Burma Democratic Concern has the firm determination to carry on doing until the democracy restore in Burma.

Tuesday 31 August 2010

Flood hits in Bago

The floods hit Bago starting from 29/08/2010 and the water is still rising. Around 200 households, nearly 600 people are temporarily refuge at the Shwe Nant Thar monestry. The Sayadaw (Monk) said they had to give 15 bag of rice everyday and it’s possible that the flood victims might be increase.

http://www.bdcburma.org/ActivitiesDetails.asp?id=15001 Sep 2010

01/09/2010

Sunday 29 August 2010

US Press Briefing

August 25, 2010

BURMA

Elections

QUESTION: The Burmese leader Aung San Suu Kyi has given a call to
boycott the elections on November 7 in Burma.

MR. TONER: To what the elections?

QUESTION: Boycott the election – general elections in Burma. Do you
support her appeal? What’s your stand on that?

MR. TONER: On her appeal for --

QUESTION: -- to boycott --

MR. TONER: I didn’t hear.

QUESTION: Boycott.

MR. TONER: Boycott. I apologize. I didn’t hear the word “boycott.”
Well, we’ve said many times that we don’t feel that credible elections
can be held in Burma at this point.

http://www.state.gov/r/pa/prs/dpb/2010/08/146276.htm
082910-–-MoeMaKa-Daily

ဘယ္အရာဟာ တည္ၿမဲမလဲ
Saturday, 28 August 2010 19:11 စစ္ထက္ႏိုင္

ဆင္ျဖဴမ႐ွင္ နအဖ တို႕ ပုန္းေအာင္းရာ ၾကပ္ေျပးေနျပည္ေတာ္ ျပန္ကေျပးေက်း႐ြာအုပ္စု တဲကုန္းေက်း႐ြာတြင္ အိမ္ေျခ ( ၁၉၀ ) ေက်ာ္အား နအဖ၏ အမိန္႕အရ ႐ြာလံုးကၽြတ္ေ႐ႊ႕ေျပာင္းခိုင္းရာ လူထုႀကီးဟာ မိမိတို႕ အစဥ္အဆက္ေနလာခဲ့ေသာ အိမ္ ေနရာေလးမ်ားသံေယာဇဥ္ျဖစ္တာကတစ္ေၾကာင္း ၊ ဘယ္ေနရာကို ေျပာင္းရမွန္းမသိတာက တစ္ေၾကာင္းတို႕ေၾကာင့္ မေ႐ႊ႕ေျပာင္းဘဲေနလာရာ ၁၃. ၈ . ၂၀၁၀ က ေနျပည္ေတာ္ စည္ပင္၀န္ထမ္းမ်ားႏွင့္ ရဲတပ္ဖြဲ႕မ်ားက ဒုတ္မ်ားျဖင့္လူထုႀကီး အား၀င္ေရာက္ ႐ိုက္ႏွက္ျခင္း၊ ဓါးမ်ားျဖင့္ အိမ္မ်ားအား ခုတ္ထစ္႐ွင္းလင္းတို႕ ျပဳလုပ္ေနသျဖင့္ ကမၻာပ်က္သလိုျဖစ္ေန ေပသည္။ လူထုႀကီးမွာ စားစရာမ႐ွိ၊ ေနစရာမ႐ွိ ျဖစ္ေနေၾကာင္း။ နအဖ တို႕ရဲ႕လူသားမဆန္စြာ မိုက္႐ိုင္းေနမႈအား ကမၻာက သိေစျခင္လို႕တင္ျပလိုက္တာပါ။ ကုလသမဂၢအဖြဲ႕ႀကီးဆိုတာ ဘာေတြလုပ္ေနလဲ ၊ ဘာေတြကူညီႏိုင္မလဲ ေမးေပးၾကပါ။ ဒီလိုျဖစ္ပ်က္ေနတာ ႏိုင္ငံတကာစစ္ခံု႐ံုးမတင္ႏိုင္ၾကေသးဘူးလား ၊ ႏို၀ဘၤာလ (၇) ရက္မတိုင္မွီ စစ္ခံု႐ံုးကိုတင္ေပးၾက ေစလိုပါသည္။

ဗမာျပည္မွာ႐ွိေနတဲ့ အမ်ိဳးသားဒီမိုကေရစီ အဖြဲ႕ခ်ဳပ္ဆိုတာလဲ အျပင္မွာ႐ွိေနတဲ့လူေတြဟာ (ေထာင္က်ေနသူမ်ားမပါ) တခ်ိန္က တပ္မေတာ္သားေတြမို႕ မယံုၾကည္ရေလာက္တဲ့အဆင့္ေရာက္ေနပါၿပီ။ ေအာ္ ေန .... လည္ေနတာေလာက္ပဲ လုပ္ျပေနတာမို႕ ျပည္သူလူထု အားကိုးလို႕မရတဲ့အဆင့္ေရာက္ေနပါၿပီ။ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္း လမ္းစဥ္လိုက္တယ္ဆိုရင္ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေျပာခဲ့သလို “ ရ ရင္ ရ ၊ မရ ရင္ ခ် မယ္ ” ဆိုတဲ့စိတ္ ေမြးသူလဲ မ႐ွိေတာ့ပါ။ ၁၉၉၀ ခုႏွစ္ကေထာက္ခံေပး ခဲ့တဲ့မ်က္ႏွာကိုေတာင္ မေထာက္ေတာ့ၾကဘူးဗ်ာ။

သူကိုယ္သူ မေသေဆးစားထားသူတစ္ေယာက္လို႕ထင္ေနတဲ့ နအဖသန္းေ႐ႊအား ဘယ္အရာဟာ တည္ၿမဲသလဲဆိုတာ သိသြားေအာင္ ကမၻာက ကူညီ၀ိုင္း၀န္း လုပ္ေပးၾကေစလိုပါသည္။
http://www.mongloi.org/burmese/letter/1058-2010-08-28-12-12-58
ဗိုလ္မႉးေအာင္လင္းထြဋ္ ေျပာျပတဲ့ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီး သူရျမင့္ေအာင္ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီးကိုကို ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီး မင္းေအာင္လိႈင္တို႕အေၾကာင္း
Posted: 28 Aug 2010 07:00 AM PDT
ဦးေရာ္နီညိမ္း။ ။ ပထမဆံုး ဗိုလ္မႉးကို က်ေနာ္တို႔ ေမးခ်င္တာကေပါ့ေနာ္၊ အခု အခါ တပ္မေတာ္ကာကြယ္ေရးဦးစီးခ်ဳပ္ ျဖစ္လာတဲ့ ဒုတိယဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီး သူရျမင့္ေအာင္ဟာ စစ္တကၠသိုလ္ အပတ္စဥ္(၁၈)က ျဖစ္တဲ့အတြက္ေၾကာင့္မို႔လို႔၊ ဗိုလ္မႉးတို႔ စစ္တကၠသိုလ္ အပတ္စဥ္(၂၀) နဲ႔ဆိုရင္ (၂) ႏွစ္ေလာက္ပဲ ကြာတာကို က်ေနာ္တို႔ ေတြ႔ရေတာ့ ဒါဟာ ေခတ္ ၿပိဳင္လို႔လည္း လွမ္းျမင္ၾကည့္လို႔ ရပါတယ္။ အဲဒီေတာ့ ကိုယ္နဲ႔ ေခတ္ၿပိဳင္တစ္ေယာက္ေပါ့ေနာ္၊ ကို္ယ့္ထက္ (၂)ႏွစ္ေလာက္ပဲ စီနီယာက်တဲ့လူ အခု တပ္မေတာ္ကာကြယ္ေရးဦးစီးခ်ဳပ္ ျဖစ္လာတဲ့အခါမွာ သူ႔ရဲ႕ ျဖတ္သန္းလာတဲ့ သမိုင္းေၾကာင္းကို ဗိုလ္မႉးသိရွိသေလာက္ ေ၀ဖန္ အကဲျဖတ္ သံုးသပ္ေပးပါ ခင္ဗ်။
ဗိုလ္မႉး ေအာင္လင္းထြဋ္။ ။ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီး သူရျမင့္ေအာင္ဟာ မြန္ျပည္နယ္ သထံုဇာတိပါခင္ဗ်၊ စစ္တကၠသိုလ္ အပတ္စဥ္(၁၈) တက္တဲ့အခ်ိန္အခါမွာ ‘ေအာင္ေဇယ်’ တပ္ခြဲက ပါ။ အဲဒီေတာ့ က်ေနာ္တို႔နဲ႔ တပ္ခြဲ တစ္ခြဲတည္း အတူတူျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ သူက တပ္စု(၈)ပါ ခင္ဗ်။ စစ္တကၠသိုလ္ တက္စဥ္အတြင္းမွာေတာ့ သာမန္ ဗိုလ္ေလာင္းတစ္ေယာက္ အေနနဲ႔ပဲ က်ေနာ္တို႔ သိရပါတယ္ခင္ဗ်။ သူ စစ္တကၠသိုလ္ ဆင္းၿပီးေတာ့ ခမရ (၂)၊ တပ္မ (၄၄) မွာ သူ တပ္ခြဲမႉးဗိုလ္ႀကီး ဘ၀နဲ႔ေပါ့ေလ၊ ၁၉၈၃ - ၈၄ ခုႏွစ္က မဲသေ၀ါ တိုက္ပြဲ မွာ KNU ရဲ႕ မဲသေ၀ါစခန္းကို သိမ္းပိုက္ႏိုင္ခဲ့တဲ့ အတြက္ေၾကာင့္မို႔လို႔ သူ “သူရ”ဘြဲ႔ ရပါတယ္။ အဲဒီ “သူရ”ဘြဲ႔ ရၿပီးတဲ့ေနာက္ပိုင္းမွာ အဲဒီအခ်ိန္တုန္းက ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီးခ်စ္ေဆြ (ကိုယ္ေရးအထၱဳပၸတၱိ စာအုပ္ ေရးခဲ့သူ။ ၈၈၈၈ အခ်ိန္ ကစထ ၂ - ကစထမႉး၊ ၁၉၉၇ သစ္ေတာ၀န္ႀကီးရာထူးမွ ဖယ္ရွားခံရသူ) ရဲ႕ ကစထ မွာ စစ္ဦးစီးမႉး တတိယတန္း G-3 ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ အဲဒီေတာ့ ေနာက္ ပိုင္း G-2 ျဖစ္တယ္။
ဦးေရာ္နီညိမ္း။ ။ ဟုတ္ကဲ့ခင္ဗ်၊ ကစထ ဆိုတာ “ကာကြယ္ေရး ၀န္ႀကီးဌာန စစ္ဆင္ေရးအထူးအဖြဲ႔” ေပါ့ေနာ္၊ ၁၉၈၈ မတိုင္ခင္က ျမန္မာျပည္ ေျမာက္ပိုင္းနဲ႔ ေတာင္ပိုင္း ကို ႏွစ္ခုထဲ ခြဲထားၿပီးေတာ့ ကစထ (၁)၊ (၂) ဆိုၿပီး ရွိခဲ့တဲ့အထဲက ဒုတိယဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီး ခ်စ္ေဆြ ကိုင္ခဲ့တဲ့ ကစထ (၂) ကိုဆိုလိုတာလား ခင္ဗ်။
ဗိုလ္မႉး ေအာင္လင္းထြဋ္။ ။ မွန္ပါတယ္ခင္ဗ်၊ အဲဒီေနာက္ပိုင္း ဗိုလ္မႉးသူရျမင့္ေအာင္ဟာ ကက(ၾကည္း)စစ္ဆင္ေရးဌာနရဲ႕ G-2 တစ္ေယာက္ျဖစ္လာခဲ့ပါတယ္။ အဲဒီေနာက္ပိုင္း မွာ က်ေနာ္သိရသေလာက္က ခလရ (၃၅)၊ သာယာ၀တီမွာ ယာယီတပ္ရင္းမႉး တာ၀န္ေပးခံရတာ သိရပါတယ္။ သာယာ၀တီ (၃၅) တပ္ရင္းမႉးကေနမွ စစ္တကၠသိုလ္နည္းျပမႉးခ်ဳပ္ ရာ ထူးကို သူေျပာင္းေရႊ႕သြားရပါတယ္ ခင္ဗ်။ အဲဒီ နည္းျပမႉးခ်ဳပ္ကမွ တဆင့္ ဗ်ဴဟာမႉးျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ အဲဒီအခ်ိန္အခါမွာ စကခ ေတြ အမ်ားႀကီး ဖြင့္တဲ့အခါက်ေတာ့ စကခ (၁၃) မွာပဲ သူ ဗ်ဴဟာမႉးေကာ၊ တပ္မမႉးေကာ စကခ(၁၃) မွာပဲ ျဖစ္တယ္။
ဦးေရာ္နီညိမ္း။ ။ ဟုတ္ကဲ့ခင္ဗ်၊ စကခ ဆိုတာ က်ေနာ္တို႔ ေျချမန္တပ္မေတြနဲ႔ အင္အားအညီ နာမည္သာေျပာင္းၿပီး ဖြဲ႔စည္းတဲ့ စစ္ဆင္ေရး ကြပ္ကဲမႈ ဌာနခ်ဳပ္” ၊ သူတို႔ စကခ အႀကီးအကဲေတြကိုလည္း တပ္မမႉး လို႔ပဲေခၚၾကတဲ့ နာမည္တစ္မ်ိဳးနဲ႔ ထပ္ဖြင့္တဲ့ ေျချမန္ တပ္မေတြလား ခင္ဗ်ား။
ဗိုလ္မႉး ေအာင္လင္းထြဋ္။ ။ မွန္ပါတယ္ခင္ဗ်၊ သူ အဲဒီ ဘုတ္ျပင္း ရဲ႕ တပ္မမႉးပါ။ က်ေနာ္ေျပာေျပာေနတဲ့ "ခရစၥတီးကၽြန္း လူသတ္ပြဲႀကီး" ကိစၥမွာ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ျမင့္ေအာင္ဟာ အဲဒီ အခ်ိန္တုန္းက တပ္မေတာ္(ၾကည္း)ရဲ႕ ေခါင္းေဆာင္တစ္ေယာက္အေနနဲ႔ အဲဒီ ကြပ္ကဲမႈအဖြဲ႔မွာ တာ၀န္ယူရပါတယ္ခင္ဗ်။ အဲဒီအခ်ိန္တုန္းက ကာကြယ္ေရးဦးစီးခ်ဳပ္ ျဖစ္ခဲ့တဲ့ (ေရ) က ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ၾကည္မင္းတို႔ ၊ ကာကြယ္ေရးဦးစီးခ်ဳပ္(ေလ) ျဖစ္ခဲ့တဲ့ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ျမင့္ေဆြတို႔နဲ႔ အတူတူပါပဲခင္ဗ်။ ဘာလို႔ က်ေနာ္ မွတ္မွတ္ရရ ေျပာရသလဲဆိုေတာ့ အဲဒီ ခရစၥတီးကၽြန္းမွာ လူေတြ ကို သတ္ခိုင္းတုန္းက ကက(ၾကည္း)ကေနၿပီးေတာ့မွ ညပိုင္းမွာ အမိန္႔လာတဲ့ အခ်ိန္အခါမွာ၊ က်ေနာ္တို႔ အစည္းအေ၀းလုပ္ၾကတယ္ေပါ့ေလ။ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ၾကည္မင္းက အစည္းေ၀း လုပ္တဲ့ အခ်ိန္ခါမွာ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္သူရျမင့္ေအာင္ ကေနၿပီးေတာ့မွ “ခင္ဗ်ားတို႔ အေနနဲ႔ ဘာမွ ျပန္ေမးမေနနဲ႔ေပါ့" ေလ၊ "အထက္က အမိန္႔အတိုင္း သတ္စရာရွိ သတ္ေပါ့၊ သတ္ခိုင္းလိုက္ေပါ့” ဆိုတဲ့ ဟာမ်ိဳးကို ေထာက္ခံၿပီးေတာ့ ေျပာတဲ့လူမ်ိဳး ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ဦးေရာ္နီညိမ္း။ ။ အဲဒီ အစည္းအေ၀းမွာ ဗိုလ္မႉးလည္း တက္ေရာက္ခဲ့တာေပါ့။
ဗိုလ္မႉး ေအာင္လင္းထြဋ္။ ။ မွန္ပါတယ္ခင္ဗ်၊ အဲဒီ ဇာဒက္ႀကီးကၽြန္း မွာပါခင္ဗ်၊ အဲဒီအစည္းအေ၀းမွာ က်ေနာ္တို႔လည္း ပါပါတယ္ ခင္ဗ်။ က်ေနာ္ေတာင္မွ ေတာ္ေတာ္ေလးကို အ့ံၾသတဲ့အေနအထားမ်ိဳး ျဖစ္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ဘာျဖစ္လို႔လဲဆိုေတာ့ မိန္းမေတြေကာ၊ ကေလးေတြေကာ၊ မီးေနသည္ေကာပါတဲ့ အရပ္သားေတြ ဗ်ာ၊ innocent people ေတြကို သတ္ခိုင္း တာေတြ။
ဦးေရာ္နီညိမ္း။ ။ ဟုတ္ကဲ့ ခင္ဗ်။ အဲဒီေတာ့ ဒီ ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ျမင့္ေအာင္ဟာ စကခ (၁၃) ဘုတ္ျပင္းရဲ႕ တပ္မမႉးကေန ေနာက္တခါ က်ေနာ္တို႔ ဒီမွာ သူ႔ရဲ႕ profile ကိုျပန္ၾကည့္ေတာ့ ေမာ္လၿမိဳင္မွာ အေရွ႕ေတာင္တိုင္းစစ္ဌာနခ်ဳပ္ တိုင္းမႉးကို သူ။
ဗိုလ္မႉး ေအာင္လင္းထြဋ္။ ။ မဟုတ္ေသးဘူး၊ မဟုတ္ေသးဘူး ခင္ဗ်၊ စကခ(၁၃) တပ္မမႉးကေနမွ သူ တပ္မ(၂၂) တပ္မမႉး။ ဖားအံမွာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္ ခင္ဗ်။ ဖားအံမွာ တပ္မ(၂၂) တပ္မမႉး ၿပီးတဲ့အခါက်မွ အေရွ႕ေတာင္တိုင္း စစ္ဌာနခ်ဳပ္ (ေမာ္လၿမိဳင္)မွာ တိုင္းမႉးပါ။ ေနာက္ အေရွ႕ေတာင္တိုင္းစစ္ဌာနခ်ဳပ္ တိုင္းမႉး (ေမာ္လၿမိဳင္) ကေနမွ အေနာက္ေတာင္တိုင္း စစ္ဌာနခ်ဳပ္ (ပုသိမ္)ကို တိုင္းမႉး အျဖစ္ ျပန္ေျပာင္းရပါတယ္။ ေနာက္ အေနာက္ေတာင္တိုင္း တုိင္းမႉး (ပုသိမ္)ကမွ တဆင့္ အခု လက္ရွိရာထူး၊ စစ္ေရးခ်ဳပ္ရာထူးကို သူရတဲ့ အေနအ ထားမ်ိဳး ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ဦးေရာ္နီညိမ္း။ ။ ဟုတ္ကဲ့ ခင္ဗ်။ အဲဒီေတာ့ အခု တပ္မေတာ္မွာ ဒုတိယအႀကီးဆံုးနဲ႔ တတိယအႀကီးဆံုး ျဖစ္လာၾကတဲ့ ဒုတိယဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီး ကိုကိုနဲ႔ ဒုတိယဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီး မင္း ေအာင္လႈိင္တို႔ဟာလည္း ဗိုလ္မႉးနဲ႔ ဆိုလို႔ရွိရင္ တစ္ႏွစ္ပဲ ကြာပါတယ္။ စစ္တကၠသိုလ္ အပတ္စဥ္(၁၉) က ဆင္းတဲ့အခါက်ေတ၊့ ေခတ္ၿပိဳင္လိုပဲ က်ေနာ္တို႔ ၾကည့္ျမင္လို႔ ရပါတယ္။ အဲဒီ အခါက်ေတာ့ သူတို႔နဲ႔ ပတ္သက္လို႔ေကာ သူတို႔ ျဖတ္သန္းမႈ၊ သူတို႔ ဒီေနရာထိ ေရာက္လာတဲ့ ဟာနဲ႔ သူတို႔ ဒီေရွ႕မွာ တပ္ကို ဘယ္လိုဦးေဆာင္ႏိုင္မယ္ဆိုတာ ဗိုလ္မႉး ဘယ္လိုျမင္ပါ သလဲ ခင္ဗ်။
ဗိုလ္မႉး ေအာင္လင္းထြဋ္။ ။ ကိုကိုက က်ေနာ္တို႔ တပ္စု(၉)၊ ‘ေအာင္ေဇယ်’တပ္ခဲြ ကပါ။ ကိုကိုရဲ႕ စိတ္ေနစိတ္ထားကေတာ့ က်ေနာ္တို႔ ဗိုလ္ေလာင္းဘ၀မွာ ေနစဥ္တုန္းက ေတာ့ ကိုကိုဟာ လူညစ္တစ္ေယာက္ မဟုတ္ဘူးခင္ဗ်။ ဒီလူဟာ လူေကာင္းတစ္ေယာက္ပါ။ က်ေနာ္တို႔ ဗုိလ္ေလာင္းဘ၀မွာ သူ႔ကိုေတာ့ က်ေနာ္ အေကာင္းျမင္ပါတယ္ခင္ဗ်။ သူနဲ႔ က်ေနာ္နဲ႔ ျပန္ဆံုေတာ့ သူ စစ္ရံုးမွာ ကက(ၾကည္း)G-1 ဘ၀မွာ က်ေနာ္တို႔ ျပန္ဆံုပါတယ္။ ကိုကိုရဲ႕ စိတ္ေနစိတ္ထားက ေကာင္းပါတယ္။ စိတ္ရင္းေစတနာေကာင္းတဲ့ ပုဂၢိဳလ္မ်ိဳးပါ။ က်ေနာ္ မင္းေအာင္လိႈင္နဲ႔ ပတ္သက္ၿပီးေတာ့ေျပာရရင္ မင္းေအာင္လႈိင္ကေတာ့ ‘ေနာ္ရထာ’တပ္ခြဲမွာ ေနခဲ့တဲ့လူပါ။ ေက်ာင္းမွာ ကတည္းကိုက က်ေနာ္တို႔က nick name ေပးထား တာပဲေလ၊ “ေၾကာင္ခ်ီး”ဆိုၿပီး က်ေနာ္တို႔ ေပးထားတာပဲ၊ ေပ်ာ့ေပ်ာ့ေလးနဲ႔ နံတဲ့ လူ။ သူ႔ရဲ႕အဆက္အသြယ္က သူ တပ္မ (၈၈) က တဆင့္ေပါ့ေလ၊ ဒါ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီးသန္းေရႊနဲ႔ connection ေတာက္ေလွ်ာက္ ရတဲ့အေနအထား မ်ိဳးပါ။ မင္းေအာင္လႈိင္ဟာ တပ္မ (၈၈) born တစ္ေယာက္ဗ်၊ ဒါေၾကာင့္မို႔လည္း ေျမႇာက္စားခံရတဲ့ အေနအထားမ်ိဳး ျဖစ္လိမ့္မယ္ ခင္ဗ်။
ဦးေရာ္နီညိမ္း။ ။ ဟုတ္ကဲ့ ခင္ဗ်။ အဲဒီေတာ့ က်ေနာ္တို႔ ျပန္ၾကည့္ရင္ ဦးေန၀င္းတုန္းက သနက (၄) ေပါ့ေနာ္၊ သူ႔လူေတြ ခ်ည့္ပဲ။ “တပ္ရင္း (၄)၊ တပ္ရင္း (၄)” ဆိုၿပီးေတာ့၊ အခု ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မႉးႀကီးသန္းေရႊကလည္း တပ္မ (၈၈) တပ္မမႉး ျဖစ္ခဲ့ေတာ့ သူရဲ႕ ၿခံေပါက္ေတြႀကီးပဲ။ သူအနားေပးလိုက္တဲ့ ဒုတိယဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီး တင္ေအး (ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ေအးခ်မ္းသာယာေရး ႏွင့္ ဖံြ႔ၿဖိဳးေရးေကာင္စီ၀င္ ႏွင့္ ယခုအနားေပးျခင္းခံရေသာ စစ္လက္နက္ပစၥည္းထုတ္လုပ္ေရးအရာရိွခ်ဳပ္) ဆိုရင္၊ သူ႔ရဲ႕ကိုယ္ေရးအရာရွိ။
ဗိုလ္မႉး ေအာင္လင္းထြဋ္။ ။ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီးသန္းေရႊ ကေတာ့ တပ္မ(၈၈) ဆိုလို႔ အားလံုးေတာ့မသိႏိုင္ပါဘူး။ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီးသန္းေရႊေအာက္မွာ ခုဏက ကိုေရာ္နီေျပာတဲ့ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ တင္ေအးတို႔ အရင္ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေက်ာ္၀င္း (၂၀၀၄တြင္ ရာထူးမွ ဖယ္ရွားျခင္းခံရသူ ဒုတိယတပ္မေတာ္ ေထာက္လွမ္းေရးမႉးခ်ဳပ္)တို႔၊ ေနာက္ အခု ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေန၀င္း (ယခု ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မႉးႀကီး သန္းေရႊ ၏ စစ္ဘက္လက္ေထာက္) တို႔ေပါ့ဗ်ာ၊ အစစ တပ္မ (၈၈) ဖြဲ႔တဲ့ေနရာမွာ ဆင့္ကဲဆင့္ကဲေပါ့ ဗ်ာ၊ ‘ဒီေကာင္ေလးကေတာ့ က်ေနာ္နဲ႔ ေနခဲ့တယ္၊ ဒီေကာင္မဆိုးပါဘူး” ဆိုၿပီး recommendation နဲ႔ ဒါမ်ိဳးေတြ ပါလာတဲ့ သေဘာမ်ိဳးပါ ခင္ဗ်။
ဦးေရာ္နီညိမ္း။ ။ အဲဒီေတာ့ ဗမာ့တပ္မေတာ္ဟာ တစ္ခ်ိန္တုန္းက ဦးေန၀င္းကေန ၿပီးေတာ့မွ ေျမႇာက္စားခဲ့တဲ့ တပ္ရင္း (၄) ကလူေတြ ႀကီးပဲ ျဖစ္ခဲ့လို႔၊ တပ္ရင္း (၄) ေခတ္ကို ေရာက္ခဲ့သလို၊ အခုေကာ တပ္မ (၈၈) ေခတ္ကို ေရာက္သြားတယ္လို႔ ေျပာလို႔ရလား ခင္ဗ်။
ဗိုလ္မႉး ေအာင္လင္းထြဋ္။ ။ ေျပာလို႔ ရပါတယ္ခင္ဗ်။ တကယ္လည္း ခုဏက ေျပာသလို ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီးသန္းေရႊနားမွ ယခင္ကေကာ ယခုေကာ လက္ရွိ၀န္းရံေနတဲ့ ပုဂၢိဳလ္ေတြ အမ်ားစုေပါ့ေလ၊ ရာထူးႀကီးႀကီးပိုင္းက ဒီ တပ္မ (၈၈) ရဲ႕ အဆက္အသြယ္ေတြပါပဲ၊ နည္းနည္းေလး ရာထူးငယ္တဲ့လူေတြသာ အေနာက္ေတာင္တိုင္းတို႔ ဘာတို႔ အဲဒီေလာက္က ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီးသန္းေရႊ တိုင္းမႉး ဘ၀မွာေတြခဲ့တဲ့လူ။ တပ္မ(၈၈) ကေတာ့ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီး သန္းေရႊ အေနနဲ႔ ခလရ (၁) မွာ အဲဒီမွာ တပ္ရင္းမႉး အျဖစ္ တာ၀န္ ထမ္းခဲ့တယ္။ ေနာက္ တပ္မ (၈၈)မွာပဲ ဗ်ဴဟာမႉး၊ ဒုတပ္မမႉး၊ တပ္မမႉး ျဖစ္ခဲ့တဲ့ အခါက်ေတာ့ သူ႔ရဲ႕ မိခင္တပ္မလို ျဖစ္တဲ့ အေနအထားမ်ိဳး ရွိပါတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္မို႔ ဘယ္သူပဲ ျဖစ္ျဖစ္ တပ္မ (၈၈) ကဆို လက္ခံတဲ့ အေနအထားမ်ိဳး ရွိပါတယ္ခင္ဗ်။
ဦးေရာ္နီညိမ္း။ ။ ဟုတ္ကဲ့ ခင္ဗ်။ အဲဒီေတာ့ အခု စစ္ေရးခ်ဳပ္ ဒုတိယဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီး သူရျမင့္ေအာင္ဟာ တပ္မေတာ္မွာ အႀကီးဆံုးေပါ့ ေနာ္။ ျမန္မာ့ တပ္မေတာ္မွာ တပ္မေတာ္ ကာကြယ္ေရးဦးစီးခ်ဳပ္ျဖစ္လာၿပီ။ သူဟာ အခု အသက္အရြယ္အရ ဆိုရင္လည္း (၅၅) ေလာက္ပဲ ရွိေသးတယ္။ အဲဒီေတာ့ ေနာက္ထပ္ (၅)ႏွစ္ေပါ့ေနာ္၊ အနည္းဆံုးကေတာ့ တပ္မေတာ္ကာကြယ္ေရးဦးစီးခ်ဳပ္ ဆက္ျဖစ္ေနဦးမွာပဲ။ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအေျပာင္းအလဲေတြ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မႉးႀကီးသန္းေရႊ ဆင္ထားတဲ့ အတိုင္းပဲ ရွိေနဦးမယ္ဆိုရင္၊ အဲဒီအခါက်ေတာ့ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မႉးႀကီး သန္းေရႊ စိတ္ႀကိဳက္ ေခါင္းေခါက္ၿပီး အခုေရြးလိုက္တဲ့ တပ္မေတာ္ကာကြယ္ေရး ဦးစီးခ်ဳပ္အသစ္ သူ႔ေနရာကိုဆက္ခံတဲ့ ဒုတိယ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီး သူရျမင့္ေအာင္ အေနနဲ႔ ၊ တပ္မေတာ္ကို ဘယ္လိုထိန္းေက်ာင္းၿပီးေတာ့ စစ္ေရးစစ္ရာမွာေရာ၊ ေနာက္တစ္ခါ တပ္မေတာ္က ျမန္မာ့ႏိုင္ငံေရးမွာ ဦးေဆာင္က႑ကေန ပါ၀င္မယ္ဆိုတဲ့ ဖြဲ႔စည္းအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ပံုအေျခခံ ဥပေဒ ဟာလည္း ျပဌာန္း ထားၿပီးသား ျဖစ္တဲ့အတြက္ေၾကာင့္မို႔လို႔ ၊ ဒုတိယဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီး သူရျမင့္ေအာင္ အေနနဲ႔ တိုင္းျပည္ကိုပါ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအရ ဘယ္လိုမ်ားဦးေဆာင္မႈ ေပးသြားႏိုင္ မယ္လို႔ ဗိုလ္မႉး သံုးသပ္ ၾကည့္ျမင္လို႔ ရပါသလဲ ခင္ဗ်။
ဗိုလ္မႉး ေအာင္လင္းထြဋ္။ ။ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီးသူရျမင့္ေအာင္ အေနနဲ႔ေတာ့ ဒီႏိုင္ငံေရးပိုင္းမွာေတာ့ ဦးေဆာင္ႏိုင္မယ့္ အေနအထားမ်ိဳး မရွိပါဘူး။ ခုကလည္း ကိုေရာ္နီ ခုဏက ေျပာ သလိုပါပဲ၊ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီးသန္းေရႊ ရဲ႕ ဆင္ထားတဲ့ အကြက္အတိုင္းကို၊ သူတို႔က နင္းေပးရ တဲ့ အေနအထားမ်ိဳးပါ။ အဲဒီေတာ့ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီးသန္းေရႊ အေနနဲ႔လည္း ပထမ သူ နဲ႔ လုပ္ေဖၚ ကိုင္ဖက္ေတြ တူတူျဖစ္ခဲ့တဲ့ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီးစိန္ေအာင္ (၈၈၈၈ အခ်ိန္ ကစထ(၂) ကစထမႉး၊ ၁၉၉၇ တြင္ အမွတ္(၁)စက္မႈ ၀န္ႀကီးအျဖစ္မွ ဖယ္ရွားခံရသူ၊ ယခု ကြယ္လြန္ၿပီး) တို႔၊ ေနာက္ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီး ဖုန္းျမင့္ (၈၈၈၈ အခိ်န္ လပခ (ေတာင္ငူ) တိုင္မႉး၊ ၁၉၉၇တြင္ ျပည္ထဲေရး၀န္ႀကီး ရာထူးမွ ဖယ္ရွားခံရသူ)၊ တို႔ အပါအ၀င္ေပါ့ေလ၊ ေနာက္ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ထြန္းၾကည္ (မၾကာ ေသးခင္က ဗိုလ္ထြန္းၾကည္ (မံုရြာ) အမည္နဲ႔ ကိုယ္ေရးအထၱဳပၸတၱိစာအုပ္ ေရးခဲ့သူ။ ၈၈၈၈ အခ်ိန္ နမခ(မႏၱေလး) တိုင္းမႉး၊ ၁၉၉၇တြင္ ကုန္သြယ္ေရး၀န္ႀကီးရာထူးမွ ဖယ္ရွားခံရ သူ)တို႔ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ျမင့္ေအာင္ (၈၈၈၈ အခ်ိန္ နတခ တိုင္းမႉး၊ ၁၉၉၇တြင္ လယ္/ဆည္၀န္ႀကီး ရာထူးမွ ဖယ္ရွားခံရသူ၊ ယခု ကြယ္လြန္ၿပီး)တို႔ကို တစ္သုတ္ သူရွင္းလိုက္ပါတယ္။
ဦးေရာ္နီညိမ္း။ ။ ၁၉၉၇ ေပါ့ေနာ္၊ အဲဒီတုန္းက ။
ဗိုလ္မႉး ေအာင္လင္းထြဋ္။ ။ မွန္ပါတယ္ခင္ဗ်။ ရွင္းၿပီးတဲ့အခါမွာ အဲဒီေနာက္ပိုင္းမွာ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္၀င္းျမင့္ (အတြင္းေရးမႉး -၃ အျဖစ္မွ ၂၀၀၁ တြင္ ရာထူးမွ ခယ္ရွားခံရသူ) တို႔၊ ေနာက္ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ တင္လွ (တပ္မေတာ္ေရးရာ၀န္ႀကီး၊ ဒု၀န္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္မွ တို႔ ၂၀၀၁ တြင္ ရာထူးမွ ခယ္ရွားခံရသူ) ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ ခင္ညြန္႔ တို႔ေပါ့ေလ။ ပိုၿပီးေတာ့မွ ေတာက္ေျပာင္လာတဲ့ အေနအထားမ်ိဳး က်ေနာ္တို႔ ေတြ႔ရပါမယ္။ ေနာက္ပိုင္း ၂၀၀၁ ခုႏွစ္ေလာက္က်ေတာ့ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ ေရႊမန္းတို႔ ကို ပြဲထုတ္လာတဲ့ အေနအထားမ်ိဳးေတြ က်ေနာ္တို႔ ေတြ႔ရမွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ အခုလည္း ဒါ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ ေရႊမန္းတို႔ ဟာ အခ်ိန္ေတြက ၾကာလာတဲ့အခါမွာ စစ္တပ္မွာ သူတို႔ အာဏာတည္ေဆာက္မယ္ဆိုရင္ တည္ေဆာက္ႏိုင္တဲ့ အေျခအေနလည္း ေရာက္လာ တယ္။ ဒီ့အျပင္မွာ ၂၀၀၈ ခုႏွစ္ေလာက္က ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရႊမန္းသာ တိုင္းျပည္ကိုေခါင္းေဆာင္ရင္ မဆိုးဘူးဆိုတဲ့ အသံေလးေတြ ထြက္လာတဲ့ အခါမွာ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရႊမန္းဟာ ပထမ ဦးစီးခ်ဳပ္ ရာထူးကို သူ႔ကိုမွန္းထားေပမယ့္ ဦးစီးခ်ဳပ္ မရေတာ့ဘူးေပါ့ဗ်ာ။ ဘာျဖစ္မလဲ ဆိုတာကေတာ့ ဒါ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မႉးႀကီး သန္းေရႊ စိတ္ထဲမွာပဲ ရွိပါတယ္။ ျပန္ၾကည့္ရင္ ဟိုယခင္ေပါ့ေလ ဦးေန ၀င္းေခတ္တုန္းက ပံုစံ အတုိင္းပါပဲ။ တစ္သုတ္ၿပီး တစ္သုတ္သာ လူေတြလဲ သြားေပမယ့္ ဦးေန၀င္းကေတာ့ က်န္စၿမဲ ျဖစ္သလို အခုဒါ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီး ေတြ ဘယ္ေလာက္ပဲ ေျပာင္းသြား ေျပာင္းသြား ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မႉးႀကီးသန္းေရႊရဲ႕ အာဏာကေတာ့ ဆက္ၿပီးေတာ့မွ ရပ္တည္မယ့္ အေနအထားမ်ိဳးပါ။
ဦးေရာ္နီညိမ္း။ ။ ဟုတ္ကဲ့ ခင္ဗ်၊ ဗိုလ္မႉးခင္ဗ်၊ က်ေနာ္တို႔ ျပန္ၾကည့္ေတာ့ ဒီအတြဲလိုက္ႀကီးေပါ့ေနာ္။ အခု ဒါ ‘ေနာက္တစ္တြဲ လူလဲ’ ဆိုၿပီးေတာ့ ထားခဲ့တဲ့ဟာမွာ၊ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မႉး ႀကီး သန္းေရႊ၊ ဒုတိယ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မႉးႀကီး ေမာင္ေအး ဦးေဆာင္ၿပီးေတာ့မွ ဒီအတြဲလိုက္ႀကီး ဘာဆက္လုပ္မယ္လို႔ ထင္သလဲခင္ဗ်။ ဗိုလ္မႉးရဲ႕ အေတြ႔အႀကံဳနဲ႔ သူတို႔ရဲ႕ လုပ္ေလ့လုပ္ထ ရွိ တဲ့ သေဘာေတြကုိ သိေနတဲ့ အတြက္ေၾကာင့္မို႔ လို႔ ဘယ္လိုျမင္ပါသလဲ ခင္ဗ်။
ဗိုလ္မႉး ေအာင္လင္းထြဋ္။ ။ က်ေနာ့္အျမင္ေျပာရရင္ေတာ့ အခုဒါ ဖြဲ႔စည္းပံုအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ပံုအေျခခံဥပေဒ အရေပါ့ေနာ္ ၂၅ ရာခိုင္ႏႈန္းကို တပ္မေတာ္က အမတ္ေတြကို ထည့္ရမယ္ ဆို တာ ပါလာတာရွိပါတယ္။
ဦးေရာ္နီညိမ္း။ ။ တပ္မေတာ္က ေနၿပီးေတာ့မွ ၂၅ ရာခိုင္ႏႈန္းေသာ အမတ္ေတြကို တပ္မေတာ္က ေရြးခ်ယ္ေပးမယ္ဆိုတာကို အားလံုးက နားလည္ထားခဲ့ၾကတာက တပ္မ ေတာ္က လက္ရွိတာ၀န္ယူထားတဲ့ စစ္ယူနီေဖာင္းနဲ႔ ပုဂၢိဳလ္ေတြပဲ ၂၅ ရာခိုင္ႏႈန္းကို ၀င္မယ္၊ က်ေနာ္တို႔လက္ရွိ ဦးသိန္းစိန္ ဦးေဆာင္တဲ့ ၀န္ႀကီးမ်ား အဖြဲ႔ကေတာ့ သူတို႔ က တိုက္ ရိုက္ခန္႔အပ္တာမဟုတ္ဘူး။ သူတို႔က အမတ္ျဖစ္မလား မျဖစ္ဘူးလား ဆိုတာက ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ ရလဒ္ ေပၚမွာမွ ျဖစ္လာမွာ။ ဒါေပမယ့္ အခု ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မႉးႀကီးသန္းေရႊ နဲ႔ အခု အတြဲလိုက္ ႀကီးက ဒုတိယဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီးေတြ ထြက္ေပးလိုက္တာ အခု ၅၀ ေက်ာ္တန္းေတြကေန သူ႔အထိေပါ့ေနာ္ ၇၇ ေလာက္အထိ သက္တမ္းကိုထြက္ေပးလိုက္တာ ဟာ၊ အခုအတုိင္းဆိုလို႔ ရွိရင္ တပ္မေတာ္ကေန စိတ္ႀကိဳက္ခန္႔အပ္မယ့္ ၂၅ ရာခိုင္ႏႈန္းေသာ အမတ္ဆိုတာ ယူနီေဖာင္း၀တ္ထားေသာ တပ္မေတာ္ အရာရွိေတြ ဟုတ္ခ်င္မွ ဟုတ္မွာေပါ့။ တပ္မေတာ္ကာကြယ္ ေရးဦးစီးခ်ဳပ္ သူႀကိဳက္တဲ့လူ သူခန္႔လို႔ ရတယ္ ဆိုတဲ့ အေနအထားမ်ိဳး ျဖစ္မေနဘူးလား ခင္ဗ်။ အဲဒီေတာ့ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီးသူရျမင့္ေအာင္ကမွ အၿငိမ္းစား ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မႉးႀကီး ဦးသန္းေရႊ၊ အၿငိမ္းစား ဒုတိယ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မႉးႀကီး ဦးေမာင္ေအး၊ အၿငိမ္းစား ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီး သူရ ဦးေရႊမန္း တို႔ စသည္ျဖင့္ အဲဒီပုဂၢိဳလ္ ေတြနဲ႔ အခု အတြဲလိုက္ႀကီး ထြက္သြားတဲ့ ဒုတိယ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီး အၿငိမ္းစား ေတြအကုန္လံုးကို အမတ္ အေနနဲ႔ ၂၅ ရာခိုင္ႏႈန္းအေနနဲ႔ ခန္႔လို႔ရတယ္ ဆိုတဲ့ အေနအထားမ်ိဳးကို သြားေနတာလား ခင္ဗ်ား။
ဗိုလ္မႉး ေအာင္လင္းထြဋ္။ ။ က်ေနာ့္အျမင္ေျပာရရင္ေပါ့ေလ၊ စစ္ရာထူးခန္႔ အမိန္႔ အေပၚမွာ မူတည္ပါတယ္။ စစ္ရာထူးခန္႔ခ်ဳပ္ရံုးက ထြက္တဲ့ အမိန္႔မွာ က်ေနာ္တို႔ ႏွစ္ခုေပါ့ေလ၊ တစ္ခုက အရံ အင္အားစာရင္း တင္သြင္းတယ္ဆိုတာ က်ေနာ္တို႔ တပ္မေတာ္မွာ တစ္ခုရွိတယ္။ အနားေပးတာလား ဆိုတဲ့ဟာကိုေတာ့ ကြဲကြဲျပားျပား က်ေနာ္တို႔ မသိရေသးပါဘူး။ တကယ္လို႔ ခုဏက ေျပာသလိုေပါ့ ေလ။ အရံ အင္အား စာရင္း တင္သြင္းတယ္ ဆိုလို႔ရွိရင္ က်ေနာ္တို႔ စစ္တပ္က လုံး၀ထြက္သြားတယ္လို႔ ေျပာလို႔မရပါဘူး။ သူတို႔က တပ္မေတာ္မွာ ရွိတဲ့ တာ၀န္ေတြကိုသာ သူက ထမ္းေဆာင္ရျခင္းမွရွိေပမယ့္ အရပ္ဘက္မွာေတာ့ သူက တြဲဘက္ သေဘာမ်ိဳးနဲ႔ သြားတဲ့ သေဘာမ်ိဳး ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ အရံ အင္အား စာရင္း တင္သြင္းတယ္ဆိုရင္ေတာ့ ယူနီေဖာင္း ခၽြတ္ခ်င္မွ ခၽြတ္ဦးမွာေပါ့။ ဆိုေတာ့ အဲဒီ အေနအထားမ်ိဳး ျဖစ္ပါလိမ့္မယ္ ခင္ဗ်။
ဦးေရာ္နီညိမ္း။ ။ ဟုတ္ကဲ့ ခင္ဗ်၊ ျပည္သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္မွာ လ်ာထားတာက အမတ္ ၄၄၀ မွာ ၁၁၀ ၊ ၂၅ ရာခိုင္ႏႈန္းေသာ အမတ္ေတြဟာ တပ္မေတာ္ ကာကြယ္ေရး ဦးစီးခ်ဳပ္ ခန္႔အပ္တဲ့ ပုဂၢိဳလ္ေတြဆိုတဲ့ဟာမွာ အရပ္သားေတြလည္း ျဖစ္ခ်င္ျဖစ္မယ္ဆိုတဲ့ သေဘာေပါ့။ အခု ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မႉးႀကီး သန္းေရႊနဲ႔ အခု နားယူသြားတဲ့ ဒုတိယ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီးေတြ၊ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ ႀကီးေတြ အကုန္လံုးဟာ အရပ္သားေတြ ျဖစ္သြားၾကၿပီ။ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီး သူရျမင့္ေအာင္က သူတို႔ကို ဒီ ၂၅ ရာခိုင္ႏႈန္းေသာ ကာကြယ္ေရးဦးစီးခ်ဳပ္ စိတ္ႀကိဳက္ခန္႔တဲ့ အမတ္ေတြ အေနနဲ႔ ခန္႔လို႔ မရဘူးလား ခင္ဗ်။
ဗိုလ္မႉး ေအာင္လင္းထြဋ္။ ။ တပ္မေတာ္က ခန္႔မယ့္ ၂၅ ရာခိုင္ႏႈန္း ဆိုတဲ့ ေနရာမွာ ခုဏက ကိုေရာ္နီေျပာသလိုေပါ့၊ အားလံုးက ယူနီေဖာင္း ၀တ္ရမယ္လို႔ေတာ့ မဆိုလိုပါဘူး ခင္ဗ်။ တပ္မေတာ္ ကာကြယ္ေရး ဦးစီးခ်ဳပ္က ေပးတဲ့ စာရင္းအတုိင္းပဲ ဒါ လႊတ္ေတာ္က လက္ခံရမယ့္ အေနအထားမ်ိဳး ရွိပါတယ္။ လံုး၀ အၿငိမ္းစားယူရင္ေတာ့ ယူနီေဖာင္း ခၽြတ္ရမွာေပါ့ဗ်ာ။
ဦးေရာ္နီညိမ္း။ ။ ကာကြယ္ေရး ၀န္ႀကီးဌာန တပ္မေတာ္ ေထာက္လွမ္းေရး ညႊန္ၾကားေရးမႉးရံုးမွာ စစ္ဦးစီးမႉး ဒုတိယတန္း G-2 တာ၀န္ထမ္းေဆာင္ခဲ့ဖူးၿပီးေတာ့ ၀ါရွင္တန္ဒီစီ ၿမိဳ႕ေတာ္ ျမန္မာသံရံုးရဲ႕ သံရံုး ယာယီ တာ၀န္ခံနဲ႔ သံမႉးႀကီး တာ၀န္ေတြကိုပါ ထမ္းေဆာင္ခဲ့ဖူး တဲ့ ဗိုလ္မႉးေဟာင္း ဦးေအာင္လင္းထြဋ္က လက္ရွိျဖစ္ေပၚေနတဲ့ ျမန္မာ့တပ္မေတာ္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ပိုင္း အေျပာင္းအလဲနဲ႔ ျမန္မာ့ႏိုင္ငံေရး ဆက္ႏႊယ္ေနပံုေတြကို သံုးသပ္ေလ့လာ တင္ျပသြားတာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္ခင္ဗ်ား။ ေနာက္သီတင္ပတ္ စက္တင္ဘာလ (၅) ရက္၊ တနဂၤ ေႏြေန႔ မနက္ "တပ္မႉးတပ္သား ေျပာစကား" က႑မွာေတာ့ စစ္တကၠသိုလ္ အပတ္စဥ္ (၂၄) ကဆင္းၿပီးေတာ့ ရွစ္ေလးလံုး ျပည္သူ႔အေရးေတာ္ပံုႀကီး ကာလမွာ ျပည္သူလူထုဘက္ ကို ကူးေျပာင္းပါ၀င္ခဲ့တဲ့ ဗိုလ္ႀကီ;ေဟာင္း စိုင္း၀င္းေက်ာ္ရဲ႕ ျမန္မာ့တပ္မေတာ္ မွာ အခု အသစ္ တက္လာၾကတဲ့ ဒုတိယတန္း စစ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္ စစ္တိုင္းမႉးေတြနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္ၿပီး ေလ့လာ သံုးသပ္ တင္ျပသြားတာေတြကို တင္ဆက္ေပးမွာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္ ခင္ဗ်ား။ ေစာင့္ေမွ်ာ္နားဆင္ၾကပါ။ က်ေနာ္ ေရာ္နီညိမ္းပါ။

(VOA)

Saturday 28 August 2010

Kachin majority rejects regime’s order to disarm

Chiang Mai (Mizzima) – A majority of participants at a congress of ethnic Kachin groups has rejected disarming despite a Burmese military junta threat to end the ceasefire between the two sides, a spokesman said. Meanwhile, the main Kachin militia are gearing up for war, a soldier told Mizzima.


Women soldiers of the Kachin Independence Army parade in the ethnic group’s Sino-Burmese border stronghold of Laiza. The militia is gearing up for war with the Burmese Army as a junta-imposed deadline for it to disarm approaches next Wednesday, a KIA source said on Friday, August 27, 2010. Photo: Mizzima

The junta deadline for the Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO) to reply to its order for the group’s estimated 20,000 troops to disarm is September 1. The congress opened today in the Kachin stronghold of Laiza, a town near the Chinese border in Burma’s far north, and will end tomorrow (Saturday).

The 140 delegates from 18 districts who attended the congress all passed on their views that the KIO should retain its arms, one of the participants aid.

“The congress will continue tomorrow as we haven’t made a final decision. The aim of today’s meeting was just to collect the opinions from the delegates. From my point of view, we shouldn’t hand over our guns to the junta,” the KIO spokesman said.

Delegates from the KIO’s armed wing, the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), were absent because they were preparing for war, a KIA soldier told Mizzima.

The deadline was delivered on Sunday at a meeting between the junta’s main negotiator with ethnic armed groups, Military Affairs Security chief Lieutenant General Ye Myint, and KIO delegates, at the Burmese Army’s Northern Command headquarters in Myitkyina, the state capital. He told the KIO that if the KIA failed to surrender its arms in the time allotted, the ceasefire would end.

Ye Myint went on to meet Zone Teet Yame from the junta’s Border Guard Force (BGF) and Lasang Aung Was from the people’s militia and told them to arrest former KIO staff from the beginning of next month, an officer from the militia, who attended the meeting, said on condition of anonymity.

The KIO had said it would neither contest nor disturb the forthcoming elections on November 7.

It held a meeting with Kachin leaders and Christian leaders to gain their input from August 14 to 16, views that will be taken into account while reaching the final decision at this weekend’s congress.

In the last month, Ye Myint has been touring the country, pressuring armed ethnic ceasefire groups to bring themselves under junta command within the Burmese Army’s BGF and imposed the same September 1 (next Wednesday) deadline on the New Mon State Party (NMSP).

Last Friday he told United Wa State Army leaders in Tangyang that the junta would send the army into four townships in Wa-controlled territory the same day as security for electoral commissioners. The Wa leaders said they would defy the move.
http://www.mizzima.com/news/inside-burma/4299-kachin-majority-rejects-regimes-order-to-disarm.html

Burma's ailing dictator resigns military post


Burma's reclusive and ailing dictator, Than Shwe, has resigned his military post, exiled Burmese media have reported, paving the way for him to become president in Burma's government after the elections.

Shwe, the despot who has brutally ruled south-east Asia's poorest country as commander-in-chief of the armed forces since 1992, yesterday handed control of the army to his adjutant general. However, the 77-year-old will remain head of the Burmese government.

More than a dozen other senior military officers also resigned, in an ominous sign for the country's forthcoming elections. Inside Burma, Shwe's resignation of his military role is being seen as a significant step towards ensuring he and his military cadres remain in charge after 7 November's national elections, the first to be held in Burma for two decades.

"I think this means only one thing – he wants to be president," a source inside Burma told the Guardian.

The country's new constitution says the presidency can only be held by a civilian, but it does insist the president and vice-president "shall be well acquainted with the affairs of the Union, such as … the military".

The junta's second-in-command, Maung Aye, also resigned, as did the regime's numbers three and four. It is understood they will stand as candidates for the junta's largest proxy party, the Union Solidarity and Development party (USDP), in constituencies in the capital, Naypyidaw.

An unnamed military official said 15 senior army officials had resigned their posts, but did not confirm that the junta's leader was among them. But a second source told agencies the resignations went right to the top: "All top leaders have given up their military positions."

It is the second major reshuffle since April, when 27 senior military figures, including the prime minister, Thein Sein, resigned to lead the USDP.

Burma's last elections, in 1990, were won overwhelmingly by the main opposition party, the National League for Democracy, led by Aung San Suu Kyi. But the junta refused to recognise the result and Aung San Suu Kyi has spent most of the past two decades in detention.

Her party is boycotting the poll after she was excluded from participating by new election laws which forbid people in custody from running for office. She is due to be released less than a week after the 7 November election.

Supporters of the polls say any move towards democracy, however flawed, is an improvement on the current military rule. Thirty-seven non-regime parties have registered for the elections, but few have a national presence and none have the money or influence of the pro-regime party and its proxies.

But critics of Burma's "road map to democracy", including Britain, the US and the UN, have dismissed the election as a sham, saying the poll will only entrench and formalise military rule.

"We don't regard the forthcoming elections as being a legitimate expression of public opinion," Jeremy Browne, a Foreign Office minister, said in Bangkok last month. "We continue to have a very strong view the situation in Burma is unacceptable."

Source: http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/aug/27/burma-dictator-resigns-military-post

Friday 27 August 2010

Suu Kyi Urges Supporters to Monitor Election Closely

In a message transmitted by her lawyer, Burma's detained pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi has said that although her National League for Democracy (NLD) is boycotting the upcoming election NLD members should monitor it closely and watch for voting irregularities.

Nyan Win, who was allowed to meet Suu Kyi on Tuesday, said: “Daw Suu said we cannot ignore the election even though we boycott it. She said all must keep a watch on the election process.”

During a press conference on Wednesday, he quoted her as saying that the future civilian government would be incapable of reining in the role of the president of the parliament, who will hold broad-ranging powers under the junta-designed 2008 Constitution.

Nyan Win said that Suu Kyi said the Nov. 7 choice of an election date showed disrespect to the people, and she also denounced state-run newspapers for making threats against the people regarding election activities.

Suu Kyi, whose current detention sentence is due to expire a week after the election on Nov. 7, said all Burmese people, including NLD members, are responsible for a free and fair election.

Suu Kyi's meeting with her lawyer followed last week's official NLD announcement of an election boycott.

Suu Kyi has said the Burmese election is unlikely to be free and fair because political parties will not have enough time to campaign.

Nyan Win said he discussed with the Noble Peace Laureate the latest election developments. According to Nyan Win, Suu Kyi said that people should not vote in the upcoming election if they have no party to support in the absence of her National League for Democracy (NLD) party.

“This is Daw Suu's answer to the debates she heard on the radio about what people should do without the NLD in this election,” said Suu Kyi's lawyer, Nyan Win, who met with the detained pro-democracy leader on Tuesday.

Meanwhile NLD members led by veteran official Win Tin recently toured Burma reminding people of their legal right to avoid voting.

As Burma's largest opposition party, the NLD won a landslide victory in the 1990 election but the military regime never acknowledged the result.

Although NLD members opposed to a boycott formed an opposition party, the National Democratic Force,to contest the November election, no pro-democracy party has emerged strong enough to compete with the junta's own proxy party, the Union Solidarity and Development Party.
Source: http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=19296
Attn;


Mr.Barack Obama
President
U.S.A.
Date; 8/26/10.
Subject; Sympathy on American's best tactics of U.N's Comission of Inquarry on Against Human rights of Myanmar Junta Regimes.
Excellence sir;
For it, Wewould like to sympathy on your American's best tactics of Comission of Inquarry on against human rights of Myanmar Junta Regimes because Myanmar Junta Regimes had broken badly the human rights of all Burma's national peoples against the disciplines & priciples of human rights of United Nations since 1962 to up date.
On March,2nd,1962,General Ne Win with his companions coubed U Nu's Palimentary government of National democratic constitution, based on Panlone conference on Feb,12th,1947 and then,on July,7th,1962,voilent-killed over one hundered of University students of Rangoon by bombing of the Union of University Students of Rangoon,Burma.
On June,6th,1974,voilent-killed one thousand of all Burma's workers at factories by crushing & damaging of all Burma's worker's Non-voilent Strikes(Demonstrations to get basic foods,right salarry & Workers' Unions).
On Dec,11st,1974,voilent-killed over one hundered of all Burma's students,monks & peoples at the red grass square of Students' Union of Rangoon University by damaging & moving of Cave of U Thant,X-Sceretary general of U.N.
In 1978,voilent-killed Ko Tin Mg Oo,student's leader, Bo Own Kyaw Myint and others by hanging at Insein Prison without acts of law.
On 8/8/88 voilent- killed thousands of all Burma's national peoples,students,monks & others by crushing,damaging & dicivding of all Burma's greatest 8888-democratic movements and then,arrested,torched & killed over three hundereds of political prisoners at Yaekyiil(head quarter of Intelligents,Mangaladone Tsp,Rangoon,Burma),prisons,Arrested cell and then, sentenced over three thousands politicians for many years with Artificial political acts on forced punishments.For example! U Mg Ko of NLD & U Mg Galay were killed by military intelligents & Police-investigators at internal cells of Yaekyiil and killed Bo Set Yong(a) U Khin Mg,U Soe Win,U Thaw Ka(Bomu Ba Thaw),U Nyo Win,U Khin Mg Myint,U Mandawait,U Sein Win, U Tin Mg Win,U Hla Than,U Aung Mae Thu,Ko Aung Kyaw Moe,Moneywa-U Tin Shwe and extra were killed at Insein-prison & others by opressing,torching without disciplines of law.
On May,11st,2003,General Than Shwe,Soe Win with their companions voilent- killed over hundered of NLD's memebers by night-moved attacking of Daw Aung Sann Su Kyi's Non-voilent organized Kyiywa-trip of Depaeyim Tsp,Sakaing Division,Burma with Bmboo-sticks on Lawless.
On Sept,2007,General Than Shwe & his companions voilent-killed over one hundered of monks,students & peoples by crushing,damaging of Burma's democratic non-voilent-saffron revolution without disciplines of Law.
Since March,2nd,1962 to update,Burma Junta Regimes(U Ne Win to General Than Shwe)voilent-raped- killed all Burma's national peoples at battle-fields over Burma's rurals as their socalled rebellions on comparados of captial imperialists & social-communist's imperialists for thousand for year till to 48-years.
Therefore!now, their many voilent-killings of all Burma's national peoples against human rights of Manmar Junta Regimes enoughed for Comission of Inquarry of U.N and so, we shall have to sympathy American's best tactics on Comission of Inquarry of U.N on against human rights crimes of Myanmar Junta Regimes and especially request to find out the best tactics of American for U.N's comission of inquarry on against human rights crimes of Myanmar Junta Regimes and would like to invite global democratic forces & countries to activitely participate in it together with U.N & U.S.A.
If you might act it,we can promise to support your activities.
thanking you in anticipation.
best regards;

(Mr.Tint Shwe Thi Ha)
Patron for Burma Democratic Concern(B.D.C),WA-99336,U.S.A.Ph;(509)5823261.

Burma Insight - Need to confirm yet (Latest news on replacements within Burmese military)

Name Previous Position Current Position Replacement
1. General Thura Shwe Mann Chief of Staff USDP Lt-Gen Min Aung Hlaing ( Army, Navy & Air ) BSO – 2

2. General Thiha Thura Tin Quartermaster General USDP Maj-Gen Wai Lwin Aung Myint Oo Commander Nay Pyi Taw

3. Lt-Gen Thura Myint Aung Adjutant General USDP Maj-Gen Khin Zaw Oo Commander Coastal

4. Lt-Gen Hsan Sint Appointment General USDP Maj-Gen Win Myint Commander Yangon

5. Lt-Gen Thar Aye BSO – 1 USDP Maj-Gen Myint Soe Commander North West

6/ Lt-Gen Min Aung Hlaing BSO – 2 Chief of Staff Maj-Gen Aung Than Htut ( Army, Navy & Air )

7. Lt-Gen Ko Ko BSO – 3 USDP Maj-Gen Hla Min Commander Sourthern

8. Lt-Gen Khin Zaw BSO – 4 USDP Maj-Gen Thet Naing Win Commander South East

9. Lt-Gen Myint Swe BSO – 5 USDP Maj-Gen Tin Ngwe Commander Central

Nld Press Conference

100825 Bty Bur Nld Press Conference


Reshared from Myo Chit Myanmar Blogspot

Burma: Myo Yan Naung Thein calls for “boycott junta’s planned sham 2010 election

Burma: Myo Yan Naung Thein calls for “boycott junta’s planned sham 2010 election”
Video
PDC Monthly News Commentary August 2010 Bur
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Tuesday 24 August 2010

Burma: Ko Mg Mg Myint from the Burma Media Association to Ko Kyaw Than

Burma: Ko Mg Mg Myint from the Burma Media Association to Ko Kyaw Than
Myo Yan Naung Thein+1
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Myanmar's Suu Kyi calls for close watch on election: lawyer

YANGON (AFP) – Detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi wants the Myanmar people to keep a close watch on upcoming elections and speak out if the vote is not free and fair, her lawyer said Tuesday.
"Our face should not be turned away from the election although the NLD... decided not to take part," Nyan Win, who is also the long-time spokesman of Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD), quoted the Nobel Peace laureate as saying during talks at her home.
"For it to become a fair election, people also have a duty, not just the government.
"People have to speak out if the process is not in accordance with the election law or if it is not balanced. People have to reveal it. The NLD has to reveal it," Suu Kyi was quoted as saying.
"She's very glad that people are interested in the political process. But she said the political process is not only the 2010 election. It's just a part of it," Nyan Win said.
"She said everyone should take interest in the election. NLD members should not turn their face from the election process just because they will not take part."
Suu Kyi has spent most of the past 20 years in detention, and as a serving prisoner is barred from standing in the November 7 election, which will be the military-ruled country's first in 20 years.
The NLD won a landslide victory in 1990 but the junta never allowed it to take office.
The party is boycotting the upcoming vote, saying the rules are unfair. As a result, it was forcibly disbanded by the ruling generals.
So far 42 political parties have been given permission to stand in the polls, which have been widely condemned by activists and the West as a charade aimed at putting a civilian face on military rule.
Among them is the National Democracy Force (NDF), formed by former NLD members whose decision to participate in the vote put them at odds with Suu Kyi, who was in favour of a boycott.
"The NLD cannot support any party. If it supports one, it will become an enemy to another," Nyan Win quoted Suu Kyi as saying. "So she said to let them do their work."
Nyan Win said that Suu Kyi had told him more of her opinions on the election and Myanmar's political situation, and he would give details on Wednesday after discussing them with other senior NLD members.
Source: http://news.yahoo.com/s/afp/20100824/wl_afp/myanmarvotesuukyi_20100824171247

Burma Democratic Concern (BDC): What You BELIEVE Is What You ACHIEVE (6)

Burma Democratic Concern (BDC): What You BELIEVE Is What You ACHIEVE (6)

Burma Democratic Concern (BDC): What You BELIEVE Is What You ACHIEVE (5)

Monday 23 August 2010

Dear Friends,

Please see the following PR of “Burma Democratic Concern (BDC)”, “Free Burma Project (FBP)” and “The House of Peace and Non-violence”. http://ping.fm/5KcUj

Burma: EU must support people but not junta

23 August 2010

“Burma Democratic Concern (BDC)”, “Free Burma Project (FBP)” and “The House of Peace and Non-violence” today call for the EU to support the people for genuine democratization in Burma.

EU special envoy on Burma, Mr. Piero Fassino, wrote the article Elezioni in Birmania, l'impegno dell'UE per scardinare il regime which is published on 17 August 2010 in http://ping.fm/e8hCd saying that junta’s planned 2010 elections are the start of the democracy which is in reality totally opposite.

“It is very worrying that even the EU special envoy on Burma could easily fall into junta’s lies. It is not the election but the show-case for the junta to shed its skin. It is also clearly showing that EU must be informed more of what is actually happening on the ground in Burma”, said U Myo Thein, the Director of the Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) in United Kingdom.

The people of Burma have been suffering under one of the world's most brutal and repressive regime. Freedom of expression and freedom of association are non-existent and Burmese citizens are denied any state in the shaping of their future.

“Our past experiences taught us that regime won’t give up the power easily and they will take ultimate force to crush all the dissidents to cling onto power. Junta is setting up everything to make sure to win their own proxy party, Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) headed by these very generals”, said U Khin Maung Win, the Director of the Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) in United States.

Burma's economic crisis continues to deepen under military rule. People earn on a wage of around $1 a day. Unemployment is rising dramatically every month while prices of consumer goods are escalating out of control. In Burma, people face complete lack of access to basic social services such as health services, and water sanitation.

“We do not recognize junta's seven steps road map. This is the true desire of Burmese people coming from the bottom of our hearts and the results of the 1990 general elections must be implemented accordingly”, said Daw Khin Aye Aye Mar, the Patron of the Burma Democratic Concern (BDC).

Under the military generals, poverty has soared and corruption is growing. In Burma, power is centred on the ruling junta

Friday 20 August 2010

Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) welcomes Daw Aung San Suu Kyi led NLD’s decision to boycott junta’s planned sham 2010 election (19 Aug 2010)

Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) warmly welcomes Daw Aung San Suu Kyi led National League for Democracy (NLD)’s decision to boycott junta’s planned sham 2010 election.
This is the timely decision taken by NLD to drive Burmese people to the right direction since junta’s planned sham 2010 election is purely lying international community.
There are three main specific reasons why NLD decisions are rights;
1. Junta’s planned sham 2010 election is designed to nullify 1990 election result in which Daw Aung San Suu Kyi led NLD won landslide victory.
2. Junta’s planned sham 2010 election will be held in accord with 2008 sham constitution which is designed to legitimise military rule in Burma.
3. Junta is setting up everything to win its own proxy party.
International governments must help us realising Daw Aung San Suu Kyi led NLD’s calls for boycotting junta’s planned sham 2010 election in Burma. If international governments denounce junta’s planned sham 2010 election and its results; then they are effectively supporting Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s call for boycotting junta’s planned sham 2010 which is tantamount to help us implementing 1990 election results.
For more information please contact
Myo Thein [United Kingdom]
Phone: 00-44-208-493-9137, 00-44-787- 788-2386

Khin Maung Win [United States]
Phone: 001-941-961-2622

Daw Khin Aye Aye Mar [United States]
Phone: 001 509 586 8309

U Tint Swe Thiha [United States]
Phone: 001-509-582-3261, 001-509-591-8459

Burma Democratization Strategy Presentations

[youtube=http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=O1H0P3CoDJE&fs=1&hl=en_GB]

[youtube=http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xJFw4e0jNdo&fs=1&hl=en_GB]
[youtube=http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OMUQ_pnDIY0&fs=1&hl=en_GB]
[youtube=http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=e6mxSgeX28Y&fs=1&hl=en_GB]
[youtube=http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=y5-v2RGNz7A&fs=1&hl=en_GB]

Thursday 19 August 2010

Tuesday 17 August 2010

Barclays pays $298m after sanctions breaches

has agreed to pay $298m to US authorities for facilitating payments to countries that were under US sanctions such as Cuba, Iran, Libya, Sudan and Burma.

The charges relate to payments made by the bank between 1995 and 2006. Barclays is alleged to have removed details from payments to hide the identity of the countries of origin.

The bank was charged with breaking the International Emergency Economic Powers Act and the Trading with the Enemy Act in dealings between 1995 and 2006.

The settlement was described in US court papers filed yesterday.

Barclays began cooperating with federal and state prosecutors in 2007.

Monday 16 August 2010

Towards Burma Freedom





Articles

Burma: Danu National Congress Special Conference
Sham Election and Op Pot Unity
100729 Bty Bur Child Soldier

Burma Weekly Recommended Articles

[scribd id=35973392 key=key-1vqxg9yjmpxef0tlmmi4 mode=list]

[youtube=http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oflgocF-JSU?fs=1&hl=en_GB]

[youtube=http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xJFw4e0jNdo?fs=1&hl=en_GB][youtube=http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OMUQ_pnDIY0?fs=1&hl=en_GB]

Friday 13 August 2010

Burma Democratic Concern (BDC): “YES WE CAN” take decisive action

Burma’s dictators declared that election will be held on 7 November 2010. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi led NLD boycott the junta’s planned election due to unfair election laws. Very military regime held the election in 1990 in which Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s party, National League for Democracy (NLD) won the landslide victory.

Junta ignores to honour the 1990 election results. In the mean time suppressions on the Burmese people intensified. Burmese people are living in prison like state under the military regime.

Addition, junta unilaterally adopted the constitution which legitimize military rule in Burma. According to the 14 years long unilaterally drafted constitution, military reserves the 25% of the seats at the parliaments which is totally undemocratic.

The Burma junta’s party registration laws issued this year are bias, undemocratic and drafted in the way like “Do as I say, not as I Do”.

Now, regime declares that fresh election will be held on 7 November 2010 based on 2008 unconstitutional constitution. Addition, 1990 election results are not yet honoured. In order to have true national reconciliation in Burma, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi led NLD issued the “Shwe-Gone-Daing” declaration i.e.

• To release all political prisoners

• To take place genuine dialogue

• To revise 2008 Constitution

• To Recognize 1990 election result

Myo Thein, the Director of the Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) said that the
“International community must take decisive action in this critical time. We would like to urge the international community not to recognize junta’s planned sham 2010 election and its pre-meditated results. It is not the election but the junta’s magic show to change snake skin well before the international community’s very own eyes. We would like to call for all the justice loving people around the world to stand fully behind the Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s call for boycotting junta’s sham 2010 election and its results”.

We must do everything we can to restore democracy, human rights and rule of law in Burma the following three main principles i.e.

1. Implement 1990 election result in Burma

This is the hope which we can defeat injustice system in Burma, this is the hope we can defeat military dictatorship in Burma, and this is the hope we can restore democracy and human rights in Burma under the leadership of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the democratically elected legitimate leader of Burma.

“If this country is to achieve genuine democracy, the result of the elections of 1990 must be recognized. It must be recognized by the military regime, as it has been recognized by the people, and by the world at large. It is through this recognition that we will be able to make genuine progress in Burma. The results of the 1990 General Elections must be implemented is a resolution already taken by the United Nations. We already know that the General Assembly of the United Nations has accepted the notion that the will of the people has been expressed in the 1990 General Elections. This is something we cannot abandon. It will be to the detriment of our country if after an election has been held the results are not honoured and we do not resist attempts to trivialise it”, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi insists.

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi reaffirmed again the importance of implementing 1990 election result and the necessary practical action taken by international community by saying "Since 1992, the United Nations General Assembly has been passing resolutions on the human rights situation in Burma. But resolutions are not enough. Resolutions should be implemented. We think it is time that the international community took a greater interest in getting the terms of the resolutions implemented".

What is the purpose United Nations standing for if it cannot take effective action decisively rather than playing into junta’s hands? We don’t want to see UNSC being disabled due to the China or/and Russia governments (possible) use of veto whenever Burma crisis is on the table. Now people are finding ways to by-pass China or/and Russia governments’ blockage at the UNSC.

“We believe that if international governments endorse Daw Aung San Suu Kyi led people leaders as the legitimate government of Burma if should the one be formed, then it will be effectively by-passing the UNSC as well as by-passing the China or/and Russia governments' possible use of veto at the UNSC since they cannot influence individual countries from UNGA taking decisions independently”, Khin Maung Win, The Director of the Burma Democratic Concern (BDC).

We would like to give clear message to the world leaders that all the oppressed people of Burma stand firmly on upholding the “Shwe-Gone-Daing” Declaration and unanimously follow the leadership of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

2. Review junta’s sham 2008 constitution

This is the sham constitution drawn unilaterally by junta’s handpicked delegation -- which we must change. This is the sham constitution adopted unilaterally in rigged referendum – which we must change. This is the sham constitution designed to legitimise military rule in Burma -- which we must change. The essence of the 2008 Constitution is to guarantee impunity indefinitely and the 2010election will implement it.

“Therefore, we call for United Nations Security Council (UNSC) to declare the unilaterally adopted Burmese junta's 2008 sham constitution, which is designed to legitimize military rule permanently in Burma, as NULL and VOID”, said U Tint Swe Thiha, the Patron of the Burma Democratic Concern (BDC).

It is reasonable to request the nullification of the 2008 Constitution by the UN Security Council. Precedence for such a move can be found in UNSC Resolution 554 regarding South Africa’s 1983 apartheid-entrenching constitution @UNSC Res 554 (15 November 1983) UN Doc A/RES/38/11

@ UNSC Res 554 (15 November 1983) UN Doc A/RES/38/11 • UNSC declares that the so-called "new constitution" is contrary to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, that the results of the referendum of 2 November1983 are of no validity whatsoever and that the enforcement of the "new constitution" will further aggravate the already explosive situation prevailing inside apartheid South Africa.

• Strongly rejects and declares as null and void the so-called "new constitution" and the "elections" to be organized in the current month of August for the “coloured” people and people of Asian origin as well as all insidious manoeuvres by the racist minority regime of South Africa further to entrench white minority apartheid rule.

3. Boycott junta’s planned sham 2010 election

Boycott junta’s planned sham 2010 election now because it is designed to nullify 1990 election result. Boycott junta’s planned sham 2010 election now because election will be held in accord with 2008 sham constitution. Boycott junta’s planned sham 2010 election now because junta is setting up everything to win its own proxy party.

“International governments can help us realising justice reality in Burma. If international governments denounce junta’s sham 2010 election and its results; then they are effectively supporting Aung San Suu Kyi’s call for boycotting junta’s planned sham 2010 election”, said Daw Khin Aye Aye Mar, the patron of the Burma Democratic Concern (BDC).

We would like to invite all the justice loving people around the world to join with us working to restore democracy, human rights and rule of law in Burma where everyone can enjoy the freedom of speech, press, beliefs, assembly and rule of law that emphasizes the protection of individual rights.

It is our duty to implement 1990 election results in which people voted for their leaders, it is our duty to review junta’s sham 2008 constitution, and it is our duty to boycott junta’s planned sham 2010 election which will legitimise military rule in Burma.

Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) believe that “YES WE CAN” to implement 1990 election result in Burma, “YES WE CAN” to change junta’s sham 2008 constitution and “YES WE CAN” to boycott junta’s planned sham 2010 election.

Together we can restore the democracy in Burma and build the better world. Let’s work together. We will win and we can bring justice realities in Burma. Yes we can since what we believe is what we achieve.

For more information please contact

Myo Thein [United Kingdom]
Phone: 00-44-208-493-9137, 00-44-787- 788-2386

Khin Maung Win [United States]
Phone: 001-941-961-2622

Daw Khin Aye Aye Mar [United States]
Phone: 001 509 586 8309

U Tint Swe Thiha [United States]
Phone: 001-509-582-3261, 001-509-591-8459

http://www.bdcburma.org/NewsDetails.asp?id=691

August 13th Inside Burma News


Yangon, August 13 – “The multi-party general elections will be held throughout Myanmar on November 7 ( Sunday ) this year,” the Union Election Commission ( UEC ) announced this morning.

This announcement of UEC was read out by the state-owned TV Myanmar at 10 am ( MST ) this morning.

This will be the first general elections to be held in Myanmar in two decades time. In the last general elections held on May 27, 1990, Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy ( NLD ) won by landslide capturing 392 seats out of 485 seats at stake.

But this time as it turned out the NLD, which has rejected the military government’s 2008 State Constitution, has chosen to boycott the forthcoming general elections, which is to be held under this constitution.

In deciding not to re-register with the Union Election Commission which amounted to boycotting the forthcoming general elections, the NLD has also openly criticized the Electoral laws and Political Parties Registration Law as “unfair and unjust.”

Together with the NLD, four other existing political parties including NLD’s biggest allied party namely Shan Nationalities League for Democracy ( SNLD ) also decided to boycott the forthcoming general elections.

Now all these five political parties including NLD have become defunct because of their refusal to re-register with the Union Election Commission.

However so, from among 10 political parties that have existed for two decades, five political parties including pro-government National Unity Party ( former Burma Socialist Programme Party of the late General Ne Win ) have chosen to apply for their continued existence.

As of yesterday evening, a total of 47 political parties have submitted applications to the UEC to form and to exist as political parties.

According to the latest announcement made by the UEC, out of 47 political parties that have submitted applications to form and exist as political parties, 40 parties including the all powerful government’s party namely the Union Solidarity and Development Party ( USDP ) have been granted permission to register as political parties.

“The remaining seven political parties are still under scrutiny for receiving the permission to register as political parties,” the announcement said.

The Union Solidarity and Development Party ( USDP ), which was formed by Prime Minister U Thein Sein and 26 other ministers and deputy ministers, who have resigned from the military posts to contest in the elections, is still by far and large the biggest and most powerful political party.

The ( USDP ) has already opened its headquarters in Nay Pyi Taw and is currently busy opening its branches throughout the country.

Posted in Aung San Suu Kyi, Aung San Suu Kyi said "The Results of the 1990 General Elections Must Be Implemented", Aung San Suu Kyi said "The Results of the 1990 General Elections Must Be Implemented". Tags: burma election, burma news, announcement.

BURMA FREEDOM SITUATION REPORT

BURMA FREEDOM SITUATION REPORT

By Roland Watson
August 12, 2010


Introduction

Burma has a substantial population, believed to number above fifty million people. For context, Israel and Palestine have eleven million. Afghanistan, which is about the same size as Burma, has twenty-nine million. Iraq, with a third less territory, has thirty-one million.

Inside Burma, everyone - except the small cabal of generals and their cronies who rule the country - is suffering. The Burmese people are suffocated by fear. Anyone is subject to arrest and torture, and at any time. Moreover, there is general but severe deprivation in food, education and health care. Large regions are also war zones, with the Burma Army perpetrating scorched earth attacks against ethnic minority villagers, which attacks constitute nothing less than crimes against humanity.

A basic comparison, then, of Burma with Israel and Palestine, Afghanistan, and Iraq, suggests that the situation in the country should have far greater prominence. For years, though, international concern with the crisis in Burma has been small. This is now changing. Burma pro-democracy leaders, resistance forces and activists, by creating a great amount of publicity and pressure, have been able to force the problems in the country onto the international stage.

In fact, there is so much going on now about Burma that it is difficult to keep track, especially of what is significant. For example, many things that are not significant are being given undue attention by Burmese and international media and commentators. Foremost of these is the SPDC’s plan to have an “election,” and the actions of the different pro-junta parties that have announced they will participate.

This entire event is a charade. It is a psychological warfare operation conceived by the dictator of Burma, Than Shwe. Its primary goal is to distract everyone from the real situation in the country, and secondly, to forestall a popular revolution and other decisive bids for pro-democratic change.

For the most part, Than Shwe’s operation is succeeding. Many people are consumed by the election. Few are focused on what will actually be required to free the people of Burma, much less involved in organizing it.

The end of the Senior General?

The true situation is much more complex, and unstable. Than Shwe is under great pressure. He has experienced three major defeats this year. The first of these is that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD rejected the election. This makes it extremely difficult, as they are the legitimate leaders of Burma, for the International Community to accept the result (if and when a vote is ever even held).

Secondly, Than Shwe hatched another plan, to regain control over areas of Burma that had been ceded to various ethnic armies in return for ceasefire deals. He demanded that they reorganize as Border Guard Forces, under Burma Army - read Burman officer - control. But these groups, content with the autonomy that they have experienced since they signed the ceasefires in the mid-1990s, refused to accept the transformation. Further, they actively prepared their troops and villages to defend against Burma Army attacks.

Thirdly, the one ceasefire group of any size that had actually been willing to fight for the Burma Army, the DKBA, is now in the process of splitting over the BGF issue. A major DKBA unit, Brigade 5, has created an alliance with the pro-democracy resistance group, the KNU/KNLA. The split between the Karen that occurred at Manerplaw appears to be healing. And, if pro-SPDC DKBA units, such as Chit Thu’s Brigade 999, attack Brigade 5, there is a likelihood that his rank and file soldiers will change allegiance as well, effectively ending the DKBA. (Some 999 troops are already changing sides.) This would create a unified, potent Karen fighting force in eastern Burma.

There are also two other important factors but which are less well recognized. The first is that the morale of Burma Army troops is extremely low. There have been dozens of instances of desertion and insubordination in the last two years, all over the country, and in the police as well. Many soldiers and police are now demanding early retirement, and repayment of the portions of their pay that have supposedly been invested as pensions. It is because of the morale problem that the Burma Army has not attacked the major ceasefire groups, the Wa and Kachin, not the argument that China objected to the refugee crisis that might develop.

Finally, there is a split at the top of the SPDC over the election. The reason why the election date has not been announced is that this split has not been resolved. Than Shwe’s Roadmap, of which the election is the most important step, is intended to transfer power to a civilian administration. He believes this type of regime will protect him following his retirement. If power remains directly within a military junta, the future leading generals could purge him - and his family - at any time, just as he did to the original dictator of Burma, Ne Win.

The problem of course is that there is no place in this plan for Maung Aye, the second top general of the junta. Maung Aye leads his own clique of officers, and with their own divisions and battalions. The Burma Army - the Tatmadaw - is not unified. It has two major factions, and perhaps a third as well under General Shwe Mann.

The Maung Aye group, fearing arrest, as occurred with former Intelligence chief Khin Nyunt, has refused to retire, and, frankly, there is nothing Than Shwe can do about it. If he tries to move his units against Maung Aye’s, this will constitute civil war within the Tatmadaw, and it will inevitably collapse.

This is the real situation in Burma, and which everyone would do well to contemplate. Than Shwe’s position, underneath the apparent calm, is desperate. The election is a diversion and a farce. Its only true significance is what the lack of a date for the vote reveals.

International pro-dictatorship supporters

Than Shwe has a lot of foreign friends, who do not want to see him fall. These include China, Russia, North Korea and Singapore, and also India and Thailand. Even though the last two are democratic, with governments that presumably would support the aspirations of the Burmese, they do not. India and Thailand fear the unrest that might develop in Burma during a democratic transition, as well as a resurgent free Burma. India also worries that autonomy and separatist claims by ethnic groups such as the Naga in its northeast would be magnified following Burma’s freedom. And, business groups in both countries are profiting heavily from natural resource deals with the SPDC, and for Thailand from exploitation of migrant workers.

The lobbying of multinational corporations, who are blind to if not direct partners in the SPDC’s crimes, has also undermined the foreign policy of the United States, European Union, Japan and Australia. It is not an overstatement to say that these countries and the EU are Than Shwe’s friends as well, and this also applies to ASEAN and the United Nations.

The nuclear solution

Even with all of this international support, Than Shwe’s hold on power is tenuous. The five factors listed earlier (the situation on the ground within Burma's borders right now) are much more important:

- Rejection by DASSK of the election.
- Refusal of the ceasefire groups to transform to BGF.
- Breakup of the DKBA and re-alliance with the KNLA.
- Burma Army morale problem including desertions and unwillingness to follow orders.
- Split at the top of the SPDC.

There is no real solution for Than Shwe to these problems. Freedom and democracy for Burma are coming. In a last-ditch attempt to prevent this historical inevitability, he is trying to produce a nuclear trump card. He is working hard with his allies to obtain a functioning atomic weapon, as quickly as possible. The purpose of this weapon, however, is not - as many have speculated - to deter a United States invasion. Indeed, the nuclear program may push the U.S. to the point where it has to intervene. Rather, if Than Shwe, personally, has his finger on a bomb inside Burma - his mansion connects directly to Naypyidaw’s command bunkers and tunnels - he believes this will protect him even after he retires.

Dictator Watch has published reams of intelligence about the nuclear program over the last four years, and which intel has been confirmed by other sources. The basic situation is that the SPDC is mining uranium, milling at least some of it into Yellow Cake, and then bartering this as well as raw ore to North Korea and we believe also Iran. The junta, with North Korean assistance, and European and Japanese machine tools, is further producing components necessary to enrich uranium to bomb grade, and to extract plutonium from spent reactor fuel that could further be shaped into a bomb core. While construction of a reactor is as yet unconfirmed, the number of officers studying reactor science and operations in Russia is proof that this plan exists.

As expert commentators have pointed out, though, this is still a long-term project, potentially five years or more from yielding a functioning weapon. Than Shwe does not have this much time. He knows it. His regime could fall this year - indeed, at any time. He needs a bomb now.

We believe that this will force him to focus on the enriched uranium route to a bomb instead of the reactor/plutonium path. It would also be amazing if he did not attempt to buy a weapon directly from either China or North Korea. Probably the only thing preventing this type of sale is that both countries would be afraid of supplying one to such an unstable regime. Were it to be detonated, under any circumstances (Thailand beware!), this could easily lead to war in East Asia, and which would bring about their own downfall.

Dictator Watch has received more intelligence about the nuclear program:

- China has signed a long-term lease on the Mo Meik uranium deposit.

- High-grade raw uranium is being transported through China to North Korea.

- In return, North Korea, and with China's direct involvement, is helping the SPDC escalate its atomic weapons program. Factory construction is being accelerated.

Both North Korea and China sent ships to Burma in April. The North Korean shipment at a minimum included equipment for Burma's nuclear factories. The Chinese ship may have as well. Neither was interdicted by the United States.

More such shipments are a certainty, and may have already occurred. We think it is probable, because of the pressure on North Korea following its sinking of a South Korean naval vessel in March, that the plan for the shipments has been modified. Everything that can be transported overland will be sent through China. Some items will first be shipped from North Korea to Chinese ports. Other items will be sent in cargo flights, including from both North Korea and China. Everything that must be sent by sea will be transferred from North Korean ships to Chinese vessels in the China Sea, and then transported all the way to Burma waters, for offloading to Burma Navy vessels. Even though the U.S., under the United Nations sanctions against North Korea, could intervene to disrupt this system, it is unlikely to do so as this would require it to publicly confront China.

The Communist Party of China does not want Burma to become democratic. Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao will actively help Than Shwe obtain an atomic bomb if they believe this is the only viable option to prevent it.

It is also likely, with increased nuclear equipment and material deliveries, and with the thousands of trained scientists returning from Russia, that the junta will vastly expand the nuclear program's management structure. Just as the SPDC now has a missile directorate, we expect a similar directorate for the weapons program will be established, if it is not already operational.

With all of this expansion underway, and against the backdrop of the Tatmadaw’s internal instability, we further expect an increasing flow of defectors and other sources with new intel about the program. Than Shwe will not be able to keep it secret.

The real question, then, is how will the world respond.

Conclusion

It is important never to forget that Burma is a failed state. It is being pillaged by a gang of mass murderers and their international co-conspirators.

There is no real government, only a collection of warlords, both inside the SPDC and in the ceasefire areas. Matched against them is the nonviolent pro-democracy movement, led by Daw Suu and the NLD, and the pro-democracy ethnic resistance armies that are fighting to defend their people.

The most apt analogy of the SPDC is that of a dog pack, but not of a collection of pampered pets. Rather, the generals of the SPDC are like the diseased mongrels that roam city streets, hide on the fringes of poor villages, and scavenge at garbage dumps. These types of dogs are always on the edge of survival, and to increase their chances they form packs. The packs are led by the toughest, meanest dogs, and they defend their territory ruthlessly, killing any intruders. As the top dog in such a pack, your life is not that bad. You get the most food, and mating opportunities. But this lasts only as long as your strength. When it fails, younger dogs in your pack, envious of your position, turn on you, tear you apart, and replace you. It is the law of the jungle - natural law.

Than Shwe is a pack leader but he is getting old. The other top dogs of the junta have their hackles up - they sense opportunity. Than Shwe’s days are numbered, and there is nothing he can do about it. Even a nuclear bomb will not protect him from his fellow generals, and more importantly fifty million angry Burmese.

One of Burma's most respected pro-democracy leaders, U Win Tin, recently commented that no one wants to see more instability in Burma. While in principle we agree with this sentiment, we feel obliged to note that this is not the way the real world works. A true democratic transition - not a “power-sharing” arrangement that allows the dictators to retain some control - cannot occur gradually. There must be a break, as the dictators are defeated, and this break will be accompanied by some form of instability. One would hope that it would be limited to violence within the junta itself, as lower-level officers initiate a pro-democracy coup. Offensives against the Burma Army by the ethnic groups and the ABSDF should also be encouraged. In summary, and as we have been saying for over a decade, the crisis in Burma cannot be resolved by dialogue and activism alone. It requires revolution. The American colonists revolted over “taxation without representation.” A revolution in Burma to end mass oppression and crimes against humanity is more than justified. It is necessary.

DICTATOR WATCH
(www.dictatorwatch.org)