and Tibet freedom movements.

In September 2007, tens of thousands of monks and citizens demonstrated across Burma (Myanmar). The peaceful protests, dubbed as “Saffron Revolution” after the color of robes worn by Buddhist monks who played a leading role, were Burma’s largest anti-regime movement in two decades.

Burma’s brutal military regime crushed peaceful protesters with overwhelming forces. They were beaten badly, some shot dead and thousands were detained. Despite over 2,000 political prisoners still held in inhumane conditions throughout Burma’s notorious prisons - arbitrary arrests, detentions, and disappearances continue as we stand here today, many Burmese remained committed to march toward freedom and democracy.

RSVP: http://www.facebook.com/event.php?eid=259325815143&ref=mf

UPDATE: Emotive and inspirational offering of Butoh performances by Vangeline Theater group http://www.facebook.com/l/d3415; to commemorate the Saffron anniversary will follow the rally.

We are looking for volunteers for the protest. If you are interested, please call 917-512-8768.

[PRESS RELEASE: Protest for 2nd Anniversary of the Saffron Revolution at the UN Headquarters http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=159280758271&ref=mf]

Ban calls for international action to help ensure credible elections

23 September 2009 – Myanmar’s friends and neighbours must “do more in the best interests of Myanmar and its people” by persuading the Government to hold credible elections next year, Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon said today.

“We will work hard for democracy, national reconciliation and human rights in Myanmar,” Mr. Ban said as he convened a meeting of the Group of Friends on Myanmar, comprising 14 countries and one regional bloc.

“The year 2010 will be a critical year for Myanmar. The first planned election in 20 years must be held in an inclusive and credible manner to advance prospects for stability, democracy and national development,” he added in a statement read to the media by his Special Adviser, Ibrahim Gambari.

Mr. Ban cited three important aspects for action by the Friends. First, they should urge Myanmar to work with the UN to ensure an inclusive process of dialogue and create the necessary conditions for credible elections.

Second, they should uphold the UN role with regard to Myanmar’s immediate and long-term challenges since the Organization has invaluable experience in fostering national reconciliation, promoting respect for human rights, supporting sustainable development and helping countries make the transition to democracy.

Finally, they should signal the international community’s willingness to help the people of Myanmar address the political, humanitarian and development challenges they face.

As he did last week, Mr. Ban called the recent release of some political prisoners a step in the right direction, but one that did not go far enough. All political prisoners must be released, including democracy leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, he said.

The Group of Friends, founded in December 2007, represents a balanced range of views on Myanmar and was established to hold informal discussions and develop shared approaches to support UN efforts. Its members are Australia, China, the European Union, France, India, Indonesia, Japan, Norway, Russia, Singapore, the Republic of Korea, Thailand, the United Kingdom, the United States and Viet Nam.

ရခိုင္ေက်ာင္းသား လူငယ္ ၂၀ နီးပါး စစ္ေၾကာေရး စခန္းသို႕ ေရာက္ရွိ
သတင္း - နိရဥၥရာ
ဗုဒၶဟူးေန႔၊ စက္တင္ဘာလ 23 ရက္ 2009 ခုႏွစ္


အထူးစံုစမ္းေရး ရဲအဖြဲ႕ အက္စ္ပီတူးထံ ဖမ္းဆီးခံရသူ ရခိုင္ေက်ာင္းသားႏွင့္ လူငယ္ အေရအတြက္မွာ ၂၀ နီးပါးခန္႕ ရွိသြားျပီ ျဖစ္ျပီး သူတို႕ကို ယခုအခါ စစ္ေၾကာေရး စခန္းမ်ားတြင္ စစ္ေဆး ေမးျမန္းေနသည္ဟု သိရသည္။

ယမန္ေန႕ (တနလၤာေန႕)က ဘူးသီးေတာင္ျမိဳ႕နယ္ ေညာင္ေခ်ာင္းေက်းရြာမွ ဦးေမာင္သာျဖဴႏွင့္ ဇနီး ေဒၚႏွင္းဦးစိန္တို႕၏သား ေမာင္နိုင္စိုး ၂၁ ႏွစ္ကို ရန္ကုန္ အက္စ္ပီတူးမွ ေဒသခံ ရဲအဖြဲ႕၀င္မ်ား၏ အကူုအညီျဖင့္ ဖမ္းဆီးသြားခဲ့သည္။

သူ၏ေဆြမ်ိဳးေတာ္သူ တဦးက "သူ႕ကို ေအေအအက္စ္၀ိုင္စီႏွင့္ ဆက္သြယ္မူရွိတယ္ဆိုျပီး ရန္ကုန္က ဒုရဲအုပ္ တဦး ကိုယ္တိုင္လာေရာက္ျပီး မေန႕က ေန႕လည္ပိုင္းမွာ ေညာင္ေခ်ာင္းကေန ဘူးသီးေတာင္ကို ဖမ္းဆီး ေခၚေဆာင္သြားပါတယ္။ အခု ဘူးသီးေတာင္ အခ်ဳပ္ခန္းမွာ ခ်ဳပ္ထားျပီး မနက္ျဖန္မွာ စစ္ေတြကဆင့္ ရန္ကုန္ကို ေခၚသြားမွာ ျဖစ္တယ္လို႕ သိရပါတယ္" ဟု ေျပာသည္။

အလားတူ စက္တဘၤာလ ၁၉ ရက္ေန႕က ပု႑ားကၽြန္းျမိဳ႕က ကိုေဇာ္မိုးေအာင္နဲ႕ ေနာက္ထပ္ ေက်ာင္းသား တဦးကို စစ္ေတြ အက္စ္ပီတူးက ဖမ္းဆီးျပီး စစ္ေတြကို ေခၚယူသြားခဲ့သည္ဟု သူတို႕၏ ေဆြမ်ိဳးေတာ္သူ တဦးက ေျပာသည္။

စက္တဘၤာလ ၁၅ ရက္ေန႕ကလည္း ေျမာက္ဦးမွ ေက်ာင္းသား ၂ ဦး ဖမ္းဆီးခံခဲ့ရျပီး ယခုအခါ သူတို႕ကို ရန္ကုန္သုိ႕ ေခၚယူသြားခဲ့သည္။

စက္တဘၤာလ ၁၃ ရက္ေန႕က စစ္ေတြမွ လူငယ္ ၄ ဦးဖမ္းဆီးခံရျပီး ဖမ္းဆီးခံရသူမ်ားမွာ ကိုတူတူေခ်၊ ကုိကုလားေခ်၊ ကိုခိုင္မိုးထြန္းႏွင့္ ကိုေမာင္သူ တို႕ ျဖစ္ၾကသည္။ သူတို႕ကို ယခုအခါ စစ္ေတြ အက္စ္ပီတူးက ဆက္လက္ စစ္ေဆးေနျပီး သူတို႕ႏွင့္ ဆက္ႏြယ္ ပတ္သက္သူမ်ားကို လိုက္လံ ေဖၚထုတ္ေနသည္ဟု သိရသည္။

ကိုတူတူေခ်မွာ ရခိုင္ေတးသံရွင္ တဦးျဖစ္ျပီး သူဖခင္မွာ နာမည္ၾကီး စီးပြားေရး သမား တဦးျဖစ္သူ ကီစ္ ေက်ာ္သိန္း ျဖစ္သည္။ သူ႕တြင္ စစ္ေတြ၌ KISS အမည္ျဖင့္ အိန္တာနက္ကေဖး တခုရွိျပီး အဆိုပါ အိန္တာနက္ ကေဖးကို သူ႕အား ဖမ္းဆီးျပီး နာရီိပိုင္းအတြင္းတြင္ ရဲက ၀င္ေရာက္ စစ္ေဆးခဲ့ျပီး အေရးၾကီးေသာ စာရြက္စာတန္းမ်ားႏွင့္ ဖိုင္တြဲမ်ားကို ယူေဆာင္သြားခဲ့သည္။

သူတို႕အား ဖမ္းဆီးမူမွာ ရန္ကုန္ျမိဳ႕ လွည္းတန္းတြင္ ယခုလ ၇ ရက္ေန႕က ဖမ္းဆီးခံရသူ ရခိုင္လူငယ္ ၇ ဦးႏွင့္ ဆက္စပ္ေနသည္။ ရန္ကုန္တြင္ ဖမ္းဆီးခံခဲ့ရသူ ရခိုင္ လူငယ္ ၇ ဦးမွာ ကိုထြန္းလင္း၊ ကိုေက်ာ္ေဇာဦး၊ ကုိေဇာ္ထြန္းဦး၊ ကိုေက်ာ္၀င္း၊ ကိုခင္ေမာင္ေဌး၊ ကိုေက်ာ္ဆန္းလူိင္ႏွင့္ ေနာက္ တဦးတို႕ ျဖစ္သည္။

ျမ၀တီျမိဳ႕တြင္ ရခိုင္လူငယ္ ၄ ဦးဖမ္းဆီးခံခဲ့ရေၾကာင္း သတင္းရရွိေသာ္လည္း အတည္ျပဳနိုင္ျခင္း မရွိေသးပါ။

စစ္ေတြမွ လာေသာ သတင္းမ်ားအရ အဆိုပါ လူငယ္မ်ားမွာ ထိုင္းျမန္မာ နယ္စပ္တြင္ အလုပ္ လုပ္ကိုင္ေနေသာ ရခိုင္ လူငယ္ တဦး နအဖထံ လက္နက္ခ်သြားျပီးေနာက္ ေဖၚေကာင္ လုပ္လိုက္ရာမွ ဖမ္းဆီးျခင္း ခံၾကရသူမ်ား ျဖစ္သည္ဟု သိရသည္။

ေနာက္ထပ္လည္း ဖမ္းဆီးမူမ်ား ရွိလာနိုင္သျဖင့္ ရခိုင္ လူငယ္အမ်ားအျပားမွာ ထြက္ေျပး တိမ္းေရွာင္ေနၾကသည္ဟု သိရသည္။ ယခုကဲ့သို႕ ရခိုင္ လူငယ္မ်ားကို ဖမ္းဆီးေနျခင္းမွာ ထိုင္း-ျမန္မာ နယ္စပ္ အေျခစုိက္ ေအေအအက္စ္၀ုိင္စီေခၚ ရခိုင္ျပည္လံုးဆိုင္ရာ ေက်ာင္းသားႏွင့္ လူငယ္မ်ား ကြန္ကရက္ႏွင့္ ဆက္စပ္မူ ရွိသည့္ စြပ္စြဲခ်က္ျဖင့္ ဖမ္းဆီးေနျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္ဟု သိရသည္။

သူတို႕အား စစ္ေၾကာေရး စခန္းမ်ားတြင္ ျပင္းျပင္း ထန္ထန္ ညွဥ္းပမ္းႏွိပ္စက္မူမ်ား ရွိေနသျဖင့္ မိသားစု၀င္မ်ားက အထူးစုိးရိမ္ေနၾကသည္ဟု သိရသည္။

Wednesday 23 September 2009

Thadingyut Lighting Festival

Dear Dhamma Friends,

I would like to invite you to Thadingyut Lighting Ceremony which will be held at Sasana Ramsi Vihara.

Address : 83, Booth Road, Colindale, NW9 5JU. 020 82050 221

Regards,

CMS".

Event: Thadingyut Lighting Festival
"thadingyut festival, thadingyut"
What: Festival
Start Time: Sunday, October 4 at 4:00pm
End Time: Sunday, October 4 at 8:00pm
Where: 83, Booth Road, Colindale, NW9 5JU

To see more details and RSVP, follow the link below:
http://www.facebook.com/n/?event.php&eid=166568327323&mid=12424b1G5b6ee228Gbe6520G7
Why They Can Hold Power
At Least 128 Political Prisoners Released Uoto22Sept2009
22 September News

Tuesday 22 September 2009

Jointstatementno5.2009 Bur
Jointstatementno5.2009 Eng
2nd Saffron Broucher Final

ကိုမဵႃိးရန္ေနာင္သိမ္း ညႀင္းပန္းခံခဲ့ရလိုႛ လမ္းမေလ႖ာက္ႎိုင္ေတာ့

ကိုမဵႃိးရန္ေနာင္သိမ္း ညႀင္းပန္းခံခဲ့ရလိုႛ လမ္းမေလ႖ာက္ႎိုင္ေတာ့

2009-09-21
စက္တင္ဘာ ၁၈ ရက္ေနႛက သံတဲၾေထာင္က လၾတ္လာတဲ့ ရန္ကုန္ စက္မႁတကၠသိုလ္ ေကဵာင္းသား ကိုမဵႃိးရန္ေနာင္သိမ္းဟာ စစ္ေဳကာေရးကာလအတၾင္း အာဏာပိုင္ေတၾရဲႛ ညႀင္းပန္းႎႀိပ္စက္ ခံခဲ့ရတာေဳကာင့္ အာရံုေဳကာထိခိုက္သၾားခဲ့႓ပီး ေထာင္ထဲမႀာ ေဆးဝၝးကုသမႁကို လံုလံုေလာက္ေလာက္ မရရႀိခဲ့တဲ့အတၾက္ လမ္းမေလ႖ာက္ႎိုင္ေတာ့တဲ့ အေဴခအေန ေရာက္သၾားခဲ့ပၝတယ္။


ကိုမဵႃိးရန္ေနာင္သိမ္းဟာ ၁၉၈၈ခုႎႀစ္ ရႀစ္ေလးလံုး လူထုလႁပ္ရႀားမႁ ဴဖစ္ေပၞခဲ့တဲ့အခဵိန္ကတည္းကစ႓ပီး ႎိုင္ငံေရးမႀာ တက္တက္ဳကၾဳကၾ ပၝဝင္လႁပ္ရႀားခဲ့တဲ့ ေကဵာင္းသားတဦးပၝ။ ၁၉၉၆ခုနႀစ္ ေကဵာင္းသားလႁပ္ရႀားမႁမႀာ ရန္ကုန္ စက္မႁတကၠသိုလ္ ေကဵာင္းသားတဦးအေနနဲႛ ဦးေဆာင္လႁပ္ရႀားခဲ့တဲ့အတၾက္ အာဏာပိုင္ေတၾရဲႛ ဖမ္းဆီးတာကို ခံခဲ့ရ႓ပီး ေထာင္ဒဏ္ (၇)ႎႀစ္ ခဵမႀတ္ခံခဲ့ရပၝတယ္။ ေထာင္ကလၾတ္လာ႓ပီးေတာ့လည္း ၈၈မဵႃိးဆက္ ေကဵာင္းသားေခၝင္းေဆာင္ေတၾဴဖစ္တဲ့ မင္းကိုႎိုင္၊ ကိုကုိဳကီးတိုႛနဲႛအတူ ႎိုင္ငံေရးမႀာ ဆက္လက္ ပၝဝင္လႁပ္ရႀားခဲ့သူ ဴဖစ္ပၝတယ္။ ဒၝေပမယ္ ၂၀၀၇စက္တင္ဘာ ေရၿဝၝေရာင္သံဃာလႁပ္ရႀားမႁအ႓ပီးမႀာ ကိုမဵႃိးရန္ေနာင္သိမ္းဟာ ဒုတိယအဳကိမ္ အဖမ္းခံခဲ့ရတာဴဖစ္ပၝတယ္။ သူအဖမ္းခံရပံုက အဴခားသူေတၾနဲႛမတူပဲ လူစည္ကားတဲ့ေနရာမႀာ အမည္မသိလူေတၾက အတင္းဝင္ေရာက္ရိုက္ႎႀက္႓ပီး ခဵႂပ္ေႎႀာင္ ေခၞေဆာင္သၾားဴခင္းခံရတာ ဴဖစ္ပၝတယ္။
သူစတင္အဖမ္းခံခဲ့ရပံုနဲႛ စစ္ေဳကာေရးကာလအတၾင္း အေတၾႛအဳကံႂေတၾကို မအင္ဳကင္းႎိုင္က ဆက္သၾယ္ ေမးဴမန္းတင္ဴပထားပၝတယ္။
ဆက္သၾယ္ေမးဴမန္းခဵက္။
အသံဖိုင္ယူရန္
http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/student_leader_disabled_from_torture-09212009162117.html

Monday 21 September 2009

သံတြဲေထာင္မွ နိုင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္းသမား ၂ ဦး လႊတ္ေျမွာက္

9/20/2009
ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္ သံတြဲေထာင္မွ နုိင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္းသမား ၂ ဦး ယမန္ေန႕က လႊတ္ေျမွာက္လာခဲ့သည္။

သူတို႕မွာ ရန္ကုန္မွ မ်ိဳးရန္ေနာင္သိန္းႏွင့္ ေတာင္တြင္းၾကီးမွ ကိုထြန္းထြန္း၀င္းတို႕ ျဖစ္သည္။

၎ျပင္ သံတြဲေထာင္မွ သူတို႕ႏွစ္ဦး အပါအ၀င္ အက်ဥ္းသား ၅၃ ဦးကို ယမန္ေန႕က စစ္အာဏာပိုင္မ်ားက လႊတ္ေပးခဲ့သည္။

သံတြဲေထာင္တြင္ နိုင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္းသား ၁၁ ဦးခန္႕ရွိျပီး ထိုအထဲတြင္ စမ္းေခ်ာင္း ကိုကိုၾကီးလည္း ပါ၀င္သည္။

ေဒသခံမ်ား အေျပာရ အက်ဥ္သားမ်ားကို စက္တဘၤာလ ၁၈ ရက္ေန႕မွ ၂၈ ရက္ေန႕ထိ လြတ္ေပးမည္ ျဖစ္သည္ဟု သတင္း ျဖစ္ေပၚေနသျဖင့္ မည္သူမ်ား ေနာက္ထပ္ လႊတ္လာမလဲဆိုကာ လူေတြက စိတ္၀င္တစား ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေနၾကသည္ သိရသည္။

http://www.narinjara.com/detailsbur.asp?id=2094
Myanmar DCR Co., Ltd မွ၀န္ထမ္းေရြးခ်ယ္မွဳႏွင့္ပက္သက္ေသာ ရွင္းလင္းပြဲ
IT ႏွင့္ ဂ်ပန္စာတြင္စိတ္၀င္စားေသာ လူငယ္မ်ားအတြက္ အခြင့္အလမ္း

ေန႔ရက္ - ၂၀၀၉ ခုႏွစ္ စက္တင္ဘာလ ၂၇ ရက္(တနဂၤေႏြ)
ပထမအၾကိမ္ရွင္းလင္းပြဲ - ၁၀း၀၀ မွ ၁၂း၀၀ နာရီ (Reception Time ၉း၃၀ နာရီ)
ဒုတိယအၾကိမ္ရွင္းလင္းပြဲ - ၁၄း၀၀ မွ ၁၆း၀၀ နာရီ (Reception Time ၁၃း၃၀ နာရီ)
ေနရာ - CHATRIUM Hotel (အမွတ္ ၄၀၊ နတ္ေမာက္လမ္း၊ တာေမြၿမိဳ႕နယ္၊ ရန္ကုန္)၊ (ယခင္Nikko Hotel)

ပထမအၾကိမ္ ႏွင့္ ဒုတိယအၾကိမ္ရွင္းလင္းပြဲ၏ အေၾကာင္းအရာမ်ားမွာ အတူတူပင္ျဖစ္သည္။

ဂ်ပန္ႏိုင္ငံရွိ Daiichi Computer Resources (DCR) ကုမၸဏီီလီမိတက္ (၀န္ထမ္းဦးေရ ၁၄၀၀၊ ၂၀၀၈ခုႏွစ္အတြက္ေရာင္းအား $128M) မွ ၁၄.၇.၂၀၀၈ တြင္ ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕တြင္ ဂ်ပန္လူမ်ိဳးပိုင္ Myanmar DCR ကုမၸဏီလီမိတက္ကုိတည္ေထာင္ခဲ့ပါသည္။ ယခုလက္ရွိတြင္ ဂ်ပန္လူမ်ိဳး၀န္ထမ္း(၄)ဦး၊ ျမန္မာလူမ်ိဳး၀န္ထမ္း (၁၅၀)ဦး (Regular၀န္ထမ္းႏွင့္Intern၀န္ထမ္း) ျဖင့္လုပ္ငန္းလုပ္ေဆာင္လ်က္ရွိပါသည္။
အဓိကလုပ္ငန္းမွာ ဂ်ပန္ႏိုင္ငံမွ System Development လုပ္ငန္းမ်ားကို ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံတြင္ လုပ္ေဆာင္ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံမွ အရည္အခ်င္းျပည့္မီေသာ၀န္ထမ္းေကာင္းမ်ားကုိလည္းေနာင္တြင္ဂ်ပန္-ျမန္မာအသြားအျပန္ျပဳလုပ္ကာအလုပ္လုပ္ေဆာင္ႏိုင္မည့္ အခြင့္အေရးမ်ားလည္း ရရွိမည္ ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ ယခုရွင္းလင္းပြဲတြင္ ရန္ကုန္ရွိ ေက်ာ္ၾကားေသာဂ်ပန္စာသင္ေက်ာင္းမ်ားျဖစ္သည့္ Win Japanese Language Schoollႏွင့္ Momiji Japanese Language Centerတို႔မွလည္းပူးေပါင္းပါ၀င္မည္ျဖစ္သည္။
တက္ေရာက္ရန္ ၾကိဳတင္စာရင္းေပးသြင္းထားေသာသူမ်ားသာ ရွင္းလင္းပြဲခန္းမအတြင္းသို႔ ၀င္ခြင့္ ျပဳမည္ျဖစ္သည္။
သတ္မွတ္ထားေသာ အရည္အခ်င္းမ်ား
* Regular ၀န္ထမ္း (ယခုႏွစ္ Intern ၀န္ထမ္းမေရြးခ်ယ္ပါ။)
- ITတြင္စိတ္၀င္စားျပီး Programmer/System Analyst/Consultant အျဖစ္အလုပ္လုပ္ကုိင္ခ်င္ေသာ၊ ဂ်ပန္စာတြင္ စိတ္၀င္စား ေလ့လာခ်င္ေသာသူ
- ကြန္ပ်ဴတာတကၠသိုလ္မွေက်ာင္းသားေက်ာင္းသူမ်ား (၂၀၁၀ခုႏွစ္၊ ၄လပိုင္းတြင္ဘြဲ႕ရရွိမည့္သူ၊ ေက်ာင္းျပီးမည့္သူ)
- ေဆးတကၠသိုလ္မွေက်ာင္းသားေက်ာင္းသူမ်ား (၂၀၁၀ခုႏွစ္၊ ၄လပိုင္းတြင္ဘြဲ႕ရရွိမည့္သူ၊ ေက်ာင္းျပီးမည့္သူ)
- အျခားတကၠသိုလ္မ်ားတြင္ ပညာသင္ၾကားေနေသာ ေက်ာင္းသားေက်ာင္းသူမ်ား (၂၀၁၀ခုႏွစ္၊ ၄လပိုင္းတြင္ဘြဲ႕ရရွိမည့္သူ၊ ေက်ာင္းျပီးမည့္သူ)
အသက္ကန္႔သတ္ခ်က္အေနျဖင့္
၂၀၁၀ခုႏွစ္ မတ္လ ၃၁ရက္ေန႔တြင္
- တကၠသိုလ္ေက်ာင္းသားေက်ာင္းသူမ်ား ၂၁ ႏွစ္ (ယခုႏွစ္ ၂၀ႏွစ္ႏွင့္ေအာက္)
- Thesis ေက်ာင္းသားေက်ာင္းသူမ်ား ၂၃ ႏွစ္ (ယခုႏွစ္ ၂၂ႏွစ္ႏွင့္ေအာက္)
- ေဆးတကၠသိုလ္ေက်ာင္းသားေက်ာင္းသူမ်ား ၂၅ ႏွစ္ (ယခုႏွစ္ ၂၄ႏွစ္ႏွင့္ေအာက္)
* Thesis ေက်ာင္းသားေက်ာင္းသူမ်ားအေနျဖင့္ ၂၀၁၀ခုႏွစ္ မတ္လ ၃၁ရက္ေန႔တြင္ Thesis ျပီးဆံုးႏိုင္မည့္သူျဖစ္ရမည္။
** အထက္ပါေက်ာင္းသားေက်ာင္းသူမ်ားအေနျဖင့္ တကၠသိုလ္၀င္တန္းစာေမးပြဲတြင္ အဂၤလိပ္စာ၊ သခၤ်ာ၊ သိပၸံတြဲမ်ားမွ အနည္းဆံုးဂုဏ္ထူး(၂)ခု ရရွိသူမ်ားသာေလွ်ာက္ထားႏိုင္ပါသည္။
** ယခင္ႏွစ္မ်ားတြင္ Myanmar DCR မွက်င္းပခဲ့ေသာ ၀န္ထမ္းေရြးခ်ယ္ပြဲမ်ားတြင္ ၀င္ေရာက္ေျဖဆိုဖူးျခင္း မရွိေသာသူ ျဖစ္ရမည္။
**ရွင္းလင္းပြဲတက္ေရာက္ရာတြင္ ယူေဆာင္လာရမည့္စာရြက္စာတမ္းမ်ား
- မွတ္ပံုတင္ကတ္ မူရင္းႏွင့္မိတၱဴ
- တကၠသိုလ္၀င္တန္းေအာင္လက္မွတ္မိတၱဴ
(၀န္ထမ္းေရြးခ်ယ္မွဳတြင္ အသက္အကန္႔အသတ္ရွိပါသျဖင့္ မပ်က္မကြက္ယူေဆာင္လာပါရန္)
ကန္႔သတ္ခ်က္မ်ားႏွင့္ကိုက္ညီမွဳမရွိဘဲ ၀န္ထမ္းအျဖစ္၀င္ေရာက္ေၾကာင္းသိရွိလွ်င္ ၀န္ထမ္းအျဖစ္မွခ်က္ခ်င္းရပ္ဆိုင္းမည္ျဖစ္ပါသည္။
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Sunday 20 September 2009

Burma’s New Sham Democratic Party




With Than Shwe’s bogus 2010 election just around the corner credibility has become a major issue. And with good reason since the junta did not like the outcome of the election of 1990 even though they sponsored it. You remember, that’s the election Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy won a landslide victory over Than Shwe’s regime. Sadly the voice of the people was not recognized by Gen. Than Shwe and the world was asleep at the wheel.
The proposed election of 2010 was designed to give Burma a white wash or sugar frosting and give Than Shwe’s criminal regime a semblance of legitimacy. The other benefit to the election was to give criminally negligent corporations who’ve ignored international sanctions some breathing room from public opinion. Credibility has not been in Than Shwe’s favor and the world knows the election is a sham. But in spite of this fact Than Shwe devised a newer scheme in an effort to give his bogus election the look and feel of a real election. It’s called the Democratic Party and they will place a candidate in the running for the 2010 election. Talk about a rigged election. Why even waste the money on ballots in the first place since Than Shwe has guaranteed his generals will win no matter who runs, except the true opposition. After all, true opposition is either in prison, dead or in hiding so they are effectively out of the running, so far.
Mya Than Than Nu, the daughter of U Nu; Nay Yee Ba Swe, the daughter of late Prime Minister Ba Swe; and Cho Cho Kyaw Nyein, the daughter of late Deputy Prime Minister Kyaw Nyein are the spearheads of this new attempt to give the bogus election of 2010 a face lift. Did Than Shwe really think he was going to slip this one by the world audience or is he as stupid as many of his generals says he is? I will leave that open to debate. Anyway, these three gals are going to run a staged opposition under the banner of the new *Democratic Party.
With the children of his cronies running the opposition I truly doubt these gals will want to give up the opulent life they lead or do time for winning the election like Aung San Suu Kyi. The sins of their fathers will not be an issue regardless of their blood soaked histories. Ethnic cleansing as well as wholesale genocide will not be an issue either since the 2010 elections will also provide amnesty to generals for all their heinous acts of brutality. Yes, it will be an election to behold as Than Shwe pushes to legitimize his criminal regime. And there sits the UN’s Ban Ki-moon hiding under the sofa hoping it will all go away and pinheads like U.S. Senator Jim Webb who can’t see past their wallets.
The fix is already in since the junta forced a new and totally unacceptable Constitution onto the people of Burma in 2008. Through threats of death and starvation Than Shwe coerced people to vote yes as well as fix ballot boxes. Nothing like gun barrel politics to usher in more restrictive and totalitarian rules to keep a nation in bondage. With the Three Stoogettes (Mya, Nay and Cho) at the helm of the new Democratic Party the elections will be the mockery of the century but sadly the joke will be on the people of Burma.
* http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=16788
Your Devil’s Advocate
Buffalohair