Tuesday, 18 August 2009
Lady of the Lake Speaks
Through her attorney Nyan Win, Aung San Suu Kyi’s stance on sanctions has not changed since 2007. When poised with remarks in a British newspaper that she was considering lifting the tourism embargo in Burma, she simply said no one has spoken to her about it at all. This quite a contrast to the remarks made by US Senator Jim Webb when he clearly stated;
“I don’t want to misrepresent her views, but my clear impression is that she is not opposed to the lifting of some sanctions,”
Further, during Webb’s visit with Daw Aung Suu Kyi it was all too apparent he was more interested in China’s growing “Fearful Influence” in Burma. Aung San Suu Kyi found Webb’s “fearful influence offensive and offered a rebuttal to his terminology in reference to China. She wanted good relations with China and the rest of the bordering countries as well as the international community. *Nyan Win quoted;
“She said China is Burma’s neighbor and wants to be a good friend of Burma. She said she did not see China as a fearful influence.”
Clearly Senator Webb was referring to China’s pipeline and other vested interests in the region. It should also be noted that Webb has opposed sanctions and promoted commerce with the criminal regime claiming sanctions have failed. The reality is sanctions have not been honored by many nations including the US and UK. India’s Tata Motors, the parent company of UK’s Land Rover and Jaguar, is building a heavy truck plant in Burma to facilitate Than Shwe’s military needs. Tata is also heavily invested in Briton making the UK an unwitting partner in genocide, if you think about it. The list of countries and corporations who are lining the pockets of Than Shwe’s criminal regime is staggering. So the notion sanctions have not worked is ludicrous since true sanctions have not been honored from the very beginning, just lip service.
Now Webb is going to report to US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton with his “facts”. The one fact still remains; Daw Aung San Suu Kyi maintains her and the National League for Democracy’s position on all points including sanctions and true reconciliation. She maintained that she has always kept the door open for dialogue with the regime.
Now, that the junta successfully placed Aung San Suu Kyi out of the running for the sham 2010 election. Reconciliation and the democratic process have been replaced with the bogus roadmap to nowhere by the regime. Than Shwe’s 7 Steps have obviously stepped backwards. The United Nations has proven to be as impotent as ever as they have more meetings and review tons of eye witness accounts of genocide and crimes against humanity. Burma continues to be placed at the back of the line while the world addresses recent acts of genocide and human rights violations in other parts of the globe.
It was ironic that while Jim Webb was making nice with the regime 10,000 residence in Sham State evacuated to China, thousands of Karen fled with their lives. Rape and murder continue to be the signature of Than Shwe’s Burmanization Program as genocide continues unabridged by the international community. It’s all about the money anyway, why fool ourselves. If it’s not profitable it’s not worth fighting for. Morality and ethnics has no place in current society, only the corporate bottom line. With the edict of Economics over Humanity it is clear help for Burma will not come from the outside world. The cries of the innocent will continue to fall on deaf ears and the world will continue to walk in the shadow of cowards and false hopes. The fate of Burma rests in the hands of the courageous and it is up the people to reawaken the Fighting Peacock for they are truly alone.
Senator Jim Webb’s visit to Burma has been hailed as a major coup for the criminal regime. The junta’s propaganda machine has hailed Webb’s meeting as a major milestone in renewing relations with Burma. But in all reality it was a major blow to the democratic movement and a big win for the junta. Webb gave the green light to the continued wholesale murder of the ethnic minorities within Burma as well as the continued arrests of all political opposition. And that’s the bottom line.
* http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=16589
Your Devil’s Advocate
Buffalohair
The swimmer is free: Who is really guilty?
Mr. John William Yettaw, the man who caused all the troubles for Aung San Suu Kyi this recent months, has been released from prison and has now left Burma for good.
He is now free after the evil and murderous Burmese Junta accepted the plea of United States Senator Jim Webb to release him during his visit to the country. He was first sentenced to seven years' hard labour but Mr Yettaw will now be going back to Missouri, USA.
Last Tuesday, Aung San Suu Kyi was convicted by an unfair and sham "special" court in Rangoon for "breaking" the terms of her house arrest.
The sentence for her was originally three years' hard labour, which shocked diplomats who were present in the trial, but they said that the only thing that she did was just smile.
After a dramatic silence, the Interior Minister went inside the court and read out a special order from the head of the military regime, Than Shwe, that instructed that Daw Suu's sentence was to be now commuted to 18 months under house arrest.
Another year and a half behind bars in her own home: She won't be able to take part in the national elections scheduled by the junta for next year, unless she is released (which is, I think, only has a tiny chance for it to happen...)
Mr. John William Yettaw, the man who caused all the troubles for Aung San Suu Kyi this recent months, has been released from prison and has now left Burma for good.
He is now free after the evil and murderous Burmese Junta accepted the plea of United States Senator Jim Webb to release him during his visit to the country. He was first sentenced to seven years' hard labour but Mr Yettaw will now be going back to Missouri, USA.
Last Tuesday, Aung San Suu Kyi was convicted by an unfair and sham "special" court in Rangoon for "breaking" the terms of her house arrest.
The sentence for her was originally three years' hard labour, which shocked diplomats who were present in the trial, but they said that the only thing that she did was just smile.
After a dramatic silence, the Interior Minister went inside the court and read out a special order from the head of the military regime, Than Shwe, that instructed that Daw Suu's sentence was to be now commuted to 18 months under house arrest.
Another year and a half behind bars in her own home: She won't be able to take part in the national elections scheduled by the junta for next year, unless she is released (which is, I think, only has a tiny chance for it to happen...)
Although the commuting of the sentence gave a sigh of relief for supporters of Daw Suu, it still angered many people all over for the unfair judgement on her, which began another chain of protests and condemnations across the globe.
Many, including myself, have been asking: WHO IS REALLY GUILTY? Aung San Suu Kyi, the woman who has inspired millions for her courage and calmness, or Senior General Than Shwe and the junta, the men in the green uniform, army maniacs hated by their own people, because of the horrible atrocities that they have done to their countrymen.
After comparing these two people that have influenced the lives of the People of Burma, I'm sure that we all know who really is guilty.
REACTIONS:
AT 2:52:00 PM POSTED BY... KABABAYANFREEDOMFIGHTER LINKS TO THIS POST! LABELS: AUNG SAN SUU KYI JOHN YETTAW SWIMMER FREE JIM WEBB RELEASED BURMA JUNTA REGIME EVIL
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http://demoskratospeoplepower.blogspot.com/
Why American Senator Jim Webb Lie???????He want to support SPDC??? He get gold and jewel from SPDC???? by KNL Japan
He become SPDC helper????
“ကၽြန္ေတာ္က ဒီေနရာမွာ ေမးပါတယ္။ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ရဲ႕ သတင္းၾကားတာကေတာ့ ယုိးဒယားမွာ ဂ်င္မ္ ၀က္ဘ္က ရွင္းတာလည္း ၾကားတယ္၊ ေနာက္ လန္ဒန္က သတင္းစာ တေစာင္မွာလည္း Tourism Sanction ကို ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ ရႈတ္သိမ္းလိုတယ္လုိ႔ ေရးတယ္လုိ႔ ၾကားတယ္။ အဲဒါကို ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔က ေျပာေတာ့။
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ဘက္ က အခ်က္ ၂ခ်က္ ျပန္ေျပာခဲ့တယ္လုိ႔ မေန႔က သူနဲ႔ ေတြ႔ဆံုခဲ့တဲ့ NLD ေျပာခြင့္ရ ပုဂၢိဳလ္ ဦးဥာဏ္၀င္းက ေျပာျပပါတယ္။ သူက သူ အဲဒီလို လံုး၀ မေျပာခဲ့ဘူးတဲ့၊ သူေျပာတာက sanction နဲ႔ ပတ္သက္လုိ႔ ပူးေပါင္း ေဆာင္ရြက္မယ္၊ ရႈတ္သိမ္းဖုိ႔ သေဘာထားကိုလည္း ပူးေပါင္း ထုတ္ျပန္မယ္၊ ဒါပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္ပါ့မယ္ဆုိတာကို သူအဆုိျပဳခဲ့တဲ့ အေၾကာင္းကို သူရွင္းျပပါတယ္။
အဓိကက သူမေျပာဘူး၊ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ မေျပာဘူး…
သူေျပာတဲ့ sanction က အစုိးရနဲ႔ အာဏာပုိင္းေတြနဲ႔ ရႈတ္သိမ္းဖုိ႔လုိရင္ ပူးေပါင္းၿပီး ေဆာင္ရြက္မယ္။ ေဆာင္ရြက္ဖို႔ အဆုိျပဳတယ္၊ သူက ဒါပဲ ေျပာျပခဲ့တာတဲ့။”
http://www.knljapan.co.cc/
Burmese government should release Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the NLD insists
Burmese government should release Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the NLD insists
Mon 17 Aug 2009, IMNA, Panorkkyar
The government of Burma has released the American citizen John William Yettaw. The authorities should immediately release the democracy icon Dawn Aung San Suu Kyi said that U Nyan Win, the spokesman of the National League for Democracy (NLD).
On August 14 2009, the American Senator Jim Webb arrived in Burma and met Senior General Than Shwe. The American citizen John Yettaw was released not long after the meeting. A week ago Yettaw was sentenced to 7 years of hard labour on charges for illegally intruding Suu Kyi’s house while she was under house arrest.
“The Burmese government released the American, why don’t they release Aung San Suu Kyu. She did not do anything wrong. She should be also released”, U Nyain Win said.
During his stay in Burma Senator Jim Webb met general Than Shwe and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the representatives of other ethnic parties.
“In my opinion, Senator Webb came to Burma to achieve an understanding with the military government. The senator’s visit was not beneficial for the Burmese people. There is no progressive development in Burma”, U Nyain Win added.
However, Senator Webb in a previous statement declared he urged the military government to release Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. He did so during his meeting with general Than Shwe.
The Secretary General of the Committee Representing the People’s Parliament (CRPP) U Aye Tha Aung said Senator Webb came to Burma to understand more about the current situation and to pave the way for new political approach to the Burmese government.
“Mr. Yettaw would have been driven out of the country no matter with or without the visit of Mr. Webb. It is not important whether Yettaw would be punished or not. The important fact is that SPDC managed to keep Daw Suu off the campaign trail ahead of next year's elections”, U Aye Tha Aung stated.
The former member of the New Mon State Party expressed an opinion that Webb’s visit to Burma was a tactical approach to the Burmese military government.
“There is no point for them to held Yettaw prisoner for a long time. They try to use his release in order to stabilize their positions abroad”, he added.
http://www.monnews-imna.com/newsupdate.php?ID=1518
Mon 17 Aug 2009, IMNA, Panorkkyar
The government of Burma has released the American citizen John William Yettaw. The authorities should immediately release the democracy icon Dawn Aung San Suu Kyi said that U Nyan Win, the spokesman of the National League for Democracy (NLD).
On August 14 2009, the American Senator Jim Webb arrived in Burma and met Senior General Than Shwe. The American citizen John Yettaw was released not long after the meeting. A week ago Yettaw was sentenced to 7 years of hard labour on charges for illegally intruding Suu Kyi’s house while she was under house arrest.
“The Burmese government released the American, why don’t they release Aung San Suu Kyu. She did not do anything wrong. She should be also released”, U Nyain Win said.
During his stay in Burma Senator Jim Webb met general Than Shwe and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the representatives of other ethnic parties.
“In my opinion, Senator Webb came to Burma to achieve an understanding with the military government. The senator’s visit was not beneficial for the Burmese people. There is no progressive development in Burma”, U Nyain Win added.
However, Senator Webb in a previous statement declared he urged the military government to release Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. He did so during his meeting with general Than Shwe.
The Secretary General of the Committee Representing the People’s Parliament (CRPP) U Aye Tha Aung said Senator Webb came to Burma to understand more about the current situation and to pave the way for new political approach to the Burmese government.
“Mr. Yettaw would have been driven out of the country no matter with or without the visit of Mr. Webb. It is not important whether Yettaw would be punished or not. The important fact is that SPDC managed to keep Daw Suu off the campaign trail ahead of next year's elections”, U Aye Tha Aung stated.
The former member of the New Mon State Party expressed an opinion that Webb’s visit to Burma was a tactical approach to the Burmese military government.
“There is no point for them to held Yettaw prisoner for a long time. They try to use his release in order to stabilize their positions abroad”, he added.
http://www.monnews-imna.com/newsupdate.php?ID=1518
ရဲေဘာ္ဖုိးသံေခ်ာင္း ၁၇ ၾသဂုတ္ ၂၀၀၉
နအဖဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြက အမ်ဳိးသားဒီမုိကေရစီအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္ ဗဟုိအလုပ္အမႈေဆာင္အဖြဲ႔၀င္ (၄) ေယာက္ကုိ ၾကပ္ေျပးကုိ လာဖုိ႔ ေခၚလုိက္တယ္ ဆုိတဲ့ကိစၥကုိ ဗမာျပည္ႏုိင္ငံေရး စိတ္၀င္စားသူတုိင္း သတိျပဳမိၾကပါတယ္။ သူတုိ႔ရဲ႕ ဒီလုပ္ရပ္ရဲ႕ ေနာက္ ကြယ္ မွာ ဘယ္ေလာက္ယုတ္မာတဲ့ အႀကံအစည္ေတြ၊ လုပ္ဟန္ေတြ ရွိေနတယ္ဆုိတာကုိလည္း ႏုိင္ငံေရး အကင္း နည္းနည္းေလး ပါးသူတုိင္း ရိပ္မိၾကပါတယ္။
အေမရိကန္က ကြန္ဂရက္လႊတ္ေတာ္အမတ္၀က္ဘ္ ဗမာျပည္ကုိလာတဲ့ကိစၥမွာ နအဖဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြဟာ ေတြ႔ဆုုံဖုိ႔ ဖိတ္တာမွာ ဒီအခ်က္ေလးခ်က္ဟာ ေပၚလြင္ေနပါတယ္။
၁။ နအဖက ဘာကိစၥနဲ႔ ေခၚတယ္ဆုိတာ မေျပာပါဘူး။ ဆင့္စာပုိ႔သလုိ ပုိ႔လာတာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ လူလူခ်င္း အျပန္အလွန္ ေလးစားမႈမ်ဳိးေတာင္ မေဖာ္ျပပါဘူး။ ပေဒသရာဇ္မင္းႀကီး ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊဟာ သူ႔ရဲ႕ပေဒသရာဇ္အာဏာစက္ကုိ အမ်ဳိးသား ဒီမုိကေရစီအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္နာခံဖုိ႔ ပုိ႔လႊတ္လုိက္တာလုိ႔ဆုိရင္ ရမလားပါပဲ။
၂။ နအဖက ဆင့္ေခၚရာမွာ အမ်ဳိးသားဒီမုိကေရစီအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္ အလုပ္အမႈေဆာင္အဖြဲ႔ကုိ လိပ္မူဖိတ္ေခၚတာမဟုတ္ဘဲ လူ နာမည္ေတြ တပ္ၿပီး ဖိတ္ေခၚတာဟာ ၾကားသိရသူတုိင္းကုိ ေဒါသျဖစ္ေစပါတယ္။
၃။ ပုိသတိထားသင့္တာက ဒါဟာ ပထမအႀကိမ္မဟုတ္ဘူး၊ ဒုတိယအႀကိမ္ျဖစ္တယ္ဆုိတာပါ။ ကုလသမဂၢ အတြင္းေရးမႉးခ်ဳပ္ ဘန္ကီမြန္းလာတုန္းကလည္း ဒီလုိတခါလုပ္ခဲ့ၿပီးပါၿပီ။
၄။ ဖိတ္စာကုိ အမ်ဳိးသားဒီမုိကေရစီအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္႐ုံးကုိ ပုိ႔တာမဟုတ္ဘဲ ဥကၠ႒ ဦးေအာင္ေရႊရဲ႕အိမ္ကုိ ပုိ႔တာဟာလည္း အမ်ဳိးသားဒီမုိကေရစီအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္နဲ႔ အဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္႐ုံးတုိ႔အေပၚ ဘယ္လုိ သေဘာထားတယ္ ဆုိတာကုိ သိေစခ်င္လုိ႔ တမင္ လုပ္တယ္လုိ႔ စဥ္းစားစရာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ဒါေတြက ေဖာ္ျပေနတာကေတာ့ နအဖဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြဟာ အားလုံးကုိ တမင္အစီအစဥ္ရွိရွိနဲ႔ အခုလုိလုပ္ေနတယ္ဆုိတာပါပဲ။
သူတုိ႔ ဒီလုိလုပ္ေနတာမွာ အဓိကရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္က အမ်ဳိးသားဒီမုိကေရစီအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မႈအတြင္းမွာ ေသြးခြဲဖုိ႔ ျဖစ္တယ္ဆုိတာကုိ လူတုိင္းျမင္ၾကပါတယ္။ အမ်ဳိးသားဒီမုိကေရစီအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္ရဲ႕ အလုပ္အမႈေဆာင္အဖြဲ႔ထဲမွာမွ ႏွစ္ခါစလုံး ဒီလူေတြကုိခ်ည့္ပဲ ကြက္ေခၚတယ္ဆုိေတာ့ တရားလြန္တယ္လုိ႔ေတာင္ ေျပာႏုိင္ပါတယ္။ ဒီအလုပ္အမႈေဆာင္အတြင္း တဦးနဲ႔တဦး သုိ႔ေလာ-သုိ႔ေလာေတြ ျဖစ္မကုန္ႏုိင္ေပဘူးလား။
အမ်ဳိးသားဒီမုိကေရစီအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္ကုိ ဘယ္သူကုိယ္စားျပဳေတြ႔မယ္ဆုိတာကုိ ဘာေၾကာင့္အဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္အလုပ္အမႈေဆာင္အဖြဲ႔က ေရြးခြင့္မရွိရတာလဲ။ နအဖဟာ ဘယ္တုန္းကမ်ား အဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္အလုပ္အမႈေဆာင္အဖြဲ႔ရဲ႕ အာဏာေတြကုိ ရယူထားၿပီး ေရြးေပးေနတာလဲ။ ေနာင္မွာလည္း ဒီလုိပဲ သူတုိ႔ကခ်ည္း ေရြးေပးေနမွာလား။ တကယ္လုိ႔မ်ား အမ်ဳိးသား ဒီမုိကေရစီ အဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္က ၂၀၁၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲကုိ ၀င္ၿပိဳင္မယ္ဆုိရင္ ကုိယ္စားလွယ္ေလာင္းအျဖစ္ ဘယ္သူေတြကုိေရြး၊ ဘယ္သူ ေတြကုိေတာ့ မေရြးနဲ႔လုိ႔မ်ား နအဖဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြက သတ္မွတ္ေနဦးမွာလား။
ေသခ်ာတာကေတာ့ နအဖဟာ သူတုိ႔ အေကာင္အထည္ေဖာ္ေတာ့မယ့္ သူတုိ႔ရဲ႕ စည္းကမ္းရွိတဲ့ ဒီမုိကေရစီကုိ အျမည္း ေပးေနတာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ၂၀၀၈ ခုႏွစ္ဖြဲ႔စည္းပုံမွာ ျပ႒ာန္းထားတဲ့ ႏုိင္ငံေရးမွာ တပ္မေတာ္ရဲ႕ ဦးေဆာင္မႈဆုိတာဟာ ဒီလုိပဲ သူမ်ားပါတီေတြထဲမွာ အလုပ္အမႈေဆာင္အဖြဲ႔ကုိ ေက်ာ္လႊားၿပီး ဦးေဆာင္မႈေပးမယ့္ အဓိပၸာယ္လုိ႔ ယူဆရပါတယ္။ ၂၀၁၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲသာၿပီးသြားရင္ နအဖဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြ ပုိမာနတက္ၿပီး အခုလုိ လုပ္ရပ္ေတြ ပုိမ်ားလာမယ္ဆုိတာ သံသယ ျဖစ္စရာ မလုိပါဘူး။
ဗမာျပည္ႏုိင္ငံေရးမွာ ဗိုလ္ေန၀င္းတေယာက္ဟာ ေသြးခြဲၿပီးအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္တယ္ (Divide and Rule) ဆုိတာမွာ နာမည္ ႀကီးခဲ့ ပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ အဲဒီလုိနာမည္ႀကီးတဲ့လူဟာ အခု နအဖလုပ္သလုိ ပါတီတခုတည္းမွာကုိပဲ ေျပာင္ ေသြးခြဲ ဆက္ဆံ တာမ်ဳိး မလုပ္၀ံ့ပါဘူး။ အနည္းဆုံး ကုိယ့္သိကၡာကုိယ္ ေထာက္ထားရပါတယ္။ နအဖကေတာ့ ႏုိင္ငံေရး ပါတီေတြ ထဲမွာလည္းခြဲ။ ၿငိမ္းအဖြဲ႔ေတြထဲမွာ ဘယ္သူ႔ကုိ ၾကပ္ေျပးေခၚ။ ဘယ္သူ႔ကုိခ်ိန္ထားလုပ္ၿပီး ေသြးခြဲ။ ပါတီ တခုခ်င္း အတြင္း မွာလည္း ထပ္ေသြးခြဲ ဘာမဆုိလုပ္၀ံ့၊ လုပ္ရဲေနပါတယ္။
ဒါေတြကုိၾကည့္ရင္ နအဖဘာေတြ ႀကံစည္ေနတယ္ဆုိတာ အလြယ္နဲ႔ ေတြးၾကည့္လုိ႔ရပါတယ္။ ၂၀၁၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ မတုိင္မီ၊ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ အျပင္မွာလြတ္လြတ္လပ္လပ္ မလႈပ္ရွားႏုိင္စဥ္မွာ အမ်ဳိးသားဒီမုိကေရစီအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္ကုိ ခ်ည့္နဲ႔သထက္ ခ်ည့္နဲ႔ေအာင္၊ ျဖစ္ႏုိင္ရင္ ကြဲသြားေအာင္လုပ္ေရးဆုိတာဟာ ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြရဲ႕ ဦးစားေပး လုပ္ငန္း တခုျဖစ္တယ္ ဆုိတာ အေသအခ်ာေျပာလုိ႔ရပါတယ္။
ဒါေၾကာင့္ လာေတာ့မယ့္ နအဖရဲ႕ ၂၀၁၀ ျပည့္နွစ္ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲမတုိင္မီကာလ ဗမာျပည္ႏုိင္ငံေရးဟာ အင္မတန္မွ ႐ႈပ္ေထြး၊ အင္အတန္မွ ေကာက္က်စ္တာေတြ ေတြ႔ရပါလိမ့္မယ္။ ဒီအတြက္ အေသအခ်ာစဥ္းစား၊ ျပင္ဆင္ထားၾကရပါမယ္။ ဒါ့အျပင္ ျပည္ပႏုိင္ငံေတြရဲ႕ သံတမန္ေရးလႈပ္ရွားမႈေတြကလည္း ပုိမိုမ်ားျပား၊ ပုိမိုမ်က္စိလည္စရာေတြ ေတြ႔ရမွာ ျဖစ္ပါ တယ္။ အခုကုိပဲ နအဖကုိ ေရွ႕ေနလုိက္ ေရးသားေျပာဆုိၾကတာေတြကုိ ဖတ္ေန၊ ၾကားေနၾကရတယ္ မဟုတ္ပါလား။ ကုိယ့္ကုိယ္ကုိယ္ အသက္ (၈၀) ေက်ာ္ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအေတြ႔အႀကံဳႂကြယ္၀သူေတြလုိ႔ ေၾကညာၿပီး နအဖပါးစပ္ကေတာင္ မထြက္ရဲတဲ့ နအဖဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြကုိ ခ်ီးမြမ္းခန္းေတြ ေျပာထြက္၊ ေရးထြက္ေနၾကပါတယ္။ ဒါေတြအားလုံးဟာ သူ႔အလုိလုိ သဘာ၀ က်က် ေပၚထြက္လာတာ မဟုတ္ဘဲ ခ်ိန္ကုိက္ထြက္ေပၚလာေနတာဆုိတာ ရွင္းေနပါတယ္။
ဒီလုိကာလမွာပဲ နအဖစစ္ဗိုလ္ေတြဟာ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ကုိ အိမ္ခ်ဳပ္အျဖစ္ တႏွစ္ခြဲခ်မွတ္တုန္းက ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ ေျပာခဲ့တဲ့ စကားလုံးေတြလုိ နအဖဟာ သကာလူးတဲ့စကားေတြ ေျပာၿပီး ေထာင္ခ်လုိက္တာမ်ဳိးေတြလည္း ဆက္ေတြ႔ရ အုန္းမွာပါ။ ဒါေတြကုိ ဗမာျပည္ ျပည္သူေတြက သူတုိ႔ရဲ႕ အေတြ႔အႀကံဳေတြအရ လုံး၀နား၀င္မွာမဟုတ္ေပမယ့္ နအဖကုိ ႀကံဖန္ၿပီး ခ်ီးမြန္းခန္းေရးေနၾကသူေတြအတြက္ေတာ့ အခ်က္အလက္တခ်ဳိ႕ ျဖစ္ပါလိမ့္မယ္။ အခုကုိပဲ တခ်ဳိ႕က အျပစ္ မရွိတဲ့လူကုိ အိမ္ခ်ဳပ္တႏွစ္ခြဲခ်လုိက္တဲ့ သေဘာထားႀကီးမႈကို အသိအမွတ္ မျပဳရေကာင္းလားလုိ႔ ျမန္မာ့အလင္းမွာ ရန္ေတြ႔ေနတာေတြ ဖတ္ေနရပါတယ္။ ေနာင္မွာ ၂၀၀၈ ဖြဲ႔စည္းပုံအေျခခံဥပေဒ အတည္ျဖစ္သြားရင္ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္း သမီးမုိ႔ ဒီပဲယင္းကားလမ္းမွာ ႐ုိက္သတ္ဖုိ႔စီစဥ္တာ။ တဦးနဲ႔တဦး အာဃာတမထားခ်င္လုိ႔ သံဃာေတြကုိ လမ္းမေပၚမွာ သတ္ပစ္တာေတြ၊ ေထာင္ဒဏ္ (၇) ႏွစ္ခ်ထားတဲ့ ႏုိင္ငံျခားသားကိုေတာ့ အိမ္ျပန္ခြင့္ေပးလုိက္ၿပီး တမႈတည္းအတြက္ တႏွစ္ခြဲအိမ္ခ်ဳပ္မိန္႔ ခ်ထားတဲ့ ကုိယ့္ႏုိင္ငံသားကုိေတာ့ အေစာင့္တုိးခ်ထားတာ စတဲ့ စည္းကမ္းရွိဒီမုိကေရစီျပယုဂ္ေတြ ပုိၿပီးေတြ႔လာရစရာ ရွိပါတယ္။
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နအဖဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြက အမ်ဳိးသားဒီမုိကေရစီအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္ ဗဟုိအလုပ္အမႈေဆာင္အဖြဲ႔၀င္ (၄) ေယာက္ကုိ ၾကပ္ေျပးကုိ လာဖုိ႔ ေခၚလုိက္တယ္ ဆုိတဲ့ကိစၥကုိ ဗမာျပည္ႏုိင္ငံေရး စိတ္၀င္စားသူတုိင္း သတိျပဳမိၾကပါတယ္။ သူတုိ႔ရဲ႕ ဒီလုပ္ရပ္ရဲ႕ ေနာက္ ကြယ္ မွာ ဘယ္ေလာက္ယုတ္မာတဲ့ အႀကံအစည္ေတြ၊ လုပ္ဟန္ေတြ ရွိေနတယ္ဆုိတာကုိလည္း ႏုိင္ငံေရး အကင္း နည္းနည္းေလး ပါးသူတုိင္း ရိပ္မိၾကပါတယ္။
အေမရိကန္က ကြန္ဂရက္လႊတ္ေတာ္အမတ္၀က္ဘ္ ဗမာျပည္ကုိလာတဲ့ကိစၥမွာ နအဖဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြဟာ ေတြ႔ဆုုံဖုိ႔ ဖိတ္တာမွာ ဒီအခ်က္ေလးခ်က္ဟာ ေပၚလြင္ေနပါတယ္။
၁။ နအဖက ဘာကိစၥနဲ႔ ေခၚတယ္ဆုိတာ မေျပာပါဘူး။ ဆင့္စာပုိ႔သလုိ ပုိ႔လာတာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ လူလူခ်င္း အျပန္အလွန္ ေလးစားမႈမ်ဳိးေတာင္ မေဖာ္ျပပါဘူး။ ပေဒသရာဇ္မင္းႀကီး ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊဟာ သူ႔ရဲ႕ပေဒသရာဇ္အာဏာစက္ကုိ အမ်ဳိးသား ဒီမုိကေရစီအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္နာခံဖုိ႔ ပုိ႔လႊတ္လုိက္တာလုိ႔ဆုိရင္ ရမလားပါပဲ။
၂။ နအဖက ဆင့္ေခၚရာမွာ အမ်ဳိးသားဒီမုိကေရစီအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္ အလုပ္အမႈေဆာင္အဖြဲ႔ကုိ လိပ္မူဖိတ္ေခၚတာမဟုတ္ဘဲ လူ နာမည္ေတြ တပ္ၿပီး ဖိတ္ေခၚတာဟာ ၾကားသိရသူတုိင္းကုိ ေဒါသျဖစ္ေစပါတယ္။
၃။ ပုိသတိထားသင့္တာက ဒါဟာ ပထမအႀကိမ္မဟုတ္ဘူး၊ ဒုတိယအႀကိမ္ျဖစ္တယ္ဆုိတာပါ။ ကုလသမဂၢ အတြင္းေရးမႉးခ်ဳပ္ ဘန္ကီမြန္းလာတုန္းကလည္း ဒီလုိတခါလုပ္ခဲ့ၿပီးပါၿပီ။
၄။ ဖိတ္စာကုိ အမ်ဳိးသားဒီမုိကေရစီအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္႐ုံးကုိ ပုိ႔တာမဟုတ္ဘဲ ဥကၠ႒ ဦးေအာင္ေရႊရဲ႕အိမ္ကုိ ပုိ႔တာဟာလည္း အမ်ဳိးသားဒီမုိကေရစီအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္နဲ႔ အဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္႐ုံးတုိ႔အေပၚ ဘယ္လုိ သေဘာထားတယ္ ဆုိတာကုိ သိေစခ်င္လုိ႔ တမင္ လုပ္တယ္လုိ႔ စဥ္းစားစရာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ဒါေတြက ေဖာ္ျပေနတာကေတာ့ နအဖဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြဟာ အားလုံးကုိ တမင္အစီအစဥ္ရွိရွိနဲ႔ အခုလုိလုပ္ေနတယ္ဆုိတာပါပဲ။
သူတုိ႔ ဒီလုိလုပ္ေနတာမွာ အဓိကရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္က အမ်ဳိးသားဒီမုိကေရစီအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မႈအတြင္းမွာ ေသြးခြဲဖုိ႔ ျဖစ္တယ္ဆုိတာကုိ လူတုိင္းျမင္ၾကပါတယ္။ အမ်ဳိးသားဒီမုိကေရစီအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္ရဲ႕ အလုပ္အမႈေဆာင္အဖြဲ႔ထဲမွာမွ ႏွစ္ခါစလုံး ဒီလူေတြကုိခ်ည့္ပဲ ကြက္ေခၚတယ္ဆုိေတာ့ တရားလြန္တယ္လုိ႔ေတာင္ ေျပာႏုိင္ပါတယ္။ ဒီအလုပ္အမႈေဆာင္အတြင္း တဦးနဲ႔တဦး သုိ႔ေလာ-သုိ႔ေလာေတြ ျဖစ္မကုန္ႏုိင္ေပဘူးလား။
အမ်ဳိးသားဒီမုိကေရစီအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္ကုိ ဘယ္သူကုိယ္စားျပဳေတြ႔မယ္ဆုိတာကုိ ဘာေၾကာင့္အဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္အလုပ္အမႈေဆာင္အဖြဲ႔က ေရြးခြင့္မရွိရတာလဲ။ နအဖဟာ ဘယ္တုန္းကမ်ား အဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္အလုပ္အမႈေဆာင္အဖြဲ႔ရဲ႕ အာဏာေတြကုိ ရယူထားၿပီး ေရြးေပးေနတာလဲ။ ေနာင္မွာလည္း ဒီလုိပဲ သူတုိ႔ကခ်ည္း ေရြးေပးေနမွာလား။ တကယ္လုိ႔မ်ား အမ်ဳိးသား ဒီမုိကေရစီ အဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္က ၂၀၁၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲကုိ ၀င္ၿပိဳင္မယ္ဆုိရင္ ကုိယ္စားလွယ္ေလာင္းအျဖစ္ ဘယ္သူေတြကုိေရြး၊ ဘယ္သူ ေတြကုိေတာ့ မေရြးနဲ႔လုိ႔မ်ား နအဖဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြက သတ္မွတ္ေနဦးမွာလား။
ေသခ်ာတာကေတာ့ နအဖဟာ သူတုိ႔ အေကာင္အထည္ေဖာ္ေတာ့မယ့္ သူတုိ႔ရဲ႕ စည္းကမ္းရွိတဲ့ ဒီမုိကေရစီကုိ အျမည္း ေပးေနတာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ၂၀၀၈ ခုႏွစ္ဖြဲ႔စည္းပုံမွာ ျပ႒ာန္းထားတဲ့ ႏုိင္ငံေရးမွာ တပ္မေတာ္ရဲ႕ ဦးေဆာင္မႈဆုိတာဟာ ဒီလုိပဲ သူမ်ားပါတီေတြထဲမွာ အလုပ္အမႈေဆာင္အဖြဲ႔ကုိ ေက်ာ္လႊားၿပီး ဦးေဆာင္မႈေပးမယ့္ အဓိပၸာယ္လုိ႔ ယူဆရပါတယ္။ ၂၀၁၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲသာၿပီးသြားရင္ နအဖဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြ ပုိမာနတက္ၿပီး အခုလုိ လုပ္ရပ္ေတြ ပုိမ်ားလာမယ္ဆုိတာ သံသယ ျဖစ္စရာ မလုိပါဘူး။
ဗမာျပည္ႏုိင္ငံေရးမွာ ဗိုလ္ေန၀င္းတေယာက္ဟာ ေသြးခြဲၿပီးအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္တယ္ (Divide and Rule) ဆုိတာမွာ နာမည္ ႀကီးခဲ့ ပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ အဲဒီလုိနာမည္ႀကီးတဲ့လူဟာ အခု နအဖလုပ္သလုိ ပါတီတခုတည္းမွာကုိပဲ ေျပာင္ ေသြးခြဲ ဆက္ဆံ တာမ်ဳိး မလုပ္၀ံ့ပါဘူး။ အနည္းဆုံး ကုိယ့္သိကၡာကုိယ္ ေထာက္ထားရပါတယ္။ နအဖကေတာ့ ႏုိင္ငံေရး ပါတီေတြ ထဲမွာလည္းခြဲ။ ၿငိမ္းအဖြဲ႔ေတြထဲမွာ ဘယ္သူ႔ကုိ ၾကပ္ေျပးေခၚ။ ဘယ္သူ႔ကုိခ်ိန္ထားလုပ္ၿပီး ေသြးခြဲ။ ပါတီ တခုခ်င္း အတြင္း မွာလည္း ထပ္ေသြးခြဲ ဘာမဆုိလုပ္၀ံ့၊ လုပ္ရဲေနပါတယ္။
ဒါေတြကုိၾကည့္ရင္ နအဖဘာေတြ ႀကံစည္ေနတယ္ဆုိတာ အလြယ္နဲ႔ ေတြးၾကည့္လုိ႔ရပါတယ္။ ၂၀၁၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ မတုိင္မီ၊ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ အျပင္မွာလြတ္လြတ္လပ္လပ္ မလႈပ္ရွားႏုိင္စဥ္မွာ အမ်ဳိးသားဒီမုိကေရစီအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္ကုိ ခ်ည့္နဲ႔သထက္ ခ်ည့္နဲ႔ေအာင္၊ ျဖစ္ႏုိင္ရင္ ကြဲသြားေအာင္လုပ္ေရးဆုိတာဟာ ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြရဲ႕ ဦးစားေပး လုပ္ငန္း တခုျဖစ္တယ္ ဆုိတာ အေသအခ်ာေျပာလုိ႔ရပါတယ္။
ဒါေၾကာင့္ လာေတာ့မယ့္ နအဖရဲ႕ ၂၀၁၀ ျပည့္နွစ္ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲမတုိင္မီကာလ ဗမာျပည္ႏုိင္ငံေရးဟာ အင္မတန္မွ ႐ႈပ္ေထြး၊ အင္အတန္မွ ေကာက္က်စ္တာေတြ ေတြ႔ရပါလိမ့္မယ္။ ဒီအတြက္ အေသအခ်ာစဥ္းစား၊ ျပင္ဆင္ထားၾကရပါမယ္။ ဒါ့အျပင္ ျပည္ပႏုိင္ငံေတြရဲ႕ သံတမန္ေရးလႈပ္ရွားမႈေတြကလည္း ပုိမိုမ်ားျပား၊ ပုိမိုမ်က္စိလည္စရာေတြ ေတြ႔ရမွာ ျဖစ္ပါ တယ္။ အခုကုိပဲ နအဖကုိ ေရွ႕ေနလုိက္ ေရးသားေျပာဆုိၾကတာေတြကုိ ဖတ္ေန၊ ၾကားေနၾကရတယ္ မဟုတ္ပါလား။ ကုိယ့္ကုိယ္ကုိယ္ အသက္ (၈၀) ေက်ာ္ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအေတြ႔အႀကံဳႂကြယ္၀သူေတြလုိ႔ ေၾကညာၿပီး နအဖပါးစပ္ကေတာင္ မထြက္ရဲတဲ့ နအဖဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြကုိ ခ်ီးမြမ္းခန္းေတြ ေျပာထြက္၊ ေရးထြက္ေနၾကပါတယ္။ ဒါေတြအားလုံးဟာ သူ႔အလုိလုိ သဘာ၀ က်က် ေပၚထြက္လာတာ မဟုတ္ဘဲ ခ်ိန္ကုိက္ထြက္ေပၚလာေနတာဆုိတာ ရွင္းေနပါတယ္။
ဒီလုိကာလမွာပဲ နအဖစစ္ဗိုလ္ေတြဟာ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ကုိ အိမ္ခ်ဳပ္အျဖစ္ တႏွစ္ခြဲခ်မွတ္တုန္းက ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ ေျပာခဲ့တဲ့ စကားလုံးေတြလုိ နအဖဟာ သကာလူးတဲ့စကားေတြ ေျပာၿပီး ေထာင္ခ်လုိက္တာမ်ဳိးေတြလည္း ဆက္ေတြ႔ရ အုန္းမွာပါ။ ဒါေတြကုိ ဗမာျပည္ ျပည္သူေတြက သူတုိ႔ရဲ႕ အေတြ႔အႀကံဳေတြအရ လုံး၀နား၀င္မွာမဟုတ္ေပမယ့္ နအဖကုိ ႀကံဖန္ၿပီး ခ်ီးမြန္းခန္းေရးေနၾကသူေတြအတြက္ေတာ့ အခ်က္အလက္တခ်ဳိ႕ ျဖစ္ပါလိမ့္မယ္။ အခုကုိပဲ တခ်ဳိ႕က အျပစ္ မရွိတဲ့လူကုိ အိမ္ခ်ဳပ္တႏွစ္ခြဲခ်လုိက္တဲ့ သေဘာထားႀကီးမႈကို အသိအမွတ္ မျပဳရေကာင္းလားလုိ႔ ျမန္မာ့အလင္းမွာ ရန္ေတြ႔ေနတာေတြ ဖတ္ေနရပါတယ္။ ေနာင္မွာ ၂၀၀၈ ဖြဲ႔စည္းပုံအေျခခံဥပေဒ အတည္ျဖစ္သြားရင္ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္း သမီးမုိ႔ ဒီပဲယင္းကားလမ္းမွာ ႐ုိက္သတ္ဖုိ႔စီစဥ္တာ။ တဦးနဲ႔တဦး အာဃာတမထားခ်င္လုိ႔ သံဃာေတြကုိ လမ္းမေပၚမွာ သတ္ပစ္တာေတြ၊ ေထာင္ဒဏ္ (၇) ႏွစ္ခ်ထားတဲ့ ႏုိင္ငံျခားသားကိုေတာ့ အိမ္ျပန္ခြင့္ေပးလုိက္ၿပီး တမႈတည္းအတြက္ တႏွစ္ခြဲအိမ္ခ်ဳပ္မိန္႔ ခ်ထားတဲ့ ကုိယ့္ႏုိင္ငံသားကုိေတာ့ အေစာင့္တုိးခ်ထားတာ စတဲ့ စည္းကမ္းရွိဒီမုိကေရစီျပယုဂ္ေတြ ပုိၿပီးေတြ႔လာရစရာ ရွိပါတယ္။
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Monday, 17 August 2009
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2009/08/14/AR2009081401667.html?wprss=rss_print/outlook
Let's Talk to Burma. China Sure Is.
By Thant Myint-U
Sunday, August 16, 2009
Twenty years of sanctioning and lecturing Burma's military regime have failed. The West needs to engage with Burma's leaders, increase humanitarian aid and reopen commercial relations with the country. If it doesn't, not only will positive change remain as elusive as ever, but the country will turn quickly and irreparably into an economic vassal of China.
In a sign of just how impervious the regime is to Western pressure, last week, opposition leader and Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi was sentenced to her fourth spell of house arrest. Two thousand political prisoners remain locked up. And a transition to democracy appears nowhere in sight.
I was born in the United States in 1966 to Burmese parents. My grandfather, U Thant, was then serving as the United Nations' third secretary general. I witnessed repression in Burma firsthand when I was 8, during the violent unrest surrounding my grandfather's funeral.
In 1989, just after college, I spent a year in Thailand and along the Thai-Burmese border, working with dissidents and trying help the first wave of Burmese refugees. Thousands had been killed during a failed anti-government uprising. Suu Kyi had just been placed under house arrest. And the ruling junta, after losing relatively free elections, was refusing to hand over power. Later in Washington I argued with members of Congress and others that maximum sanctions were the best way to topple the dictatorship. It was an easy argument to make.
By the early 1990s nearly all Western aid to Burma had been terminated, and development assistance through the United Nations, the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund had been blocked. A decade later, embargos and boycotts had cut off nearly all economic ties with the United States and Europe. None of the senior Burmese government officials or their children (these are the only international sanctions targeting children) are allowed to travel to the West.
But as the regime not only survived but began to seek trade, investment and tourism, I started having doubts. My feeling was that the West should use the opening and find a back door to change while the front door remained firmly shut.
In 2006 I published a book, "The River of Lost Footsteps," in which I argued for a shift in the West's approach. Even when, in 2007, new protests were violently crushed, I still believed greater engagement was the right way. I felt that many policymakers and journalists were missing the bigger picture.
Few seemed aware, for example, that Burma was just emerging from decades of civil war. In the late 1980s and early 1990s, the government and more than a dozen different ethnic insurgent armies hammered out cease-fires, a breakthrough that went virtually unnoticed in the West. (Today, though the cease-fires remain, there is no permanent peace.) And few seemed concerned by the country's grinding poverty, the result of decades of economic bungling as well as embargos, boycotts and aid cutoffs.
In 1991, UNICEF's country director warned of a humanitarian emergency among Burma's children, arguing that more aid couldn't wait for the right government. Eighteen years later, Burma still receives less than a tenth of the per-capita aid handed out to Laos, Cambodia and Vietnam. Tens of thousands die needlessly from treatable diseases.
These challenges have been ignored in the hope that sanctions and tough talk would lead to political change. But that hasn't happened.
Part of the reason is that the people who fashioned the sanctions didn't consider how the rise of Asia's giants -- China and India -- would transform Burma. As American businesses pulled out in the mid-1990s, Chinese and other Asian companies poured in. Hundreds of billions of dollars worth of natural gas have been discovered offshore, and massive hydroelectric and mining projects are being signed. Within two years a 1,000-mile oil and gas pipeline will stretch across Burma, connecting China's inland provinces to the sea. The U.S. trade embargo led to the near-collapse of the garment industry in the late 1990s, throwing tens of thousands of people out of work, but for the regime this has meant little.
Burma today is in no danger of economic disintegration. Without Western engagement, however, Burma's 55 million people risk becoming a virtual colony of their 1.3 billion Chinese neighbors to the east. There is no nefarious Chinese takeover scheme, but the vacuum created by Western policy is being filled.
The old Burmese generals will soon retire, and a new generation will rise to the top. Gen. Than Shwe, Burma's powerful autocrat, is 77 and ailing. Any chance for change requires support from at least some military leaders. Yet we've done nothing to try to influence the worldview of Than Shwe's possible successors. The upcoming generation of officers will be the first never to have visited Europe or America.
Last winter the Obama administration announced a review of Burma policy. I hope it will reconsider the United States' long-standing reliance on sanctions. It's not just that they don't work, but that they've been hugely counterproductive, taking away the one big force -- American soft power -- that could have played a role in reshaping the landscape.
Asia has experienced many successful democratic transitions, and none came about because of the sanctions and lectures that Western powers and advocacy groups seem to think will work in Burma. Generals don't negotiate away their power in the face of threats. You have to change the ground beneath them.
Engagement is not just about talking -- it's about dealing with the powers that be enough to get a foot in the door and create new facts on the ground, especially through economic contacts with the Burmese people. Nor is it based on the notion that economic development will automatically produce democracy, but that we must tackle simultaneously Burma's political and economic ills.
Many in America and worldwide are again outraged by goings-on in Burma. But without new thinking, 20 more years will pass and the dream of a prosperous, democratic Burma will be more distant still.
thant@post.harvard.edu
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Thant Myint-U is the author of "The River of Lost Footsteps: A Personal History of Burma."
မြန္ျပည္သစ္အား ခြဲထုတ္ရန္ စစ္အစုိးရ ျပင္ဆင္
၀ီရ/ ၁၄ ၾသဂုတ္ ၂၀၀၉
နအဖကမ္းလွမ္းထားသည့္ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္အသြင္ေျပာင္းရန္ ျငင္းဆန္ခဲ့သည့္ မြန္ျပည္သစ္ပါတီ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ အခ်ဳိ႕အား နအဖအာဏာပုိင္တုိ႔က ေသြးခြဲစည္း႐ုံးရန္ ျပင္ဆင္ေနၿပီး ပါတီဝင္ေဟာင္းမ်ားကုိလည္း ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ ဝင္ေရာက္ရန္ ျပင္ဆင္ခုိင္းေနေၾကာင္း စုံစမ္းသိရွိရသည္။
ထုိင္း-ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္တြင္ တာဝန္က်ေနသည့္ မြန္ျပည္သစ္ပါတီ ေကာ္မတီဝင္တဦးက “ျပည္တြင္းမွာရွိတဲ့ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ ေခါင္းေဆာင္တခ်ဳိ႕ကုိ နအဖအာဏာပုိင္ေတြက တိတ္တဆိတ္ လာေတြ႔ေနတာရွိတယ္။ အဓိကကေတာ့ လာစည္း႐ုံးတာပဲ။ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔အခ်င္းခ်င္းၾကားမွာ အျမင္မၾကည္ေအာင္ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြက သူတုိ႔နဲ႔ ခုိးေတြ႔ေနသလုိ အထင္ခံရေအာင္ လုပ္ေနတာ။ အမွန္က သူတုိ႔ပဲ လာေတြ႔တာ” ဟု ေခတ္ၿပဳိင္သုိ႔ ေျပာၾကားသည္။
နအဖအာဏာပုိင္တုိ႔က မြန္ျပည္သစ္ပါတီ၏ တပ္အင္အားႏွင့္ မြန္ျပည္သူမ်ားအၾကား အရိွန္အ၀ါရိွသည့္ မြန္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား ႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္သည့္ အခ်က္အလက္မ်ားကိုလည္း ေက်းရြာဥကၠ႒မွတဆင့္ ေကာက္ခံခိုင္းေနေၾကာင္း အဆုိပါ ေကာ္မတီ၀င္က ေျပာသည္။
နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ အသြင္ေျပာင္းရန္ ၾသဂုတ္ (၅) ရက္တြင္ မြန္ျပည္သစ္ပါတီမွ ပယ္ခ်လုိက္သည့္ေနာက္ပိုင္း ပါတီ၏ တပ္အင္အားကို ေကာက္ခံေနျခင္းျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း၊ ပါတီ၏လက္နက္ႏွင့္ တပ္အင္အားစာရင္းကုိ နအဖက ေတာင္းခံမႈမ်ား ရွိခဲ့ေသာ္လည္း ပါတီက အႀကိမ္ႀကိမ္ပယ္ခ်ခဲ့ေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။
အသက္ (၄၀) ႏွင့္ (၅၀) အၾကား လူလတ္ပုိင္း မြန္ျပည္သစ္ပါတီ၀င္ေဟာင္းမ်ားကိုလည္း ေ႐ြးေကာက္ပြဲ ဝင္ေရာက္ ယွဥ္ၿပိဳင္ရန္ ကမ္းလွမ္းေနေၾကာင္း ေမာ္လၿမိဳင္ခ႐ုိင္မွ မြန္ျပည္သစ္ပါတီ ဗဟုိေကာ္မတီဝင္တဦးက ေျပာသည္။
၎က “နအဖက က်ေနာ္တုိ႔အဖြဲ႔က ခြဲထြက္သြားတဲ့ စစ္ဦးစီးခ်ဳပ္ေဟာင္း ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ႏုိင္ကုိ ဆုံခ်က္အျဖစ္ သုံးၿပီး ပါတီဝင္ေဟာင္းေတြကုိ လုိက္စည္း႐ုံးေနတယ္။ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲဝင္ဖုိ႔၊ ပါတီဖြဲ႔ဖုိ႔ ကိစၥေတြအားလုံး တာဝန္ယူေပးမယ္။ အဲဒီလုိမ်ဳိး စည္း႐ုံးတာ႐ွိတယ္” ဟု ေျပာသည္။
မြန္ျပည္သစ္ပါတီမွ ၂၀၀၈ ခု မတ္လက ခြဲထြက္သြားသည့္ စစ္ဦးစီးခ်ဳပ္ေဟာင္း ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ႏုိင္၏ လက္နက္အပ္ႏွံပြဲကုိ အေရွ႕ေတာင္တုိင္း စစ္ဌာနခ်ဳပ္က အႀကိမ္ႀကိမ္ စီစဥ္ခဲ့ေသာ္လည္း အင္အားမျပည့္ေသးသျဖင့္ က်င္းပႏုိင္ျခင္းမရွိေၾကာင္း၊ ယခုလ (၅) ရက္တြင္ ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ႏုိင္အဖြဲ႔၏ လက္နက္အပ္ပြဲကုိ အေရွ႕ေတာင္တုိင္း စစ္ဌာနခ်ဳပ္တြင္ က်င္းပရန္ စီစဥ္ၿပီးမွ ထပ္မံပ်က္ျပားသြားခဲ့သည္။
“ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ႏုိင္ကုိ သုံးၿပီးေတာ့ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ပါတီဝင္ေတြကုိ တိတ္တဆိတ္ ကမ္းလွမ္းေနတာ။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ႏုိင္ငံေရး အျမင္ရွိတဲ့သူေတြကုိ စည္း႐ုံးလုိ႔ရမွာ မဟုတ္ဘူး။ လက္နက္အပ္ပြဲ လုပ္ၿပီးရင္ စီးပြားေရးလုပ္ခြင့္ေတြ၊ နယ္ေျမေတြ၊ ဂိတ္ေတြကုိ တရားဝင္ သတ္မွတ္ေပးမယ္ဆုိၿပီး ေျပာလုိ႔ ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ႏုိင္က ဒီကိစၥကုိ စုိင္းျပင္းေနတာ” ဟု အဆိုပါ ဗဟိုေကာ္မတီ၀င္က ရွင္းျပသည္။
အသက္ (၆၈) ႏွစ္ရွိ ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ ေအာင္ႏုိင္သည္ ယခုအခါ သံဃာဝတ္ျဖင့္ မုဒုံၿမဳိ႕နယ္၊ လက္တက္ေက်းရြာအနီးရွိ ဘုန္းႀကီးေက်ာင္း တေက်ာင္းတြင္ သီတင္းသုံးေနေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။
မြန္ျပည္သစ္ပါတီအား နအဖက စစ္ေရးအရ ဖိအားေပးျခင္း မရွိေသးေသာ္လည္း ၎တို႔တပ္မ်ားကို ဘုရားသုံးဆူၿမိဳ႕တြင္ အင္အားထပ္မံ ျဖည့္တင္းရန္ရွိေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။
မြန္ျပည္သစ္ပါတီသည္ စစ္အစုိးရႏွင့္ ၁၉၉၅ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ အပစ္အခတ္ရပ္စဲေရး သေဘာတူညီခဲ့သည္။
Aung San Suu Kyi left to pay the price for John Yettaw’s indiscretion
Richard Lloyd Parry: Analysis
First it was Bill Clinton in North Korea, escorting home two scared US journalists from the clutches of Kim Jong Il. Now, Senator Jim Webb returns from Burma with the hapless American eccentric, John Yettaw.
For a politician, there are few more glorious moments than jetting home from a despotic regime with imprisoned compatriots in tow. But the liberation of Mr Yettaw was the least important and interesting achievement of Mr Webb’s trip.
Whether you regard Mr Yettaw as a well-meaning buffoon or an arrogant busybody, he hardly deserved such a prompt and high-level intervention.
The ironies of his release this weekend are painful. In setting him free, the Burmese junta manages to project an image of magnanimity for cancelling a sentence out of all proportion to Mr Yettaw’s “crimes”. And, as he flies back to obscurity in Missouri, Aung San Suu Kyi and her two female companions are left to pay the price of his fecklessness.
Mr Webb did at least see Ms Suu Kyi and their conversation must have been an interesting one. For the senator is a firm supporter of an approach very different from her uncompromising idealism. In the absence of any ideal solutions for dealing with the regime, he believes in making the most of a bad lot and in engaging with the junta, dropping sanctions, and also backs participation in the bogus-sounding election promised for next year.
These would be highly risky steps, but the time is long overdue for a serious debate about alternatives to the present policies of Ms Suu Kyi and her Western supporters, which have achieved nothing very obvious other than high-minded isolation.
For encouraging such a conversation, Senator Webb deserves credit.
He would have done much to overcome stereotypes about American parochialism, and made a valuable point to the dictatorship, if he had requested Ms Suu Kyi’s release before that of Mr Yettaw, rather than vice versa.
Q+A-China's complex relationship with Myanmar
Fri Aug 14, 2009 10:27am IST
By Ben Blanchard
BEIJING, Aug 14 (Reuters) - The U.N. Security Council voiced "serious concern" on Thursday about a sentence passed on Myanmar opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, in a watered-down statement designed to win the consent of China and Russia. [ID:N13234524]
Here are some questions and answers on China's complex relationship with its troublesome southern neighbour to explain why China comes to the rescue every time Myanmar is subjected to pressure from Western governments.
WHY IS CHINA UNWILLING TO CRITICISE MYANMAR?
China has a longstanding policy of non-interference in other countries' affairs, especially over human rights issues, in part because it does not want the United States and Europe criticising Beijing's own record. [ID:nBKK197002]
Beyond that, China's overriding concern is a stable Myanmar. Drugs and HIV/AIDS pour across the border into the southwestern province of Yunnan and China is desperate to control that flow.
Any action that might place unbearable pressure on the generals and force a government collapse could have dire consequences for China. Ethnic minorities in Myanmar, which have in some cases waged long-running insurgencies, could then set up de facto states along the Chinese border and their primary income would likely come from drugs.
China also argues that Myanmar is no threat to international peace and warrants no U.N. Security Council involvement, unlike North Korea and its nuclear programme.
WHAT ABOUT CHINA'S ENERGY AND ECONOMIC TIES WITH MYANMAR?
Energy-hungry China is keen to import gas from Myanmar. A pipeline with annual capacity of 12 billion cubic metres, is expected from 2012 to ship gas to Kunming, capital of Yunnan province. [ID:nPEK42962]
China will also start building an oil pipeline next month through Myanmar to enable it to facilitate crude imports from the Middle East and Africa. The link would allow Chinese oil tankers to avoid a 1,200 km (750-mile) detour through the congested and strategically vulnerable Malacca Strait.
Overall, China has invested more than $1 billion in Myanmar, primarily in the mining sector, and is the country's fourth largest foreign investor, state media say. Bilateral trade grew more than one-quarter last year to around $2.63 billion.
WHAT ARE CHINA'S BROADER STRATEGIC GOALS?
China has long worried about hostile neighbours, including India, or Japan and South Korea with their U.S. military bases. Having a friendly government in Myanmar is therefore important.
Myanmar gives China important access to the Indian Ocean, not only for exports from landlocked southwestern Chinese provinces, but also potentially for military bases or listening posts.
There are no guarantees a democratically-elected civilian government would be as keen for close ties with a China which had previously supported the junta.
And China, with its own history of suppressing home-grown demands for democracy, is hardly going to push Myanmar to grant the kinds of freedoms it regularly denies its own citizens.
The sanctions already imposed on Myanmar by the United States and European Union have in any case had little effect. The government also defied expectations it would implode during violent pro-democracy protests two years ago.
ARE THERE SIGNS CHINA'S PATIENCE IS WEARING THIN?
Very small ones. At a May meeting in Hanoi, Asian and European foreign ministers urged Myanmar to free detainees and lift political restrictions, in a statement unexpected signed by China. [ID:nSP502104]
In 2007, China's Foreign Ministry published an unflattering account of Myanmar's new jungle capital Naypyidaw, expressing surprise that this poor country would consider such an expensive move and not even tell supposed friend Beijing first. (Editing by Ron Popeski)
Let's Talk to Burma. China Sure Is.
By Thant Myint-U
Sunday, August 16, 2009
Twenty years of sanctioning and lecturing Burma's military regime have failed. The West needs to engage with Burma's leaders, increase humanitarian aid and reopen commercial relations with the country. If it doesn't, not only will positive change remain as elusive as ever, but the country will turn quickly and irreparably into an economic vassal of China.
In a sign of just how impervious the regime is to Western pressure, last week, opposition leader and Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi was sentenced to her fourth spell of house arrest. Two thousand political prisoners remain locked up. And a transition to democracy appears nowhere in sight.
I was born in the United States in 1966 to Burmese parents. My grandfather, U Thant, was then serving as the United Nations' third secretary general. I witnessed repression in Burma firsthand when I was 8, during the violent unrest surrounding my grandfather's funeral.
In 1989, just after college, I spent a year in Thailand and along the Thai-Burmese border, working with dissidents and trying help the first wave of Burmese refugees. Thousands had been killed during a failed anti-government uprising. Suu Kyi had just been placed under house arrest. And the ruling junta, after losing relatively free elections, was refusing to hand over power. Later in Washington I argued with members of Congress and others that maximum sanctions were the best way to topple the dictatorship. It was an easy argument to make.
By the early 1990s nearly all Western aid to Burma had been terminated, and development assistance through the United Nations, the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund had been blocked. A decade later, embargos and boycotts had cut off nearly all economic ties with the United States and Europe. None of the senior Burmese government officials or their children (these are the only international sanctions targeting children) are allowed to travel to the West.
But as the regime not only survived but began to seek trade, investment and tourism, I started having doubts. My feeling was that the West should use the opening and find a back door to change while the front door remained firmly shut.
In 2006 I published a book, "The River of Lost Footsteps," in which I argued for a shift in the West's approach. Even when, in 2007, new protests were violently crushed, I still believed greater engagement was the right way. I felt that many policymakers and journalists were missing the bigger picture.
Few seemed aware, for example, that Burma was just emerging from decades of civil war. In the late 1980s and early 1990s, the government and more than a dozen different ethnic insurgent armies hammered out cease-fires, a breakthrough that went virtually unnoticed in the West. (Today, though the cease-fires remain, there is no permanent peace.) And few seemed concerned by the country's grinding poverty, the result of decades of economic bungling as well as embargos, boycotts and aid cutoffs.
In 1991, UNICEF's country director warned of a humanitarian emergency among Burma's children, arguing that more aid couldn't wait for the right government. Eighteen years later, Burma still receives less than a tenth of the per-capita aid handed out to Laos, Cambodia and Vietnam. Tens of thousands die needlessly from treatable diseases.
These challenges have been ignored in the hope that sanctions and tough talk would lead to political change. But that hasn't happened.
Part of the reason is that the people who fashioned the sanctions didn't consider how the rise of Asia's giants -- China and India -- would transform Burma. As American businesses pulled out in the mid-1990s, Chinese and other Asian companies poured in. Hundreds of billions of dollars worth of natural gas have been discovered offshore, and massive hydroelectric and mining projects are being signed. Within two years a 1,000-mile oil and gas pipeline will stretch across Burma, connecting China's inland provinces to the sea. The U.S. trade embargo led to the near-collapse of the garment industry in the late 1990s, throwing tens of thousands of people out of work, but for the regime this has meant little.
Burma today is in no danger of economic disintegration. Without Western engagement, however, Burma's 55 million people risk becoming a virtual colony of their 1.3 billion Chinese neighbors to the east. There is no nefarious Chinese takeover scheme, but the vacuum created by Western policy is being filled.
The old Burmese generals will soon retire, and a new generation will rise to the top. Gen. Than Shwe, Burma's powerful autocrat, is 77 and ailing. Any chance for change requires support from at least some military leaders. Yet we've done nothing to try to influence the worldview of Than Shwe's possible successors. The upcoming generation of officers will be the first never to have visited Europe or America.
Last winter the Obama administration announced a review of Burma policy. I hope it will reconsider the United States' long-standing reliance on sanctions. It's not just that they don't work, but that they've been hugely counterproductive, taking away the one big force -- American soft power -- that could have played a role in reshaping the landscape.
Asia has experienced many successful democratic transitions, and none came about because of the sanctions and lectures that Western powers and advocacy groups seem to think will work in Burma. Generals don't negotiate away their power in the face of threats. You have to change the ground beneath them.
Engagement is not just about talking -- it's about dealing with the powers that be enough to get a foot in the door and create new facts on the ground, especially through economic contacts with the Burmese people. Nor is it based on the notion that economic development will automatically produce democracy, but that we must tackle simultaneously Burma's political and economic ills.
Many in America and worldwide are again outraged by goings-on in Burma. But without new thinking, 20 more years will pass and the dream of a prosperous, democratic Burma will be more distant still.
thant@post.harvard.edu
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Thant Myint-U is the author of "The River of Lost Footsteps: A Personal History of Burma."
မြန္ျပည္သစ္အား ခြဲထုတ္ရန္ စစ္အစုိးရ ျပင္ဆင္
၀ီရ/ ၁၄ ၾသဂုတ္ ၂၀၀၉
နအဖကမ္းလွမ္းထားသည့္ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္အသြင္ေျပာင္းရန္ ျငင္းဆန္ခဲ့သည့္ မြန္ျပည္သစ္ပါတီ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ အခ်ဳိ႕အား နအဖအာဏာပုိင္တုိ႔က ေသြးခြဲစည္း႐ုံးရန္ ျပင္ဆင္ေနၿပီး ပါတီဝင္ေဟာင္းမ်ားကုိလည္း ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ ဝင္ေရာက္ရန္ ျပင္ဆင္ခုိင္းေနေၾကာင္း စုံစမ္းသိရွိရသည္။
ထုိင္း-ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္တြင္ တာဝန္က်ေနသည့္ မြန္ျပည္သစ္ပါတီ ေကာ္မတီဝင္တဦးက “ျပည္တြင္းမွာရွိတဲ့ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ ေခါင္းေဆာင္တခ်ဳိ႕ကုိ နအဖအာဏာပုိင္ေတြက တိတ္တဆိတ္ လာေတြ႔ေနတာရွိတယ္။ အဓိကကေတာ့ လာစည္း႐ုံးတာပဲ။ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔အခ်င္းခ်င္းၾကားမွာ အျမင္မၾကည္ေအာင္ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြက သူတုိ႔နဲ႔ ခုိးေတြ႔ေနသလုိ အထင္ခံရေအာင္ လုပ္ေနတာ။ အမွန္က သူတုိ႔ပဲ လာေတြ႔တာ” ဟု ေခတ္ၿပဳိင္သုိ႔ ေျပာၾကားသည္။
နအဖအာဏာပုိင္တုိ႔က မြန္ျပည္သစ္ပါတီ၏ တပ္အင္အားႏွင့္ မြန္ျပည္သူမ်ားအၾကား အရိွန္အ၀ါရိွသည့္ မြန္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား ႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္သည့္ အခ်က္အလက္မ်ားကိုလည္း ေက်းရြာဥကၠ႒မွတဆင့္ ေကာက္ခံခိုင္းေနေၾကာင္း အဆုိပါ ေကာ္မတီ၀င္က ေျပာသည္။
နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ အသြင္ေျပာင္းရန္ ၾသဂုတ္ (၅) ရက္တြင္ မြန္ျပည္သစ္ပါတီမွ ပယ္ခ်လုိက္သည့္ေနာက္ပိုင္း ပါတီ၏ တပ္အင္အားကို ေကာက္ခံေနျခင္းျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း၊ ပါတီ၏လက္နက္ႏွင့္ တပ္အင္အားစာရင္းကုိ နအဖက ေတာင္းခံမႈမ်ား ရွိခဲ့ေသာ္လည္း ပါတီက အႀကိမ္ႀကိမ္ပယ္ခ်ခဲ့ေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။
အသက္ (၄၀) ႏွင့္ (၅၀) အၾကား လူလတ္ပုိင္း မြန္ျပည္သစ္ပါတီ၀င္ေဟာင္းမ်ားကိုလည္း ေ႐ြးေကာက္ပြဲ ဝင္ေရာက္ ယွဥ္ၿပိဳင္ရန္ ကမ္းလွမ္းေနေၾကာင္း ေမာ္လၿမိဳင္ခ႐ုိင္မွ မြန္ျပည္သစ္ပါတီ ဗဟုိေကာ္မတီဝင္တဦးက ေျပာသည္။
၎က “နအဖက က်ေနာ္တုိ႔အဖြဲ႔က ခြဲထြက္သြားတဲ့ စစ္ဦးစီးခ်ဳပ္ေဟာင္း ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ႏုိင္ကုိ ဆုံခ်က္အျဖစ္ သုံးၿပီး ပါတီဝင္ေဟာင္းေတြကုိ လုိက္စည္း႐ုံးေနတယ္။ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲဝင္ဖုိ႔၊ ပါတီဖြဲ႔ဖုိ႔ ကိစၥေတြအားလုံး တာဝန္ယူေပးမယ္။ အဲဒီလုိမ်ဳိး စည္း႐ုံးတာ႐ွိတယ္” ဟု ေျပာသည္။
မြန္ျပည္သစ္ပါတီမွ ၂၀၀၈ ခု မတ္လက ခြဲထြက္သြားသည့္ စစ္ဦးစီးခ်ဳပ္ေဟာင္း ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ႏုိင္၏ လက္နက္အပ္ႏွံပြဲကုိ အေရွ႕ေတာင္တုိင္း စစ္ဌာနခ်ဳပ္က အႀကိမ္ႀကိမ္ စီစဥ္ခဲ့ေသာ္လည္း အင္အားမျပည့္ေသးသျဖင့္ က်င္းပႏုိင္ျခင္းမရွိေၾကာင္း၊ ယခုလ (၅) ရက္တြင္ ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ႏုိင္အဖြဲ႔၏ လက္နက္အပ္ပြဲကုိ အေရွ႕ေတာင္တုိင္း စစ္ဌာနခ်ဳပ္တြင္ က်င္းပရန္ စီစဥ္ၿပီးမွ ထပ္မံပ်က္ျပားသြားခဲ့သည္။
“ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ႏုိင္ကုိ သုံးၿပီးေတာ့ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ပါတီဝင္ေတြကုိ တိတ္တဆိတ္ ကမ္းလွမ္းေနတာ။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ႏုိင္ငံေရး အျမင္ရွိတဲ့သူေတြကုိ စည္း႐ုံးလုိ႔ရမွာ မဟုတ္ဘူး။ လက္နက္အပ္ပြဲ လုပ္ၿပီးရင္ စီးပြားေရးလုပ္ခြင့္ေတြ၊ နယ္ေျမေတြ၊ ဂိတ္ေတြကုိ တရားဝင္ သတ္မွတ္ေပးမယ္ဆုိၿပီး ေျပာလုိ႔ ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ႏုိင္က ဒီကိစၥကုိ စုိင္းျပင္းေနတာ” ဟု အဆိုပါ ဗဟိုေကာ္မတီ၀င္က ရွင္းျပသည္။
အသက္ (၆၈) ႏွစ္ရွိ ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ ေအာင္ႏုိင္သည္ ယခုအခါ သံဃာဝတ္ျဖင့္ မုဒုံၿမဳိ႕နယ္၊ လက္တက္ေက်းရြာအနီးရွိ ဘုန္းႀကီးေက်ာင္း တေက်ာင္းတြင္ သီတင္းသုံးေနေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။
မြန္ျပည္သစ္ပါတီအား နအဖက စစ္ေရးအရ ဖိအားေပးျခင္း မရွိေသးေသာ္လည္း ၎တို႔တပ္မ်ားကို ဘုရားသုံးဆူၿမိဳ႕တြင္ အင္အားထပ္မံ ျဖည့္တင္းရန္ရွိေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။
မြန္ျပည္သစ္ပါတီသည္ စစ္အစုိးရႏွင့္ ၁၉၉၅ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ အပစ္အခတ္ရပ္စဲေရး သေဘာတူညီခဲ့သည္။
Aung San Suu Kyi left to pay the price for John Yettaw’s indiscretion
Richard Lloyd Parry: Analysis
First it was Bill Clinton in North Korea, escorting home two scared US journalists from the clutches of Kim Jong Il. Now, Senator Jim Webb returns from Burma with the hapless American eccentric, John Yettaw.
For a politician, there are few more glorious moments than jetting home from a despotic regime with imprisoned compatriots in tow. But the liberation of Mr Yettaw was the least important and interesting achievement of Mr Webb’s trip.
Whether you regard Mr Yettaw as a well-meaning buffoon or an arrogant busybody, he hardly deserved such a prompt and high-level intervention.
The ironies of his release this weekend are painful. In setting him free, the Burmese junta manages to project an image of magnanimity for cancelling a sentence out of all proportion to Mr Yettaw’s “crimes”. And, as he flies back to obscurity in Missouri, Aung San Suu Kyi and her two female companions are left to pay the price of his fecklessness.
Mr Webb did at least see Ms Suu Kyi and their conversation must have been an interesting one. For the senator is a firm supporter of an approach very different from her uncompromising idealism. In the absence of any ideal solutions for dealing with the regime, he believes in making the most of a bad lot and in engaging with the junta, dropping sanctions, and also backs participation in the bogus-sounding election promised for next year.
These would be highly risky steps, but the time is long overdue for a serious debate about alternatives to the present policies of Ms Suu Kyi and her Western supporters, which have achieved nothing very obvious other than high-minded isolation.
For encouraging such a conversation, Senator Webb deserves credit.
He would have done much to overcome stereotypes about American parochialism, and made a valuable point to the dictatorship, if he had requested Ms Suu Kyi’s release before that of Mr Yettaw, rather than vice versa.
Q+A-China's complex relationship with Myanmar
Fri Aug 14, 2009 10:27am IST
By Ben Blanchard
BEIJING, Aug 14 (Reuters) - The U.N. Security Council voiced "serious concern" on Thursday about a sentence passed on Myanmar opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, in a watered-down statement designed to win the consent of China and Russia. [ID:N13234524]
Here are some questions and answers on China's complex relationship with its troublesome southern neighbour to explain why China comes to the rescue every time Myanmar is subjected to pressure from Western governments.
WHY IS CHINA UNWILLING TO CRITICISE MYANMAR?
China has a longstanding policy of non-interference in other countries' affairs, especially over human rights issues, in part because it does not want the United States and Europe criticising Beijing's own record. [ID:nBKK197002]
Beyond that, China's overriding concern is a stable Myanmar. Drugs and HIV/AIDS pour across the border into the southwestern province of Yunnan and China is desperate to control that flow.
Any action that might place unbearable pressure on the generals and force a government collapse could have dire consequences for China. Ethnic minorities in Myanmar, which have in some cases waged long-running insurgencies, could then set up de facto states along the Chinese border and their primary income would likely come from drugs.
China also argues that Myanmar is no threat to international peace and warrants no U.N. Security Council involvement, unlike North Korea and its nuclear programme.
WHAT ABOUT CHINA'S ENERGY AND ECONOMIC TIES WITH MYANMAR?
Energy-hungry China is keen to import gas from Myanmar. A pipeline with annual capacity of 12 billion cubic metres, is expected from 2012 to ship gas to Kunming, capital of Yunnan province. [ID:nPEK42962]
China will also start building an oil pipeline next month through Myanmar to enable it to facilitate crude imports from the Middle East and Africa. The link would allow Chinese oil tankers to avoid a 1,200 km (750-mile) detour through the congested and strategically vulnerable Malacca Strait.
Overall, China has invested more than $1 billion in Myanmar, primarily in the mining sector, and is the country's fourth largest foreign investor, state media say. Bilateral trade grew more than one-quarter last year to around $2.63 billion.
WHAT ARE CHINA'S BROADER STRATEGIC GOALS?
China has long worried about hostile neighbours, including India, or Japan and South Korea with their U.S. military bases. Having a friendly government in Myanmar is therefore important.
Myanmar gives China important access to the Indian Ocean, not only for exports from landlocked southwestern Chinese provinces, but also potentially for military bases or listening posts.
There are no guarantees a democratically-elected civilian government would be as keen for close ties with a China which had previously supported the junta.
And China, with its own history of suppressing home-grown demands for democracy, is hardly going to push Myanmar to grant the kinds of freedoms it regularly denies its own citizens.
The sanctions already imposed on Myanmar by the United States and European Union have in any case had little effect. The government also defied expectations it would implode during violent pro-democracy protests two years ago.
ARE THERE SIGNS CHINA'S PATIENCE IS WEARING THIN?
Very small ones. At a May meeting in Hanoi, Asian and European foreign ministers urged Myanmar to free detainees and lift political restrictions, in a statement unexpected signed by China. [ID:nSP502104]
In 2007, China's Foreign Ministry published an unflattering account of Myanmar's new jungle capital Naypyidaw, expressing surprise that this poor country would consider such an expensive move and not even tell supposed friend Beijing first. (Editing by Ron Popeski)
Sunday, 16 August 2009
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi Speeches (Burmese Version)
ဒီမိုကေရစီ စနစ္မွာ အမတ္လုပ္ခ်င္သူေတြဟာ အပင္ပန္း အဆင္းရဲ ခံႏိုင္ရမယ္။
အစြမ္းကုန္ အလုပ္လုပ္ရမယ္။ ကိုယ္က်ိဳးမငဲ့ဘဲ အမ်ားအက်ိဳးကို
ပီပီျပင္ျပင္ ေက်ေက်ပြန္ပြန္ ထမ္းေဆာင္ႏိုင္ရမယ္
(ျမေတာင္း ေက်ာင္းတိုက္၊ မႏၱေလး ၆-၁၁-၈၈)
ကမၻာ့ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ႏိုဘလ္ဆုရွင္
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္
ႏိုင္ငံေရး အသိအျမင္ဆိုတာ လူမႈေရး အသိအျမင္ပဲ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ကိုယ္ဟာ အိမ္နီးနားခ်င္း တေယာက္ ပီသလို႔ ရွိရင္ တေျဖးေျဖးနဲ႔
လူမႈေရးကေန စျပီးေတာ့ ႏိုင္ငံေရးသမားေကာင္းတစ္ေယာက္ ပီသေနမွာပဲလို႔ က်မျမင္ပါတယ္။
(ေျမာက္ဥကၠလာပျမိဳ႕နယ္၊ ၁၀-၁၂-၈၈)
ကမၻာ့ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ႏိုဘလ္ဆုရွင္
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္
ဒီမိုကေရစီစနစ္ဆိုတာ လူတိုင္းတေယာက္နဲ႔ တေယာက္ ေလးစားတဲ့ စနစ္ပါပဲ
(ေျမာက္ဥကၠလာပျမိဳ႕နယ္၊ ၁၀-၁၂-၈၈)
ကမၻာ့ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ႏိုဘလ္ဆုရွင္
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္
အမ်ိဳးသား ဒီမိုကေရစီ အဖြဲ႕ခ်ဳပ္ကို ထူေထာင္ခဲ့တာဟာ ျပည္သူလူထုလိုခ်င္တဲ့
ဒီမိုကေရစီ လႈပ္ရွားမႈ ေအာင္ျမင္ေရးအတြက္ ထူေထာင္ခဲ့တာပဲ ျဖစ္တယ္။
ပည္သူလူထုနဲ႔ က်မတို႔ တစည္းတရံုးထဲ မလုပ္ႏိုင္လို႔ရွိရင္ က်မတို႔ အဖြဲ႕ခ်ဳပ္ၾကီးဟာ
ဖ်က္ဖို႔ပဲ ရွိေတာ့တယ္။ အဲဒီေတာ့ အဖြဲ႕၀င္မ်ားဟာ ျပည္သူလူထုရဲ႕
သေဘာထားကို နားလည္ရမယ္။ ျပည္သူလူထုရဲ႕ သေဘာအတိုင္း လုပ္ရမယ္။
(အဖြဲ႕ခ်ဳပ္ရံဳး၊ သထံုျမိဳ႕ ၁၄-၁၂-၈၈)
ကမၻာ့ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ႏိုဘလ္ဆုရွင္
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္
လူ႕အခြင့္အေရးဆိုတာ လူတိုင္း ပိုင္ဆိုင္ခြင့္ရွိတယ္။ ကုိယ္တင္မဟုတ္ဘူး၊
ကိုယ့္ရန္သူမ်ားပင္လွ်င္ လူ႕အခြင့္အေရး ရွိရမယ္။ အဲဒီေတာ့ တေန႔
က်မတို႔ရဲ႕ ဒီမိုကေရစီ လႈပ္ရွားမႈၾကီး ေအာင္ျမင္သြားတဲ့ အခါက်ရင္
ရံႈးတဲ့လူေတြဟာ သူတို႔အခြင့္အေရးေတြကို ျပည့္ျပည့္၀၀ ခံစားႏိုင္ရမယ္။
ဒါဟာ က်မတို႔ရဲ႕ ဒီမိုကေရစီ တာ၀န္ျဖစ္တယ္
(အဖြဲ႕ခ်ဳပ္ရံဳး၊ သထံုျမိဳ႕ ၁၄-၁၂-၈၈)
ကမၻာ့ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ႏိုဘလ္ဆုရွင္
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္
မက္လံုးေပးျပီးေတာ့ စည္းရံုးမႈမ်ိဳးကို က်မ မလိုခ်င္ဘူး။
ငါတို႔ အစိုးရတက္ရင္ ဒါေတြ လုပ္ေပးမယ္ဆိုတဲ့ စည္းရံုးမ်ိဳးေတာ့ မလုပ္ၾကပါနဲ႔
(အဖြဲ႕ခ်ဳပ္ရံဳး၊ သထံုျမိဳ႕ ၁၄-၁၂-၈၈)
ကမၻာ့ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ႏိုဘလ္ဆုရွင္
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္
ဒီမိုကေရစီစနစ္ ထူေထာင္တဲ့ အခါက်ရင္ ေက်ာင္းတိုင္းေက်ာင္းတိုင္းမွာ
ကိုယ္တိုင္းျပည္မွာ ရွိတဲ့ ဘာသာထဲက အနည္းဆံုး ဘာသာႏွစ္ရပ္ကို
လူတိုင္းလူတိုင္း သင္မယ္။ ဗမာနဲ႔ ရွမ္းျဖစ္ျဖစ္၊ ဗမာနဲ႔ ကရင္ျဖစ္ျဖစ္၊ ဗမာနဲ႔ မြန္ျဖစ္ျဖစ္ သင္သင့္တယ္
(အဖြဲ႕ခ်ဳပ္ရံုး၊ က်ိဳက္ထိုျမိဳ႕ ၁၄-၁၂-၈၈)
ကမၻာ့ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ႏိုဘလ္ဆုရွင္
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္
မြန္၊ ဗမာ၊ ကရင္၊ ကခ်င္၊ ရွမ္း စသည္ျဖင့္ ခြဲျခားျပီး မေတြးပါနဲ႔။ ငါတို႔အားလံုးဟာ
ျပည္ေထာင္စုတိုင္းရင္းသားမ်ား ျဖစ္တယ္ဆိုျပီးေတာ့ စိတ္ထဲမွာ ထားျပီး
အတူတူလုပ္သြားေစခ်င္တယ္။ ဒီမိုကေရစီ ႏိုင္ငံတခု ျဖစ္သြာတယ္ဆိုိလု႔ိရွိရင္
တိုင္းရင္းသားလူမ်ိဳးအားလံုးရဲ႕ အခြင့္အေရးမ်ားကို က်မတို႔ ျပည့္ျပည့္စံုစံုေပးခ်င္တယ္။
တုိင္းရင္းသားလူမ်ိဳးမ်ားရဲ႕ ဘာသာေရး၊ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈ စသည္ျဖင့္
က်မတို႔ အားေပးခ်င္တယ္။ ဘာျဖစ္လို႔လည္းဆိုေတာ့ အမ်ားအေတြးအေခၚ၊
အမ်ားယဥ္ေက်းမႈေတြနဲ႕ တည္ေဆာက္ထားတဲ့ ႏိုင္ငံၾကီးဟာ ဘယ္သူေတြရဲ႕
အေတြးအေခၚနဲ႔ ဘယ္သူေတြရဲ႕ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈနဲ႔ တည္ေဆာက္ခဲ့တဲ့
ႏိုင္ငံၾကီးထက္ အမ်ားၾကီး ခုိင္ခံ့လာေပမယ္၊ အမ်ားၾကီးလည္း တိုးတက္ႏိုင္မယ္၊ အမ်ားၾကီးလည္း
က်မတို႔အတြက္ အဖိုးတန္ႏိုင္မယ္လို႔ ယံုၾကည္ပါတယ္။
(အဖြဲ႕ခ်ဳပ္ရံုး၊ က်ိဳက္ထိုျမိဳ႕ ၁၄-၁၂-၈၈)
ကမၻာ့ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ႏိုဘလ္ဆုရွင္
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္
က်မတို႕ဟာ က်မတို႔ရဲ႕ ႏိုင္ငံထဲမွာ အက်ဥ္းသားျဖစ္ေနရတယ္ဆိုတာ
ကမၻာက သိေစခ်င္တယ္
(၂၀-၇-၈၉)
ကမၻာ့ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ႏိုဘလ္ဆုရွင္
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္
က်မ ဒီေန႔က စျပီးေတာ့ ျပည္သူလူထုနဲ႔ ပြင့္ပြင့္လင္းလင္း ဆက္ဆံပါရေစ။
က်မ ႏိုင္ငံျခားမွာ ေနခဲ့တယ္ဆိုတာလည္း မွန္ပါတယ္။ႏိုင္ငံျခားသားနဲ႔
အိမ္ေထာင္က်တယ္ဆိုတာလည္း မွန္ပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ ဒါေလးအတြက္နဲ႔
က်မ တိုင္းျပည္အေပၚမွာထားတဲ့ ေမတၱာဟာ ဘယ္လိုမွ က်ဆင္း မသြားႏိုင္ပါဘူး
(ေရႊတိဂံုေစတီအေနာက္ဘက္မုခ္ လူထုအစည္းအေ၀းပြဲၾကီး ၂၆-၈-၈၈)
ကမၻာ့ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ႏိုဘလ္ဆုရွင္
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္
ႏိုင္ငံေရးေလာကနဲ႔ ေ၀းေ၀းကင္းကင္း ေနခဲ့ခ်င္ပါတယ္။
အဲ့ဒီလို ေ၀းေ၀းကင္းကင္း ေနခ်င္ခဲ့လ်က္သားနဲ႔ အခုမွ
ဘာျဖစ္လို႔ ဒီအေရးအခင္းမွာ ၀င္ပါေနသလဲလို႔ ေမးစရာရွိပါတယ္။
အဲဒီဟာကေတာ့ ဒီအေရးအခင္းဟာ တတိုင္းျပည္လံုးနဲ႔
ဆိုင္တဲ့အေရးအခင္းျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
က်မမွာလည္း ေဖ့ေဖ့ရဲ႕ သမီးလုပ္ေနျပီးေတာ့ ေခါင္းေရွာင္ျပီးေတာ့
ေနလို႔ မျဖစ္ေတာ့ဘူး။ ဒီအေရးခင္းၾကီးဟာ တကယ္ေတာ့
ဒုတိယလြတ္လပ္ေရးတိုက္ပြဲၾကီးလို႔ ေခၚရင္လည္း ျဖစ္ပါတယ္
(ေရႊတိဂံုေစတီအေနာက္ဘက္မုခ္ လူထုအစည္းအေ၀းပြဲၾကီး ၂၆-၈-၈၈)
ကမၻာ့ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ႏိုဘလ္ဆုရွင္
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္
က်မဟာ က်မအေဖရဲ႕ အစဥ္အလာအတိုင္း ဒီမိုကေရစီ တိုက္ပြဲကို ၀င္လို႔ႏႊဲခဲ့ရပါတယ္။
အဲဒီေတာ့ ဒီမိုကေရစီရဖို႔ရန္ ျပည္သူလူထုအားလံုး စည္းလံုးညီညြတ္ဖို႔ လိုပါတယ္။
ညီညြတ္ရင္ ဘာမဆို ျဖစ္ႏိုင္ပါတယ္။
(ေရႊတိဂံုေစတီအေနာက္ဘက္မုခ္ လူထုအစည္းအေ၀းပြဲၾကီး ၂၆-၈-၈၈)
ကမၻာ့ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ႏိုဘလ္ဆုရွင္
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္
လႈပ္ရွားမႈၾကီးကို ဦးေဆာင္ခဲ့တဲ့ ေက်ာင္းသားေတြနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္လို႔
က်မေျပာစရာေလးေတြရွိပါတယ္။ ေက်ာင္းသားလူငယ္မ်ားဟာ
အင္မတန္မွ ေတာ္ပါတယ္။ သူတို႔ရဲ႕ လက္ရုန္းရည္ကိုလည္း ျပျပီးပါျပီ။
အခုလည္း ဆက္ျပီးေတာ့ သူတို႔ရဲ႕ ႏွလံုးရည္ကို ျပမယ္ဆိုတာ က်မ ယံုၾကည္ပါတယ္
(ေရႊတိဂံုေစတီအေနာက္ဘက္မုခ္ လူထုအစည္းအေ၀းပြဲၾကီး ၂၆-၈-၈၈)
ကမၻာ့ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ႏိုဘလ္ဆုရွင္
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္
အစိုးရဆိုတာ ျပည္သူလူထုဆႏၵနဲ႔ ကို္က္ညီမယ့္ တိုင္းျပည္အက်ိဳးကို
ေဆာင္ရြက္ဖို႔ အခ်ိန္ကန္႔သက္ ေစခိုင္းထားတဲ့ သစၥာအရွိဆံုး ျပည္သူ႕၀န္ထမ္းပဲျဖစ္ရမယ္
(အဖြဲ႕ခ်ဳပ္ရံုး၊ နတ္ေမာက္ျမိဳ႕ ၁-၁၁-၈၈)
ကမၻာ့ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ႏိုဘလ္ဆုရွင္
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္
အဖြဲ႕ခ်ဳပ္ ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္ကိုကလည္း ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ ၀င္ေရာက္ယွဥ္ျပိဳင္ဖုိ႔
သက္သက္မွ မဟုတ္ဘဲ။ ၁၈ ရက္ စက္တင္ဘာ စစ္အဏာသိမ္းျပီးတဲ့
ေနာက္ပိုင္းမွာ ျပန္႕ၾကဲသြားတဲ့ ဒီမိုကေရစီ အင္အားေတြကို တစုတရုန္းတည္းျဖစ္ေအာင္ စုစည္းျပီး၊
အဲ့ဒီစုစည္းထားတဲ့ အင္အားေတြကို စနစ္တက်ျဖစ္ေအာင္
ေပါင္းျပီးေတာ့ လြတ္လပ္ျပီး တရားမွ်တတဲ့ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲေတြ
က်င္းပႏိုင္မယ့္ အေျခအေနမ်ိဳးကို ဖန္တီးေပးဖို႔ပါပဲ။
(အဖြဲ႕ခ်ဳပ္ရံုး၊ ပုဂံျမိဳ႕ ၂-၁၁-၈၈)
ကမၻာ့ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ႏိုဘလ္ဆုရွင္
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္
ျမန္မာမင္းေတြထဲမွာ က်န္စစ္သားနဲ႕ ဘုရင့္ေနာင္ဟာ သိပ္ခ်ီးက်ဳးဖို႔ေကာင္းတယ္။
သူတို႔ႏွစ္ေယာက္စလံုးဟာ က်န္စစ္သားဆိုရင္ အေနာ္ရထာ၊
ဘုရင့္ေနာင္ဆိုရင္ တပင္ေရႊထီးကို ပုန္ကန္ျခားနားႏိုင္တဲ့ အရည္အခ်င္းရွိတယ္။
ဒါေပမဲ့ က်န္စစ္သားေရာ ၊ ဘုရင့္ေနာင္ပါ သစၥာရွိၾကပါတယ္။
လူေတာ္တေယာက္၊ အရည္အခ်င္းရွိတဲ့ လူတေယာက္ဟာ သစၥာရွိဖို႔ သိပ္အေရးၾကီးတယ္
(အဖြဲ႕ခ်ဳပ္ရံုး၊ ပုဂံျမိဳ႕ ၂-၁၁-၈၈)
ကမၻာ့ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ႏိုဘလ္ဆုရွင္
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္
စစ္ရံႈးျပီးစ ဂ်ပန္ဘုရင္ေျပာခဲ့တဲ့ စကားတခု ရွိပါတယ္။
က်ဳပ္တို႔ဟာ မခံႏိုင္တဲ့ ကိစၥေတြကို ခံႏိုင္ရည္ရွိေအာင္ လုပ္ရမယ္။
မျဖစ္ႏိုင္တဲ့ ကိစၥေတြကို ျဖစ္ႏိုင္ေအာင္လုပ္ႏိုင္တဲ့ အရည္အခ်င္းရွိရမယ္တဲ့။
အဲ့ဒီလိုပဲ က်မတို႔ ျပည္သူလူထုကလည္း ဒုကၡဆင္းရဲခံျပီး ဇြဲရွိရွိ၊ သတၱိရွိရွိနဲ႔
မျဖစ္မေန ၾကိဳးစားလုပ္ေဆာင္ၾကမယ္ဆိုရင္ ဘာမွ မေအာင္ျမင္ႏိုင္စရာ မရွိပါဘူး
(အဖြဲ႕ခ်ဳပ္ရံုး၊ ေက်ာက္ပေတာင္း ၂-၁၁-၈၈)
ကမၻာ့ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ႏိုဘလ္ဆုရွင္
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္
အဆိုးဆံုးအစိုးရဆိုတာ ျပည္သူလူထု ရြံရွာမုန္းတီးတဲ့ အစိုးရ၊
ဒီထက္ နဲနဲေကာင္းတာက ျပည္သူလူထုက ေၾကာက္တဲ့ အစိုုးရ၊
ဒီထက္ပိုျပီးေကာင္းတာက ျပည္သူလူထု ခ်ီးမြန္းတဲ့ အစိုးရ၊
အေကာင္းဆံုးကေတာ့ ျပည္သူလူထုက ရွိမွန္းေတာင္ မသိတဲ့ အစိုးရတဲ့။
က်မတို႔ အိမ္တအိမ္မွာ ဆိုလို႔ရွိရင္ အေမလိုေပါ့။
အေမရွိမွန္းေတာင္ သတိမထားမိဘူး။
စားခ်ိန္တန္ စားမယ္။ ၀တ္ခ်ိန္တန္ ၀တ္ရမယ္။ အားလံုး အဆင္သင့္ပဲ။
အဲ့ဒီလို ျဖစ္ေနရမယ္။ နားလည္ထားရမယ္။
(အဖြဲ႕ခ်ဳပ္ရံုး၊ ျမင္းျခံ ၃-၁၁-၈၈)
ကမၻာ့ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ႏိုဘလ္ဆုရွင္
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္
ဒီမိုကေရစီ စနစ္ဆုိတာ လူတိုင္း တေယာက္နဲ႔ တေယာက္ ေလးစားတဲ့ စနစ္ပါပဲ။
(ေျမာက္ဥကၠလာပ ျမိဳ႕နယ္ ၁၀-၁၂-၈၈)
ကမၻာ့ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ႏိုဘလ္ဆုရွင္
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္
တခ်ိဳ႕က ဒီမွာ တမ်ိဳးေျပာ၊ ဟိုမွာ တမ်ိဳးေျပာ၊ ဒီမွာ ဒီဟာလုပ္မယ္ေျပာ၊
ခု ဒီမွာ ဟုိဟာ လုပ္မယ္ေျပာ၊ စိတ္ေတြက ေျပာင္းလိုက္၊
အေျပာေတြက ေျပာင္းလိုက္၊ ဒါေတြကို သူတို႔က ဒါ ႏိုင္ငံေရးပဲလုိ႔ေျပာတယ္။
က်မကေတာ့ ဒါ ႏိုင္ငံေရးပဲလို႔ နားမလည္ဘူး။
ဒါ ကလိမ္ကက်စ္လုပ္တာပဲလို႔ နားလည္တယ္။
ဒီလိုႏိုင္ငံေရးေတြကို က်မတို႔ လက္ခံလို႔ မျဖစ္ဘူး
(အဖြဲ႕ခ်ဳပ္ရံုး၊ ေပါင္ျမိဳ႕ ၁၄-၁၂-၈၈)
ကမၻာ့ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ႏိုဘလ္ဆုရွင္
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္
ႏိုင္ငံေရး ပရိယာယ္ဆိုတာ တကယ္ ေသခ်ာၾကည့္လိုက္ေတာ့
ကလိမ္ကက်စ္လုပ္တာခ်ည္းပဲ။ ဒီ ႏိုင္ငံေရး ပရိယာယ္ဆိုတာလည္း
အထင္မၾကီးပါနဲ႔။ ပရိယာယ္ဆိုတဲ့ စကားလံုးကို က်မ မၾကိဳက္ဘူး။
ကုိယ့္ကိုထိပါးလာရင္လည္း ခံႏိုင္ရည္ရွိရမယ္။ မွန္မွန္ကန္ကန္ပဲလုပ္ပါ
(အဖြဲ႕ခ်ဳပ္ရံုး၊ ေပါင္ျမိဳ႕ ၁၄-၁၂-၈၈)
ကမၻာ့ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ႏိုဘလ္ဆုရွင္
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္
ေနာက္တိုင္းျပည္ေကာင္းက်ိဳးအတြက္ဆိုရင္ ခုကေနစျပီးေတာ့
က်မတို႔ လက္ခံမယ့္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားဟာ စကားတည္ရမယ္။
စကားမွန္ရမယ္။ အမ်ားသေဘာကို လိုက္နာရမယ္။
အဲ့ဒီလို ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ိဳးသာ က်မတို႔ လိုခ်င္ပါတယ္
(အဖြဲ႕ခ်ဳပ္ရံုး၊ ေပါင္ျမိဳ႕ ၁၄-၁၂-၈၈)
ကမၻာ့ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ႏိုဘလ္ဆုရွင္
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္
ဗမာလူမ်ိဳးမ်ားဟာ လူမ်ိဳးစုၾကီး ျဖစ္ေနလို႔ တိုင္းရင္းသားမ်ားကို ေလးစားပါ။
တိုင္းရင္းသားမ်ားရဲ႕ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈကို ေလးစားပါ။ စိတ္၀င္စားၾကပါ။
ေလ့လာၾကပါ။ အဲ့ဒီလို တေယာက္နဲ႔ တေယာက္ရဲ႕ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈ၊
တေယာက္နဲ႔ တေယာက္ရဲ႕ ယံုၾကည္ခ်က္မ်ားကို ေလ့လာနားလည္မွ
က်မတို႔အခ်င္းခ်င္း တကယ့္ သေဘာထားတူေတြ အျဖစ္နဲ႔ ရႏိုင္မွာပါ။
(မြန္အမ်ိဳးသား ဒီမိုကေရစီ အဖြဲ႕ခ်ဳပ္ရံုး၊ ေမာ္လျမိဳင္ျမိဳ႕)
ကမၻာ့ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ႏိုဘလ္ဆုရွင္
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္
တိုင္းျပည္တျပည္ကို အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္တဲ့ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ဟာ ျပည္သူလူထုရဲ႕
ေထာက္ခံမႈနဲ႕ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္တာပဲ ျဖစ္ရမယ္။ လက္နက္အားကိုးနဲ႔
အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္တယ္ဆိုတာ မျဖစ္သင့္ဘူးဆိုတာ ေမြးကတည္းက က်မကို သင္ထားတဲ့၊
သိခဲ့တဲ့ သင္ခန္းစာပါပဲ။
(ျမိဳ႕နယ္အဖြဲ႕ခ်ဳပ္ရံုး၊ ေအာက္လမ္မၾကီး၊ ေမာ္လျမိဳင္ျမိဳ႕)
ကမၻာ့ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ႏိုဘလ္ဆုရွင္
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္
မွန္ကန္တဲ့ ႏိုင္ငံေရး စနစ္မွာ က်မတိုပ လိုခ်င္တဲ့
ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြကို က်မတို႔ ေဖာ္ထုတ္ရမယ္။
လိုခ်င္တဲ့ပံု သြင္းရမယ္။ ကိုယ္လိုခ်င္တဲ့ပံု ကိုယ္မသြင္းလို႔ရွိရင္
ေခါင္းေဆာင္လုပ္တဲ့သူမ်ားက တိုင္းျပည္ကို သူတို႔ လိုခ်င္တဲ့ပံု
သူတို႔ သြင္းသြားလိမ့္မယ္။ အဓိပၸာယ္က ဘာျဖစ္မလဲဆိုေတာ့ အာဏာရွင္စနစ္ၾကီး ျဖစ္သြားမွာပဲ။
(ျမိဳ႕နယ္အဖြဲ႕ခ်ဳပ္ရံုး၊ ေအာက္လမ္းမၾကီး၊ ေမာ္လျမိဳင္ျမိဳ႕)
ကမၻာ့ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ႏိုဘလ္ဆုရွင္
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္
ဒီ ျမန္မာျပည္ၾကီးဟာ ဘာျဖစ္လို႔ ဒီေလာက္ေတာင္မွ ႏွစ္ဆယ္ေျခာက္ႏွစ္လံုးလံုး
တပါတီအာဏာရွင္စနစ္ ေအာက္မွာ ေနခဲ့ရလဲ။ ဘာျဖစ္လို႔ ဒီလိုဆင္းရဲ ဒုကၡေတြကို
ခံခဲ့ရသလဲဆိုတာ က်မစဥ္းစားတယ္။ တခါျပန္ျပီးေတာ့ စဥ္းစားလို႔ရွိရင္ ျပည္သူလူထုၾကီးက အခ်င္ခ်င္း မညီလို႔ပဲ။
(မြန္အမ်ိဳးသား ဒီမိုကေရစီ အဖြဲ႕ခ်ဳပ္၊ သံျဖဴဇရပ္ ၁၆-၁၂-၈၈)
ကမၻာ့ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ႏိုဘလ္ဆုရွင္
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္
အစိုးရဟာ မတရားသျဖင့္ လုပ္သလား၊ မဟုတ္မမွန္တဲ့ ကိစၥေတြကို လုပ္သလား။
ကိုယ္မလုပ္ဘဲနဲ႔ သူမ်ားေတြကို လုပ္ရင္လည္း မခံရဘူး။ ကိုယ့္ရန္သူကိုပင္ မတရားလုပ္လို႔ရွိရင္ မခံရဘူး။
ဒီေန႔ ကိုယ့္ရန္သူကို လုပ္တယ္။ ေနာက္ေန႔ ကိုယ့္ကိုလုပ္ရင္ လုပ္လိမ့္မယ္။
(မြန္အမ်ိဳးသား ဒီမိုကေရစီ အဖြဲ႕ခ်ဳပ္၊ သံျဖဴဇရပ္ ၁၆-၁၂-၈၈)
ကမၻာ့ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ႏိုဘလ္ဆုရွင္
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္
(အထက္ပါ စာသားမ်ားကို ကမၻာ့ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ႏိုဘလ္ဆုရွင္
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ ေရးသားထုတ္ေ၀ထားတဲ့
ေၾကာက္ရြံ႕ျခင္းမွ လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရး စာအုပ္မွ ျပန္လည္ကူးယူ ေဖာ္ျပထားပါသည္)
Insult to Injury
When Senator Jim Webb flew to Burma and bartered for the release of John William Yettaw he condoned torture, rape and genocide. Also, Webb offered a hint of legitimization to the criminal regime of Than Shwe. Though well intended his efforts added insult to injury to an already suffering nation and I have to ask, how far beyond stupid are you?
Not only did Sen. Webb pour salt in the wound of a suffering people he facilitated the release of a criminal. The criminal succeeded in keeping Daw Aung San Suu Kyi imprisoned for at least 18 more months to the joy of the morally bankrupt junta. With thousands of Americans locked away in foreign countries on a variety of crimes why release John William Yettaw? Unlike the two journalist captured in North Korea, John was guilty as charged for violating the law. John plunged the democratic movement into chaos with his infinitely stupid and callous act.
This only posses more questions rather than solutions for the people of Burma. There is no question the controversy over John Yettaw’s has been raging since it is believed he was part of a conspiracy to eliminate all opposition before the sham 2010 election. It is plain as the nose on ones face the junta was involved in this carefully orchestrated plot to have Aung San Suu Kyi’s sentence extended. Now thanks to John William Yettaw, Aung Suu Kyi will spend 18 more months in bondage conveniently out of sight and out of mind. What does Sen. Webb have to gain from this abhorrent act of betrayal? Is he invested in corporations that wish to rob more natural resources from Burma? Is he part of a much grander scheme to legitimize the criminal regime of Than Shwe’s? Webb’s efforts only rewarded a criminal who dashed the hopes of 50 million people. John William Yettaw committed a most heinous crime against the people of Burma, there is no question. John should have served his sentence like so many other American’s who’ve violated the law in other countries. The fact a US senator went out of his way to “save” John Yettaw suggests a much darker picture that borders on conspiracy.
Senator Jim Webb disgraced the tenets of democracy by his pandering to the whims of Burma’s criminal regime. This deplorable act of betrayal will leave deep scars in the hearts of millions who’ve looked to the United States for guidance and help during their time need. It is sad to note that Burma’s struggle for democracy was kicked in the teeth by the very country they wanted to emulate in democracy. It will be interesting to see who actually profits from this slap in the face because it will not be the people of Burma or the United States. Thanks for nothing Senator Jim Webb.
Your Devil’s Advocate
Bufalohair
အမ်ိုဳးသားဒီမိုကေရစီ အဖဲြ႕ခ်ဳပ္ ဗဟိုေကာ္မတီ ဝင္တဦးျဖစ္သူ ဦးဝင္းတင္သည္ မေန႔ညက က်မ္းမာေရး အေျခအေန ခ်ဳ႔ိ႕ယြင္းလာသျဖင့္ ပုဂၢလိက ေဆးရံုတခုတြင္ တင္ထားရၿပီး ယေန႔တြင္ အေသးစားခြဲစိတ္မႈတခု ခံယူရန္ ရွိသည္ဟု သိရပါသည္။
က်မ္းမာေရး အေျခအေနအရ ဖုန္းဆက္သြယ္ျခင္း သတင္းေမးျမန္းျခင္းမ်ားကို ဆရာဝန္မ်ား၏ ညႊန္ၾကားခ်က္ အရ တားျမစ္ ထားေၾကာင္း အတူေနမိသားစုမ်ားက ေျပာျပပါသည္။
ဦးဝင္းတင္သည္ အက်ဥ္းေထာင္ထဲတြင္ ၁၉ႏွစ္ေက်ာ္ ေနခဲ့ရစဥ္ကတည္းက ႏွလံုးေရာဂါ၊ အာရံုေၾကာ ေရာဂါမ်ားကို ခံစားခဲ့ရ သျဖင့္ ယခုထိ ေဆးကုသမႈ ခံယူေနရေသာ္လည္း ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္အား တရားစြဲ ဆိုမႈ ျပဳလုပ္ေနစဥ္ ကာလတြင္ အၿမဲလိုပင္ အင္းစိန္ေထာင္ေရွ႕သို႔ သြားေရာက္အားေပးခဲ့ပါသည္။ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္အား စီရင္ခ်က္ ခ်သည့္ ေန႔တြင္လည္း ကိုယ္တိုင္သြားေရာက္ အားေပးခဲ့ၿပီး ထိုေနာက္ တြင္ က်မ္းမာေရး အေျခအေနေၾကာင့္ အိမ္တြင္ အနားယူေနရာမွ မသက္သာသျဖင့္ ေဆးရုံသို႔ တင္လို္က္ရျခင္း ျဖစ္ပါသည္။
Posted by saffrontoward at 10:45 AM
Labels: သတင္းပေဒသာ
Copy from http://cacburma.blogspot.com
Saturday, 15 August 2009
An investigation of Yettaw’s involvement in a possible conspiracy is needed! The Burmese people are calling for the investigation of Yettaw's
An investigation of Yettaw’s involvement in a possible conspiracy is needed!
The Burmese people are calling for the investigation of Yettaw's involvement in a possible conspiracy against Aung San Suu Kyi as well as Webb's possible business tie with the junta. John William Yettaw was the intruder of Aung San Suu Kyi’s residence. Because of him Aung San Suu Kyi was sentenced to 18 months house arrest. We strongly believe that there is a conspiracy behind Yettaw’s illegal entry into Aung San Suu Kyi residence.
Webb is boosting his name to promote his profile by giving in to the Burmese junta in an effort to free Yettaw. But, his showboating efforts to free Yettaw are an insult not only to our noble leader Aung San Suu Kyi but also to 50 million Burmese people. Webb is dreaming of a hero’s welcome in US after surrendering to the junta. Webb’s visit is endorsing the criminal regime and aiding them in their effort to legitimize their sham 2010 election.
If the Obama administration fails to investigate the Yettaw accident, then it will be tantamount to endorcing and supporting the military junta and their crimes against the people of Burma. We want to know the truth. Submission to the junta is not the answer. We want to know the link between the Yettaw, the junta and the third party who plotted this ploy behind the scenes.
The John Yettaw incident reeks of conspiracy. The Junta, Yettaw & unknown coconspirators have manipulated the crisis in Burma; they conspired to have Aung San Suu Kyi taken out of the political picture before the 2010 election. We can see clearly through the smoke screen already.
Obama must prove that he is a man of action.
The Burmese people are calling for the investigation of Yettaw's involvement in a possible conspiracy against Aung San Suu Kyi as well as Webb's possible business tie with the junta. John William Yettaw was the intruder of Aung San Suu Kyi’s residence. Because of him Aung San Suu Kyi was sentenced to 18 months house arrest. We strongly believe that there is a conspiracy behind Yettaw’s illegal entry into Aung San Suu Kyi residence.
Webb is boosting his name to promote his profile by giving in to the Burmese junta in an effort to free Yettaw. But, his showboating efforts to free Yettaw are an insult not only to our noble leader Aung San Suu Kyi but also to 50 million Burmese people. Webb is dreaming of a hero’s welcome in US after surrendering to the junta. Webb’s visit is endorsing the criminal regime and aiding them in their effort to legitimize their sham 2010 election.
If the Obama administration fails to investigate the Yettaw accident, then it will be tantamount to endorcing and supporting the military junta and their crimes against the people of Burma. We want to know the truth. Submission to the junta is not the answer. We want to know the link between the Yettaw, the junta and the third party who plotted this ploy behind the scenes.
The John Yettaw incident reeks of conspiracy. The Junta, Yettaw & unknown coconspirators have manipulated the crisis in Burma; they conspired to have Aung San Suu Kyi taken out of the political picture before the 2010 election. We can see clearly through the smoke screen already.
Obama must prove that he is a man of action.
အေမရိကန္ အထက္ လႊတ္ေတာ္အမတ္ ဂ်င္မ္ဝက္ဘ္ (Jim Webb) သည္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ ေနျပည္ေတာ္သို႔ ေရာက္ရွိေန
`အထက္လႊတ္ေတာ္အမတ္ မစၥတာ ဂ်င္မ္ဝက္ဘ္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံကို ဝင္ေရာက္လည္ပတ္ ရပ္နားျခင္းအပါအဝင္ ေဒသတြင္း သြားေရာက္လည္ပတ္မႈကို က်ေနာ္တို႔ ၾကိဳဆိုပါတယ္´ ဟု အမ်ဳိးသား လံုၿခံဳေရးေကာင္စီ ေျပာခြင့္ရပုဂၢိဳလ္ မိုက္ဟင္းမား (Mike Hammer) က ဝါရွင္တန္တြင္ ေသာၾကာေန႔က သတင္းေထာက္မ်ားကို ေျပာၾကားလိုက္ပါသည္။ `ဒီမုိကေရစီေရး၊ ေကာင္းမြန္ေသာ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္မႈ၊ စစ္မွန္ေသာ အမ်ဳိးသား ျပန္လည္သင့္ျမတ္ေရး လုပ္ငန္းစဥ္ေတြအတြက္ သူတို႔ ဘယ္လမ္းကို ေလွ်ာက္လွမ္းဘို႔ လိုတယ္ဆိုတဲ့ ခိုင္မာျပင္းထန္သည့္ အျမင္ကို ျမန္မာေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား ၾကားသိရန္ အေရးၾကီးသည္´ ဟု သူက ေျပာသည္။
Friday, 14 August 2009
Thursday, 13 August 2009
NCGUB'S Shopping or political tour in Indonesia?
by Heng Khur
Tuesday, 04 August 2009 16:36
Mizzima News - The NCGUB, the Burmese government in exile, will hold a meeting on 12 and 13 August, with a handful of Burmese activists in Indonesia and come up with a proposal to the military junta for national reconciliation.
The trip sounds interesting for the ones who are about to attend. It is interesting because some of its members will be on tour and even do some shopping in Indonesia. And it becomes more interesting because Dr. Thaung Tun added that it is a process which would continue in US and EU.
Pathetically, in almost 20 years, NCGUB has come up with the only plan to hold a political meeting (sic) with handpicked Burmese Community Based Organizations (CBOs).
Whatever transpires at the meeting in Indonesia is not a way out of the political imbroglio in Burma but a political show in an effort to dig out more funds from donors.
Sure enough, there will be a beautiful and well-written statement after the meeting as; release Aung San Suu Kyi and political prisoners immediately, hold talks with the opposition groups, include concerned parties in the forthcoming 2010 elections (with the quotation from the UN General Secretary). The statement will be nothing new but old calls and boring to say the least.
Instead people want to hear what and how the NCGUB and other Burmese organizations will proceed in order to solve the problems -- Burmese Army‘s oppression on the people, armed conflicts, IDPs, refugees, migrants, drugs and political prisoners.
Releasing statements, raising awareness is just part of the activities but it will not solve the current problems unless the NCGUB and other Burmese organizations look at the ground situation. People, who used to participate in these meetings, know well that most of these organizations are not functioning but a political brand in order to ask for funds.
As Dr- Thaung Tun said, it is a process, which would entail further trips to EU and US. I wonder how much money they are going to spend on this political show trips. Instead of having such meetings, why not take that fund and give it to the needy people in the IDP camps along the Thai border.
In addition to that, the NCGUB and other CBOs rarely look at the problems that people are facing on the ground.
Therefore, to have a better say in the bargaining with the Burmese regime, why does not the NCGUB invite ceasefire and non-ceasefire groups on its side in the meeting to solve the Burmese problem. The meeting should not aim at releasing statements or a shopping trip. NCGUB must come to the point, how will it work together in order fulfill the people’s expectation.
AT 20:02
Tuesday, 04 August 2009 16:36
Mizzima News - The NCGUB, the Burmese government in exile, will hold a meeting on 12 and 13 August, with a handful of Burmese activists in Indonesia and come up with a proposal to the military junta for national reconciliation.
The trip sounds interesting for the ones who are about to attend. It is interesting because some of its members will be on tour and even do some shopping in Indonesia. And it becomes more interesting because Dr. Thaung Tun added that it is a process which would continue in US and EU.
Pathetically, in almost 20 years, NCGUB has come up with the only plan to hold a political meeting (sic) with handpicked Burmese Community Based Organizations (CBOs).
Whatever transpires at the meeting in Indonesia is not a way out of the political imbroglio in Burma but a political show in an effort to dig out more funds from donors.
Sure enough, there will be a beautiful and well-written statement after the meeting as; release Aung San Suu Kyi and political prisoners immediately, hold talks with the opposition groups, include concerned parties in the forthcoming 2010 elections (with the quotation from the UN General Secretary). The statement will be nothing new but old calls and boring to say the least.
Instead people want to hear what and how the NCGUB and other Burmese organizations will proceed in order to solve the problems -- Burmese Army‘s oppression on the people, armed conflicts, IDPs, refugees, migrants, drugs and political prisoners.
Releasing statements, raising awareness is just part of the activities but it will not solve the current problems unless the NCGUB and other Burmese organizations look at the ground situation. People, who used to participate in these meetings, know well that most of these organizations are not functioning but a political brand in order to ask for funds.
As Dr- Thaung Tun said, it is a process, which would entail further trips to EU and US. I wonder how much money they are going to spend on this political show trips. Instead of having such meetings, why not take that fund and give it to the needy people in the IDP camps along the Thai border.
In addition to that, the NCGUB and other CBOs rarely look at the problems that people are facing on the ground.
Therefore, to have a better say in the bargaining with the Burmese regime, why does not the NCGUB invite ceasefire and non-ceasefire groups on its side in the meeting to solve the Burmese problem. The meeting should not aim at releasing statements or a shopping trip. NCGUB must come to the point, how will it work together in order fulfill the people’s expectation.
AT 20:02
London: Protest for Aung San Suu Kyi
Outside the Burmese embassy in London they gather, calling for the release of their pro-democracy leader, Aung San Suu Kyi.
The verdict of her 2-month long trial was announced on Tuesday — guilty of violating security law and sentenced to 18 months of house arrest.
Protesters described the trial as illegal and unfair. They claim that it is just a way for the military regime to keep Aung San Suu Kyi out of the way during the planned 2010 election.
[Zin Zin Myo Thant, Burma Democratic Concern]:
“Actually the military regime is trying to have their 2010 election next year. So they won’t let Aung San Suu Kyi get involved in that election.”
A wave of international condemnation meets the verdict with the U.S., U.K. and France calling for global economic sanctions against the military regime.
Nevertheless, global sanctions are unlikely to work without cooperation from Burma's Asian neighbors.
[Myo Thein, Burma Democratic Concern Director]:
“If every country put humanity before profits, then the sanctions would be much more effective. Because here we are seeing only the partial sanction I must say, because it’s not a universal sanction. Because China and India they are doing the business with the illegal military regime.”
Protesters urge the U.N. Security Council for a global arms embargo against Burma.
[Myo Thein, Burma Democratic Concern Director]:
“They are calling for the United Nations Security Council to pose universal economic sanctions as well as an universal arms embargo”.
Protesters are claiming they are pressing for action rather than war and will continue to show solidarity with Aung San Suu Kyi.
Linoy Markram, NTD, London
http://english.ntdtv.com/ntdtv_en/ns_europe/2009-08-13/844187989317.html
The verdict of her 2-month long trial was announced on Tuesday — guilty of violating security law and sentenced to 18 months of house arrest.
Protesters described the trial as illegal and unfair. They claim that it is just a way for the military regime to keep Aung San Suu Kyi out of the way during the planned 2010 election.
[Zin Zin Myo Thant, Burma Democratic Concern]:
“Actually the military regime is trying to have their 2010 election next year. So they won’t let Aung San Suu Kyi get involved in that election.”
A wave of international condemnation meets the verdict with the U.S., U.K. and France calling for global economic sanctions against the military regime.
Nevertheless, global sanctions are unlikely to work without cooperation from Burma's Asian neighbors.
[Myo Thein, Burma Democratic Concern Director]:
“If every country put humanity before profits, then the sanctions would be much more effective. Because here we are seeing only the partial sanction I must say, because it’s not a universal sanction. Because China and India they are doing the business with the illegal military regime.”
Protesters urge the U.N. Security Council for a global arms embargo against Burma.
[Myo Thein, Burma Democratic Concern Director]:
“They are calling for the United Nations Security Council to pose universal economic sanctions as well as an universal arms embargo”.
Protesters are claiming they are pressing for action rather than war and will continue to show solidarity with Aung San Suu Kyi.
Linoy Markram, NTD, London
http://english.ntdtv.com/ntdtv_en/ns_europe/2009-08-13/844187989317.html
Wednesday, 12 August 2009
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