Saturday, 18 July 2009
ေအာင္ဆန္းေပးတဲ့ ျမန္မာျပည္..
>
> လူ႕ေလာကထဲ သူေနခဲ့ရတာက
> ၃၂ႏွစ္၊၅လ၊၆ရက္တည္းရယ္ပါ။
> ၁၃.၂.၁၉၁၅ မွ ၁၉.၇.၁၉၄၇
> နက္ေမာက္ဦးေသာဘိတေက်ာင္း..
> ေရနံေခ်ာင္း အမ်ိဳးသားေက်ာင္း...
> ရန္ကုန္တကၠသိုလ္ေတြမွ ပညာဆည္းပူးခဲ႔..
> ၁၉၄၃ ေက်ာင္းသားသမဂၢအမႈ႕ေဆာင္နဲ့
> ႏိုင္ငံေရးဘဝစတင္
> ႏိုင္ငံေရးလုပ္သက္၁၃ႏွစ္
> အဓိကျဖတ္သန္းမႈ႕ေတြကေတာ့
> ျမန္မာ့လြတ္လပ္ေရး(သို႕)
> စတုတၳျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံေတာ္....။
>
> အရပ္ပုပု
> မ်က္ေမွာင္ကုတ္ကုတ္
> ပိုသီပတ္သီ အညာသား။
> ဘီေအေက်ာင္းသား
> စကားမေျပာ
> ေျပာရင္မရပ္
> ညွင္းသိုးသိုးအရိုးးခံ
> ေခါင္းအမာဆုံး
> ဇြဲအရိွ႕ဆုံး
> စိတ္ဓာတ္အျပင္းထန္ဆုံးလူသား...။
>
> သူမသိနားမလည္တာေတြက အမ်ားသား
> ေရမကူးတက္ဘူး...
> စက္ဘီးမစီးတက္ဘူး...
> စႏၵရားမတီးတက္ဘူး...
>
သီခ်င္းေကာင္းေကာင္းနားမေထာင္ခဲ့ရဘူး...
> မိန္းမမပိုးတတ္ဘူး...။
>
> ဘိလပ္ျပန္သန္းကို
> ေမရွင္သီခ်င္းဆိုခိုင္းခဲ့သူ..
> ခ်စ္ရတဲ့နာစ့္မေလးၾကည္ကို
> လူငွားနဲ႕ပိုးခဲ့ရသူ..
> VIP ဆိုတဲ့စာတန္းကို
> အလြန္စက္ဆုပ္ရြံရွာသူ..
> လမ္းေဘးမွာ..
> ေက်ာက္ေက်ာေရေသာက္တဲ့ ဝန္ၾကီးခ်ဳပ္..
> မဂၤလာေဆာင္မွာ..
> ခဲဖိုးေတာင္းတာနားမလည္တဲ့သူ...
> လြတ္လပ္ေရးကိုစဥ္းစားရင္း..
> စစ္ဖိနပ္ကိုေျပာင္းျပန္စီးတဲ့သူ..
> လြတ္လပ္ေရးကိုစဥ္းစားရင္း..
> ဆံပင္ညွပ္မျပီးခင္ ထထြက္သြားတဲ့သူ...
> ေတြ႕ခ်င္လြန္းလို႕ လမ္းမွာတားတဲ့
> ရြာသားေတြနဲ႕
> အတူ လမ္းေဘးမွာ အေၾကာ္စားတဲ့
> ဝန္ၾကီးခ်ဳပ္....
> သူ႕ကိုသူ ျပည္သူတစ္ေယာက္အျဖစ္
> ခံယူတဲ့ဝန္ၾကီးခ်ဳပ္....။
>
> ျပည္သူေတြၾကားမွာ
> ၀င္႕၀င္႕ထြားထြား
> သူရဲေကာင္းေပမဲ႕
> အိမ္ေထာင္ရွင္ဖခင္
> ဇနီးကို ခ်စ္တတ္တဲ႕သူ......။
> ႔
> " ၾကည္.....ပဲျပဳပ္နဲ႕နံျပားရရင္
> စားခ်င္တယ္ "
> မိန္းမကို မနက္စာျပင္ခိုင္းတဲ့
> သူ႕ရဲ့ ကမၻာေက်ာ္စာ
> ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္အဆင့္ရဲ႕အမွားနဲ႕
> သာမန္ရဲေဘာ္ အဆင့္ရဲ႕အမွန္ကို
> ကြဲကြဲျပားျပားသိသူ
> လူငယ္ဘဝ ၊ လူ႕ဘဝရဲ႕စည္းစိမ္အရသာေတြ
> ခံစားဖို႕အခ်ိန္မရခဲ့တဲ့သူ
> သူ႕ျဖတ္သန္းမႈ႕မွာ
> လြတ္လပ္ေရးဆိုတာ တစ္ခုတည္းနဲ႕
> ပကတိရိုးစင္း သန့္စင္ခဲ့တဲ့သူ
> သူ႕ကိုဒဂုန္တာရာက ကင္ပြန္းတပ္
> " ေအာင္ဆန္း(သို႕) အရိုင္း" တဲ့...။
>
> လုပ္သက္ကခပ္ႏုႏု
> ေက်ာင္းသားေပါက္စ
> သခင္ေပါက္စ
> စစ္သားေပါက္စ
> ႏိုင္ငံေရးသမားေပါက္စ
> ဘဝေတြကအဖုံဖုံ
> အသက္က၃၀မရိွ႕တရိွ႕...။
>
> စစ္ျပီးရင္
> ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံၾကီးလြတ္လပ္ေရးရျပီးရင္
> သူလုပ္ခ်င္တာက
> လူရယ္ခ်င္စရာဗ်ာ
> စာေရးဆရာ...တဲ႔......။
>
> လြတ္လပ္ေရးရရင္ အနားယူ
> ကဗ်ာေတြ ၊ စာေတြေရးမယ္..တဲ႔
> အားရင္အားသလို
> သတင္းစာေတြ ၊မဂၢဇင္းေတြမွာ
> ေဆာင္းပါးေတြ ၊ စာေတြေရးေနတဲ႔သူ...
> ၾကည္ညိုလို႔ေရာ..
> စာေကာင္းလို႔ေရာ..
> ထိုေခတ္က ေဆာင္းပါးေၾကး
> အျမင္႔ဆံုးရတဲ႔လူ.......။
>
> ၾကမ္းတမ္းရင္႔ေထာ္
> လူစိတ္မွ ရွိရဲ႕လားလို႔
> အထင္မမွားပါနဲ႔...
> လြတ္လပ္ေရးအတြက္
> သူ ရဲရင္႔ရေပမဲ႔..
> စတုတၳေျမာက္ရင္ေသြး
> သမီးကေလး
> ရက္သားေလးနဲ႔ ေၾကြလြင္႔ခဲ႔ရေတာ႕
> မ်က္ရည္ေတြ၀ဲ
> သူ စိတ္ဆင္းရဲခဲ႕ဖူးတယ္....။
>
> ဒီ ေအာင္ဆန္းလက္ေတာက္ေလးကို
> ဘာေၾကာင့္
> ေနမဝင္အင္ပါယာၾကီး
> ဒူးေထာက္ခဲ့ရပါသလဲ........။
>
> တကယ္ဆိုေတာ့
> ငါတို႕ေအာင္ဆန္းက
> နယ္နယ္ရရမဟုက္
> ရိုးသားတဲ့ျမန္မာေတြထက္
> ပိုရိုးသားတဲ့ေအာင္ဆန္း
> သတၱိေျပာင္တဲ့ျမန္မာေတြထက္
> ပိုသတၱိရိွ႕တဲ့ေအာင္ဆန္း
> ဒီလိုေအာင္ဆန္း
> သူ႕ေသြးသားအရိုးအခ်ည္ေတြအားလုံး
> လြတ္လပ္ေရးတခုတည္းနဲ႕အျပီး
> စုစည္းတည္ေဆာက္ျပတဲ့ေအာင္ဆန္း
> တကယ့္အရိုးခံေအာင္ဆန္းေပါ့.....။
>
> ရိုးတာမွအလြန္ရိုး
> ဂ်ပန္မွာ ဗိုလ္ၾကီး ဆူဇူကီးက
> မိန္းမေခၚဦးမလား ဆိုလို႔
> ရွက္ေသြးျဖာခဲ႔ဖူးတဲ႔သူ.......။
>
> ပိုက္ဆံမရွိလို႔
> ထမင္းအေၾကြးမစားဖူးတဲ႔ဆိုင္မရွိ..
> ငါးမူးတန္းက ရုပ္ရွင္ၾကည္႔ခဲ႔ဖူးတယ္..
> ကားပ်က္ေနတာေတာင္
> အခြင္႔အေရးေတာင္းသူေတြကိုမုန္းလို႔
> သူတို႕ကားအကူအညီ မယူပဲ
> ရံုးကို
လမ္းေလွ်ာက္သြားတဲ႔သူ.........။
>
> ဒီေအာင္ဆန္းကို
> လြတ္လပ္ေရးလမ္းဝမွာ
> ဘြားကနဲျမင္လိုက္ရရုံပဲ
> ေအာင္ဆန္းရဲ႕ ဆရာေတြ မိႈင္း ၊ ျမ
> ၊ ခ်ိဳ တို႕ကအစ
> "ငါတို႕ အားကိုးပါရေစ" ဆိုလာၾက...
> ေရွးဘိုးဘြားမိဘျပည္သူေတြက
> "ငါတို႕ကယ္မယ့္မင္းေလာင္းေပၚျပီ"
> "ျပဳံးေပ်ာ္ၾက"
> လူငယ္ေသြးေသာက္ျမန္မာေတြက...
> " ငါတို႕စြန္ပါရေစ "
ဆိုျပီးေရွ႕ထြက္လာၾက
> စုၾက ၊ ရုံးၾက ၊ စည္းရုံးၾက
> တကယ့္ဗမာေတြ........
> မဟာေအာင္ဆန္းေနာက္က
> ျပည္သူ႕ဒီလိႈင္းလုံးၾကီးေတြရဲ႕
> တဝုန္းဝုန္းရိုက္ခတ္သံဟာ
> အဲဒီအခ်ိန္က
> ဝိတိုရိယဘုရင္မၾကီးကိုေတာင္
> အိမ္မက္ေတြေအးခဲေစခဲ့သေပါ့....။
>
> ေအာင္ဆန္းေရွ႕ေရာက္ရင္
> ရွမ္းေတြက ရွမ္းစကားမဆိုၾက...
> ကခ်င္ေတြကလည္း ကခ်င္စကားမဟၾက...
> ေအာင္းဆန္းကိုယုံၾကည္စြာနဲ႕
> သူတို႕သခင္အျဖစ္ အသိမွတ္ျပဳၾက
> အားလုံးေသာတိုင္းရင္းသားေတြ....။
>
> ဒီျပည္လုံးကၽြတ္
> အားကိုးစုစည္းႏိုင္ခဲ့လို့လည္း
> အဂၤလိပ္ေတြက ဒီေအာင္ဆန္း
> လက္ေတာက္ေလာက္နဲ႕
> တစ္စားပြဲထဲ ဝိုင္းထိုင္ခဲ့ၾကေပါ့
> အကင္းပါးသူေတြပီပီ
> မတိုက္မွီက ရႈံးေနတဲ့ ဒီစစ္ကို
> ဒင္းတို႕မတိုက္ဝံ့ၾက...
> မ်က္ႏွာမပ်က္
> ေအာင္ျမင္စြာဆုက္ခြာမယ့္လမ္းကို
> သူတို႕ေရြးခဲ့ၾက....
> ေအာင္ဆန္းနဲ႕အေတြ႕မွာေပါ႔......။
>
> ယုံၾကည္အားတဲ့
> မ်က္လုံးေပါင္းသန္း၆၀
> ေအာင္ဆန္္းမွာရိွ႕တယ္.၊
> လြတ္လပ္ေရးကို တရႈိက္မက္မက္ေတာင့္တတဲ့
> ႏွလုံးသားသန္း ၃၀
ေအာင္ဆန္းမွာရိွ႕တယ္..၊
> ေအာင္ဆန္းေသဆို ေသျပဝံ့တဲ့သူ
> ေအာင္ဆန္းမွာ တျပည္လုံးရိွ႕တယ္..၊
> ဒီမ်က္ႏွာ ႏွလုံးအသက္
> ဗို႕အားသိန္းသန္းခ်ီျပီး
> မီးဆလိုက္အားေတြနဲ႕
> ေနမဝင္အင္ပါယာကို
> ျပက္ျပက္သားသားလွမ္းထိုးလိုက္တဲ့အခါ
> အေျခာက္တိုက္ ဘဝင္ျမင့္ေနသူေတြ
> အားလုံးအရည္ေပ်ာ္သြားခဲ့ၾက......။
>
> ဘယ္ရာဇဝင္မွာ ခင္ဗ်ားတို႕ေတြ႕ဖူးလည္း
> ဂ်ပန္ဆိုတာ မႏႈးမနပ္မဟုက္ဘူး။
> အဂၤလိပ္ဆုိတာေဝလာေဝး
> သူငယ္ႏွပ္စားမဟုက္ဘူး။
> ဒင္းတို႕ေတြေတာင္
> ရေအာင္စည္းရုံးႏိုင္တဲ့ ေအာင္ဆန္း
> ဒီေအာင္ဆန္းက စစ္ကိုမလို
> ဒါေပမယ့္ " ရရင္ရ မရရင္ခ် "ဆိုတာ
> ေအာင္ဆန္းဝါဒ....
> လြတ္လပ္ေရးကို အျမန္ဆုံးလိုခ်င္ေနတဲ့
> အဲ့ဒီအခ်ိန္ ျပည္သူေတြရဲ႕
> တစ္သီးတည္းေသာကိုယ္စားလွယ္
> ငါတို႕ေအာင္ဆန္းေပါ့.....။
>
> ဗိုလ္ရူးလို႔ေျပာတဲ႕လူေတြကို
> ဂရုမစိုက္ပဲ
> ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသားေတြကို
> အဂၤလိပ္စာတတ္ေစခ်င္ခဲ႔လူ
> သူ ကိုယ္တိုင္..
> အမ်ိဳးသားေက်ာင္းထြက္
> ဒါေပမဲ႔ အဂၤလိပ္စာကို
> ထံုးလိုေခ် ၊ ေရလိုေႏွာက္တဲ႔သူ.....။
>
> အဂၤလိပ္စာတတ္ရင္
> ဘာထူးလဲလို႔ေမးတဲ႔လူေတြကို
> ေစ႔ေစ႔ၾကည္႔ရင္း
> "အနည္းဆံုး အဂၤလိပ္ေတြကို
> အဂၤလိပ္လို ဆဲလို႔ရတာေပါ႔ " လို႕
> ခပ္ရင္႔ရင္ေျပာခဲ႔တဲ႔သူ........။
>
> ျမန္မာမွာေရာ
> ကမာၻမွာပါ..
> ရွာမွရွား အမ်ိဳးသား
> အဂၤလိပ္လိုေရးျပီး
> ဒီမိန္႕ခြန္းကို ၾကည္႔ျပီး
> ျမန္မာလို လက္တန္းေျပာခဲ႔တဲ႔သူ......။
>
> ဗိုလ္ေအာင္ဆန္း
> ဒီအခ်ိန္ဆို (၉၃)ႏွစ္ရိွ႕ျပီ
> (ေအာင္ဆန္းေျပာမယ္)
> အဘိုးရဲ႕စကားနားေထာင္......။
>
> "မေမ့နဲ႕......မင္းတို႕ကေန႕ရႈေနတဲ့ေလဟာ
> ငါတို႕....မေန႕က
> ေခၽြးစက္ေတြဆိုတာ...မေမ႔နဲ႔...
> မင္းတို႕ျမန္မာဆိုတဲ့ စကားတခြန္းရဖို႕
> ငါတို႕.... ဗုံးေပါလေအာ
> က်ဆုံးေပးခဲ့ရတာ...မေမ့နဲ႕....
> မင္းတို႕ကမၻာ့ေျမပုံေပၚတက္ႏိုင္ဖို႕
> ငါတို႕.....အေလာင္းေကာင္ေတြဆင့္ျပီး
> ထမ္းတင္ေပးခဲ့တာ....
> မေမ့နဲ႕...........။
>
> ျမန္မာလူမ်ိဳးတိုင္းမွာ
> အေဖႏွစ္ေယာက္ရိွ႕တယ္
> တစ္ေယာက္က
> ကိုယ့္ေသြးသားအေဖ
> က်န္တစ္ေယာက္က
> ျမန္မာလူမ်ိဳးကို ေမြးေပးခဲ့တဲ့အေဖ
> ျမန္မာလူမ်ိဳးရဲ႕အေဖ
> ျမန္မာ့အေဖ
> ေအာင္ဆန္းေပါ့.....။
>
> က်ဳပ္အေဖနဲ႕အဖိုးဟာ ေအာင္ဆန္းသားေတြ
> ေအာင္ဆန္းက က်ဳပ္အဖိုး
> က်ဳပ္သားက ေအာင္ဆန္းျမစ္ေပါ့
> သူ႕အဘိုးကို သူလြမ္းတက္ေနျပီ...၊
> သူ႕သားၾကရင္လည္း သူ႕အေဘးနဲ႕
> ေပးေတြ႕ႏိုင္ဖို႕
> အခုကတည္းက အေသအခ်ာ
> က်ဳပ္မွာထားရအုံးမယ္။ ။
>
>
> ေနာက္ဆက္တြဲ ။ ။ ဤကဗ်ာႏွင္႔အတူပါေသာ သီခ်င္းေလးမွာ ေလးျဖဴ၏ အေဖ
> သီခ်င္းေလးျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
> မထူးျခားဘူးထင္ေပမဲ႔ ဤသီခ်င္းေလးဟာ
> ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ကိုရည္ရြယ္၍ ေရးစပ္ခဲ႔ေသာ
> သီခ်င္းေလး ျဖစ္ပါတယ္...။ VCD ရုိက္ကူးရာမွာ
> ဗိုက္ခ်ဳပ္ေနာက္ခံနဲ႔ ဇာတ္၀င္ခန္း
> ထည္႔ဖို႔အျငင္း ခံခဲ႔ရဖူး(ဆင္ဆာမရ)ေသာ
> သီခ်င္းေလးပါ...။ ေသေသခ်ာခ်ာ
> ျပန္နားေထာင္ၾကည္႔ပါဦး။
ဤကဗ်ာႏွင့္ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္းပုံမ်ားကို
http://images.zaw357.multiply.com မွ ကူးယူေဖာ္ျပျခင္းျဖစ္ပါသည္။
Thanks to the email Sender for this poem and link
Friday, 17 July 2009
ကဲ...သူငယ္ခ်င္းတို႔ေရ. ...လက္တို႔ျပီးေတာ့ ေျပာရဦးမယ္ သတင္းထူးေလးကို ၾသဂုတ္လမွ စတင္၍ အဂၤါျဂိဳလ္ဟာ အထြန္းလင္း အေတာက္ပဆံုး ျဖစ္ပါလိမ့္မည္။ ၄င္းျဂိဳလ္ဟာ ၾကီးမားေတာက္ပတဲ့ လတစ္စင္းပမာ အစြမ္းကုန္ ထြန္းလင္း ေတာက္ပမွာပါ။ အဲဒါကေတာ့ ၾသဂုတ္လ 27ရက္ေန႔မွာ အဂၤါ ျဂိဳလ္ဟာကမၻာနဲ႔ မိုင္ေပါင္း 34.65 M miles စတင္ နီးကပ္လာမွာ ျဖစ္တယ္လို႔ သိပၸံပညာရွင္ေတြက ေၾကျငာထား ပါတယ္။ဒါေၾကာင့္27th ၾသဂုတ္လ12:30AMမွာ ေကာင္းကင္မွာ လႏွစ္စင္း ပမာ ထြန္းလင္းတာကို ေတြ႔ျမင္ၾက ရမွာပါတဲ့။ဒီတစ္ၾကိမ္မွာ မၾကည့္လိုက္ ရရင္ေတာ့ အဂၤါျဂိဳလ္ဟာ ကမၻာနဲ႔ နီးကပ္လာဖို႔ကို ေနာက္ႏွစ္ 2287ခုႏွစ္ထိ ေစာင့္ၾကရ မွာတဲ့ေနာ့္။ ကဲသူငယ္ခ်င္းတို႔ေရ... တစ္ေယာက္န႔ဲ တစ္ေယာက္ လက္တို႔ျပီး သတင္းေလးကိ ုျဖန္႔ေ၀ေပး လိုက္ပါဦး ။ၾကံဳေတာင ့္ၾကံဳခဲမို႔လို႔ပါ။ ေတာ္ေန ဒီအၾကိမ္ မၾကည့္လိုက္္ ရရင္2287 ခုႏွစ္ထိကို မေသခ်ာပဲ ေစာင့္စား ေနရမွာ စိုးလို႔ေနာ္။ ကဲ.. ႏႊဲလိုက္ၾကစိိိိိိို႔... ေအာ္..ေမ့ေနမွာစိုးလို႔.....ေန႔ရက္က 27ရက္၊ အခ်ိန္က မနက္ 12:30၊ ေနရာကေတာ့ မိုးေကာင္းကင္မွာပါ။ လႏွစ္စင္းကို ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ဖို႔ မေမ့နဲ႔ေနာ္။
Wednesday, 15 July 2009
H1N1
ခုတေလာ ကမၻာ့တလႊား ေခတ္စားေနေသာ ကူးစက္ျမန္ ေရာ ဂါဆိုး ၀က္တုတ္ေကြး ထုိင္းႏုိင္ငံသို႔ ေရာက္ရွိပ်ံ႕ႏွ႔ံေနၿပီျဖစ္ ေသာေၾကာင့္ ထုိင္းႏုိင္ငံ မဲေဆာက္ၿမိဳ႕ရွိ က်ေနာ္တို႔ SAW အထက္တန္းေက်ာင္းတြင္လည္း ၀က္တုတ္ေကြး ပညာေပးမႈ မ်ားကို အတန္းလိုက္ နားလည္းလြယ္သည့္ နည္းလမ္းမ်ားျဖင့္ ျပဳလုပ္ သင္ၾကားေပးေနရသည္။
အဓိကကေတာ့ ၀က္တုတ္ေကြးဆိုတာ ဘာလဲ ...
ဘာေၾကာင့္ျဖစ္တာလဲ ...
ေရာဂါလကၡဏာေတြကဘာေတြလဲ ...
ဘယ္လိုကူးစက္ႏုိင္သလဲ ...
ဘယ္လိုကာကြယ္ရမလဲ ဆိုတာေတြကို သင္ၾကားေပးတာပါပဲ။
မူလတန္းအဆင့္မွာဆိုရင္တကိုယ္ေရသန္႔ရွင္းေရးနဲ႔ ကာကြယ္ေရးေတြကို အဓိကထားသင္ၿပီး အလယ္ တန္းနဲ႔ အထက္တန္းအဆင့္မွာဆိုရင္ ၀က္တုတ္ေကြးနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္ၿပီး သတင္းအခ်က္အလက္မ်ား AH1N1 ဗိုင္းရပ္ပိုး၏ သေဘာသဘာ၀မ်ားကိုပါ ထည့္သြင္းေဆြးေႏြးသင္ၾကားပါတယ္။
…………………………………………………….
စတုတၳတန္း
က်န္းမာေရးအခ်ိန္ …..
၀က္တုတ္ေကြးႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္ေသာ အေၾကာင္းအရာမ်ားကို ၀က္အဖ်ားတက္ေနသည့္ ပံုကိုဆြဲလုိက္ အဖ်ားတက္ေနေသာ လူပံုုစံ သ႐ုပ္ေဆာင္ခုိင္းလုိက္ႏွင့္ ေပ်ာ္ေပ်ာ္ပါးပါး သင္ၾကားၿပီး အဓိကက်သည့္ ကာကြယ္ေရးပုိင္းကိုေရာက္လာသည္။
စနစ္က်ဘို႔ လုိအပ္လာၿပီ …
အခ်ိန္က သိပ္မက်န္ေတာ့ IRC ထုတ္ေသာ ေက်ာင္းက်န္းမာေရး သင္ခန္းစာထဲမွ လက္ေဆးနည္း (၇) မ်ဳိးကိုေတာ့ ေနာက္တပတ္က်မွ ေသေသခ်ာခ်ာ လက္ေတြ႔သင္မည္ လက္ေဆးနည္းပံုေတြကို ပလတ္စ တစ္ေလာင္းၿပီး အိမ္သာႏွင့္ ေရသံုးသည့္ေရရာမ်ားတြင္ ကပ္ထားေပမည္။
က်န္ေသးသည့္ အခ်ိန္ေလးတြင္ အျခားကာကြယ္ေရးနည္းလမ္းမ်ားကို သြားမည္။
“အခု သားတို႔ သမီးတို႔ ဆရာသင္ၾကားခဲ့တဲ့အတုိင္း ၀က္တုတ္ေကြးအေၾကာင္းကို သိၿပီေနာ္ ”
“သိ ပါ ၿပီ”
“ရၿပီ ဆရာ ရၿပီ”
ေက်ာင္းသားေတြေျဖတဲ့အသံက တညီတညာႏွင့္ အသံတည္းမထြက္
“OK OK ေနာက္တပတ္ျပန္ေမးရင္ေကာ့”
“ရပါတယ္”
“ဆရာ ႀကိဳက္တဲ့အခ်ိန္ေမး ရတယ္”
“ကူးစက္တတ္တဲ့ နည္းလမ္းေတြ သိၿပီဆိုရင္ ကာကြယ္ဘို႔ မလြယ္ဘူးလား”
“လြယ္ပါတယ္”
“ေဟ့ .. တင္၀င္း မင္း ၀က္ေခ်းေတြကို လက္နဲ႔ မကိုင္နဲ႔ ၾကားလား”
“ေအာင္မာ .. ဘာလို႔ ကိုင္ရမလဲ မင္းပဲစား”
“ေ၀ါ့” “ထြီ”
စသည္ စသည္ျဖင့္ ေယာက္က်ားေလးမ်ားဘက္မွ တေယာက္တေပါက္ ထၾကျပန္သည္။ သည္အတုိင္း လႊတ္ေပးလိုက္ရင္ ကိုယ္ေျပာခ်င္တာ မေျပာလုိက္ရဘဲ အခ်ိန္ေတြ ကုန္သြားလိမ့္မည္။ ဆူညံလာ သည္ကို ခဏထိန္းၿပီး ၀က္မွ လူသို႔ မကူးေအာင္ ေနထုိင္းနည္းမ်ား၊ လူ မွ လူ သို႔ မကူး ေအာင္ေနထုိင္နည္းမ်ား ေျပာျပၿပီး၊
“တကယ္လို႔ သားတို႔ သမီးတို႔ လူၾကားထဲမွာ ႏွာေခ်တာတို႔ ေခ်ာင္းဆိုးတာတုိ႔ဆိုရင္ ဘယ္လို႔လုပ္ၿပီး ႏွာေခ် ေခ်ာင္းဆိုး လုပ္ျပစမ္း”
“ဟတ္ခ်ဳိး ဟတ္ခ်ဳိး”
“အဟမ္း အဟမ္း အဟြတ္ အဟြတ္ ေျဖာင္း”
ပါးစပ္ႏွင့္ ႏွာေခါင္းကို လက္မ်ားႏွင့္ အုပ္ၿပီး လုပ္ျပၾကသည္။
ထူးထူးျခားျခား “ေျဖာင္း”ဆိုသည့္ အသံလာရာသို ၾကည့္လုိက္ရာ နႏၵဦး က သူမ်ားႏွင့္ မတူပဲ ႏွာေခ် ေခ်ာင္းဆိုးတာ လုပ္ေနသည္။
“ကဲ သား နႏၵဦး ထၿပီး ဆရာ့ကို ႏွာေခ် ေခ်ာင္းဆုိး လုပ္ျပပါအံုး”
နႏၵဦး ထရပ္လုိက္ၿပီးေတာ့…
“ဟတ္ခ်ဳိး ေျဖာင္း”
“အဟမ္း ေျဖာင္း”
အဟြတ္ ေျဖာင္း”
ႏွာတခါေခ်လွ်င္ ပါးစပ္ႏွင့္ ႏွာေခါင္းေရွ႕တြင္ လက္ခုပ္တခါတီးသည္၊ ေခ်ာင္းဆိုးလွ်င္လည္း ထုိကဲ့သို တခါတီးသည္။
က်ေနာ္က ေမးၾကည့္ေတာ့ သူျပန္ေျဖတဲ့ အေျဖက …
“ဆရာ ႏွာေခ်တာတို႔ ေခ်ာင္းဆိုးတာတုိ႔ဆုိတာ ကိုယ့္မွာ ပိုးရွိရင္ ပါလာၿပီး သူမ်ားဆီ ကူးတာေလ အဲဒါေၾကာင့္ ထြက္လာ တဲ့ ပိုးေတြ ေသေအာင္လို႔ လက္ႏွစ္ဘက္နဲ႔ ႐ိုက္သတ္ေနတာ” တဲ့ …
က်ေနာ္ ဘာျပန္ေျပာရမည္ မသိခင္မွာပဲ အခ်ိန္ေျပာင္း ေခါင္းေလာင္းသံက ျမည္လာသည္။
စစ္မုန္းေသြး(SAW)
http://socialactionforwomen.blogspot.com/
Tuesday, 14 July 2009
UN's Ban Says Than Shwe Pledged Fair Election, But Suu Kyi Can't Run, Military Seats
UN's Ban Says Than Shwe Pledged Fair Election, But Suu Kyi Can't Run, Military Seats
Byline: Matthew Russell Lee of Inner City Press at the UN: News Analysis
UNITED NATIONS, July 13 -- Myanmar's purported election slated for 2010 requires that one quarter of the seat go to candidates with military backgrounds, and precludes opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi from running for office, since she married a foreigner.
Nevertheless, UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon on July 13 told the Security Council that during his recent visit, Myanmar's "Senior General Than Shwe has pledged to make the elections free and fair."
After Mr. Ban spoke to the Council, he came to the Council stakeout to take four questions. Since the other questions ranged from Lebanon through Sudan to Srebenica, Inner City Press went first, asking about Myanmar:
Inner City Press: Mr. Secretary-General, you said that [Senior General] Than Shwe has committed to make the elections free and fair. But the constitution that was passed right after the cyclone says that a quarter of the seats have to go to people with military backgrounds, and that Aung San Suu Kyi couldn’t run because she married a foreigner. Under those conditions, how can you believe that the elections are going to be free, fair or credible?
SG Ban: I urged Senior General Than Shwe that this election should be fair and free, but also legitimate, inclusive and credible. To be credible and legitimate, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and all political prisoners should be released. I emphasized that, without participation of Aung San Suu Kyi, without her being able to campaign freely, and without her NLD party [being able] to establish party offices all throughout the provinces, this election may not be regarded as credible and legitimate.
Inner City Press: Should she be a candidate?
SG Ban: That is what I am going to continue to follow up. You have heard the Permanent Representative of Myanmar saying that his Government is now taking some procedures to allow some amnesty. But I’m not quite sure who will be included in this amnesty. But I have made it quite clear that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in particular should be released and free to participate in the election. [Video here.]
The question is, by "free to participate" does Ban Ki-moon mean "free to run for office"? Because the Constitution which Myanmar pushed through during the time of Cyclone Nargis prohibit a person who had a foreign spouse, even if as is the case with Ms. Suu Kyi the spouse has died, from running for office.
UN's Ban and Than Shwe shake: Constitution not shown
Inner City Press has repeatedly asked Ban's spokesperson and his envoy to Myanmar, Ibrahim Gambari, for the UN's position on Myanmar's constitution, whether any "free and fair" election is possible under its terms. The UN has thus far refuse to comment on that constitution, calling into question its commitment to free and fair elections.
Mr. Gambari last week affably told Inner City Press to please wait for him to comment, until after Ban Ki-moon briefed the Council. After the briefing and the stakeout, Inner City Press called out after Ban and Gambari, respectively, "travel safely" (to Egypt for the Non-Aligned Movement meeting) and "now you can talk." Gambari replied, the boss had just spoken. But what is the UN's position on the Myanmar constitution? Watch this site.
Footnote: Beyond his failure to meet during his visit with Aung San Suu Kyi, questions that have arisen since the trip include reports that even the former armed groups Mr. Ban met with were told what to say by the regime of General Than Shwe, and that he listened to opposition groups only two minutes each. Of the former issue, Ban's spokesperson Michele Montas told Inner City Press last week that Ban "would be become aware of it." On the latter, Ms. Montas said she didn't know how long each opposition group got with her boss. Presumably he does. We will await more answers.
* * *
At UN on Myanmar, Ban Is Asked to Not "Mislead" the Council as Groups Says Gambari Did
Byline: Matthew Russell Lee of Inner City Press at the UN: News Analysis
UNITED NATIONS, July 13, update -- Ten days after his fruitless visit to Myanmar, Secretary General Ban Ki-moon returned to the UN in New York to brief the Security Council and then take limited questions from the press. Beyond his failure to meet with opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, questions that have arisen since the trip include reports that even the former armed groups Mr. Ban met with were told what to say by the regime of General Than Shwe, and that he listened to opposition groups only two minutes each.
Of the former issue, Ban's spokesperson Michele Montas told Inner City Press last week that Ban "would be become aware of it." On the latter, Ms. Montas said she didn't know how long each opposition group got with her boss. Presumably he does.
Given the format, with Ban briefing at 11:30 and taking press questions at the Security Council stakeout at 12:30, it seems unlikely that the Security Council members will have a substantive debate of how to proceed on Myanmar.
The show trial of Aung San Suu Kyi, suspended the day Ban was in the country, has resumed, and she faced five more years in detention. The government proceeds toward a 2010 election in which the military is guaranteed at least one quarter of the seats, and those like Suu Kyi who married foreigners are deemed ineligible to run.
Hours before Ban's briefing, All Burma Monk's Alliance (ABMA), the 88 Generation Students, and All Burma Federation of Student Unions (ABFSU) submitted a letter to him -- copy here.
In Myanmar, rule of law or rule of the gun?
The letter states that
"it would be wrong for you to mislead the international community by saying that the military regime will consider your proposals seriously. The previous inaccurate and misguided reporting by your Special Envoy after his failed visits have already caused the international community to wait and see without taking action, while the people of Burma, including ethnic minorities, have been suffering crimes against humanity continuously. We urge you to recognize the ineffectiveness of the current diplomatic approach without the strong backing from the UN Security Council with a binding resolution to deal with Burma’s military regime."
What will Ban say about these issues? Watch this space.
Update of 11:34 a.m. -- Ban advisers Nambiar, Pascoe and Kim have gone in. Most of the assembly press are asking not about Myanmar but about the North Korea sanctions committee, meeting in the basement. A diplomat tells Inner City Press the format: Ban and then the Myanmar Ambassador, then members of the Council. "No output expected." At 11:34 a.m., Ban and Gambari rush in.
Update of 11:57 a.m. -- After Ban Ki-moon recited Than Shwe's pledge to make the 2010 elections "free and fair," Myanmar's Ambassador topped him with this whopper, that the election will be "credible."
Update of 12:32 p.m. -- For the U.S., rather than Permanent Representative Susan Rice, Rosemary DiCarlo was the speaker. She called on the "Burmese generals" to make good on their statement that cooperation with the UN is a "cornerstone of the foreign policy of Myanmar."
Update: after the Council meeting, Inner City Press managed to ask Ban Ki-moon two questions about Myanmar - click here.
* * *
At UN, Ban's Two Minute Myanmar Drill May Lead to Grill Monday Between Trips
Byline: Matthew Russell Lee of Inner City Press at the UN: News Analysis
UNITED NATIONS, July 10, updated -- As the closed door show trial of Aung San Suu Kyi resumed on July 10, the UN's pass the buck approach to Myanmar continued. In the wake of Secretary General Ban Ki-moon's ill-fated, some say humiliating meetings with dictator Than Shwe, it was Ban's envoy Ibrahim Gambari who briefed the Group of Friends on Myanmar on July 8, rather than Ban.
Security Council members told Inner City Press that Ban himself would brief the Council. A Council staffer told Inner City Press that it would take place in an open meeting on Monday, July 13.
But when Inner City Press asked Ban's political advisor Lynn Pascoe on July 9, he said, "it's up to the Council." And when Inner City Press asked the head of the Turkish Mission to the UN, he said, it's up to the Secretary General.
On July 10, diplomats told Ban has been requested to formally brief the Council, but since Monday will be his only day in headquarters before heading out again, to the meeting of the Non Aligned Movement in Egypt, Myanmar may be related to one of many topics at the Council's closed door luncheon with Ban.
In terms of what Ban should expect be asked or grilled about, consider this account of Ban's meetings with the opposition, a mere two minutes each:
The regime invited the National League for Democracy to send five CEC members to Nay Pyi Taw to meet with Ban Ki-moon. U Aung Shwe replied with a list of five, including U Win Tin. The regime replied that they would not allow U Win Tin to meet Ban. Then, Police Special Branch picked up the four CEC members on the July 2nd, brought them to Nay Pyi Taw.
On the afternoon of July 3rd, representatives from all ten registered parties, including NLD, were allowed to meet with Ban for an hour. Ban made an opening speech.
In his speech, Ban said that the government is carrying out a seven-step roadmap, and is now at the fifth step, which is to hold the election. He said that the government promised him that they will conduct the election free and fair. He also said that he and UN also will try to make the election free and fair.
Then all parties were allowed to present their stance for two minutes each.
UN's Ban arrives in Yangon, two minutes per group, airport to airport
U Khin Maung Gyi from National Unity Party said that his party wants the regime to hold the election in 2010 and he does not want any postponement. He asked Ban to make this happens. Then U Nyunt Wai (NLD) stood and said that NLD would not accept the two minutes limit and it would not be possible to present important political matters in two minutes. Then he sat down. Ban was shocked. Then other parties presented their position in two allotted minutes. The NLD "Uncles" didn’t say anything.
After the meeting, Ban’s assistant approached the Uncles and invited them to follow with him to Ban’s bedroom. Only then, Uncles were allowed to meet with Ban alone in his bedroom for 10 minutes.
The Uncles told him four points that (a) Aung San Suu Kyi and all political prisoners should be released, (b) meaningful political dialogue between the regime and democratic opposition should be realized, (c) the 1990 election result should be recognized by some ways, and (d) the 2008 Constitution should be revised to be satisfactory of all parties concerned. Ban asked more details for these positions and they explained.
The Uncles believe that Ban was not well informed or reported to by his Special Adviser and staff. He didn’t realize the magnitude of the problems.
So will Ban be asked about this by Council members on July 13? As happened during Team Ban's hand selection of which reporters could cover Ban's trip, will questions to Ban on this be allowed at his promised "monthly" press conference?
Update of 12:09 p.m. -- at the UN's noon briefing just now, Ban's spokesperson announced Ban will brief the Council on Monday at 10 a.m., and then will go to the Council stakeout around 11. This apparently will constitute Ban's monthly "press conference." Will he answer the above?
Update of 2 p.m. -- later in the noon briefing, Inner City Press asked Ban's spokesperson Michele Montas to confirm or deny that two minutes was given to each opposition group. Ms. Montas said she didn't know how much time was given, but that Ban addressed the elections in his speech while in Myanmar. But what Iabout the constitution? nner City Press asked again about reports that one or more of the former armed groups that Ban met with was told by the government what to say. Ms. Montas had said that Ban would be become aware of this, and presumably would comment. On July 10, Montas made was appeared to be her own answer: that Ban could only ask to meet groups, not that they be free in what they could say to him. Watch this site.
* * *
As Group of Friends on Myanmar Meets at the UN, UK Perm Rep Sawers Doesn't Friend Them Despite UK Push for Trip
Byline: Matthew Russell Lee of Inner City Press at the UN: News Analysis
UNITED NATIONS, July 8 -- In the run up to the trip to Myanmar by UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon and his envoy Ibrahim Gambari, Prime Minister Gordon Brown told the House of Commons that the UK had urged Ban to go to Burma. The trip took place; General Than Shwe rejected Ban's request to meet with opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi; nearly everyone called the endeavor a failure.
With Ban still out of New York, at the G-8 meetings in Italy, Gambari descended to the UN basement on July 8 to brief the 14 countries on Ban's Group of Friends on Myanmar. Notably, UK Permanent Representative John Sawers was not present, unlike his counterparts from Japan, Indonesia and Singapore, among others. Some some suspected Facebook fallout -- and joked of Sawers not "friending" the Group -- others questioned the UK being so loud before the trip, and so quiet afterwards, at least in public.
Gambari, normally affable, rushed into the meeting room. UN staff have confirmed to Inner City Press that Than Shwe in a fit of pique made Gambari travel to the country's jungle capital by road, rather than by air. Reportedly, surrounded by the Ban-selected scribes on this most recent trip, Gambari wished for the presence of other reporters, to witness the indignities and discomforts that he has been going through.
There was also the report -- an exclusive by Inner City Press -- that Gambari's name was offered by Ban as a possible replacement for Rodolphe Adada in Darfur, but that some Western powers rejected it. A subsequent candidate Said Djinnit earlier on June 8 thanked Inner City Press for not asking publicly about the Darfur post, at least not during his press conference on West Africa (Inner City Press' report on West Africa is forthcoming.)
UK's Sawers and His Minister with Gambari in previous Friending
Indonesia's Ambassador strode in jaunty as ever; Japan's Takasu with a staffer. China's also jaunty Deputy had Xinjiang on his mind, saying that despite Turkish Prime Minister Erdogan's statement that Turkey will put Xinjiang on the Security Council's agenda (see Inner City Press story here), the Turkish Mission to the UN has received no instructions to this effect. Other Ambassador's marveled at the recent and dirty campaign to re-nominate Mr. Supachai as secretary general of UNCTAD.
Diplomat's minds seemed everywhere except on Myanmar. But since the UK asked for the trip, some felt Sawers should have been present. He spoke of the issue earlier in the day, but only to select reporters, and only off the record. Whether this approach is the best for Burma is in question. Watch this space.
Update of 4:07 p.m. -- to be fair, Sawers' affable deputy was present. Whether he will speak on the record after the meeting, given the UK's role, remains to be seen.
Update of 4:31 p.m. -- while the Friends on Myanmar continue meeting, the head of a Security Council mission spoke to Inner City Press about the Turkish Prime Minister - China imbloglio: "that's why we have a free Press," he said.... But on Myanmar, there are no other reporters outside the Friends' basement meeting.
Update of 5:15 p.m. -- And when the meeting broke up, like clock work at precisely five o'clock, Gambari declines to speak with the Press, saying to wait for Ban to return to New York. Inner City Press said, or asked, "Ban will speak to the Security Council?" "Or to this group," Gambari answered. That would be to further downgrade the Myanmar issue.
* * *
At UN, July 8 Briefing on Ban's Burmese Failure by Gambari, Japan Says "Too Early"
Byline: Matthew Russell Lee of Inner City Press at the UN: News Analysis
UNITED NATIONS, July 7, updated -- While by nearly any measure UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon's two day visit to Myanmar was a diplomatic failure, on July 6 when Inner City Press asked Japan's Ambassador to the UN Yukio Takasu to assess the trip, he said it was "too early" for that, that when Ban returns from Europe they will get a full briefing and address the issue. Video here, from Minute 6:43.
But the so-called Group of Friends on Myanmar, Inner City Press has learned, will be briefed on July 8 by Ban's envoy to Myanmar, Ibrahim Gambari.
Some view this as distancing Ban from the lack of accomplishments on the trip, which they view as having provided some legitimacy to the regime of General Than Shwe. Gambari, recently offered up to replace Rodolphe Adada for the UN in Darfur, has been to Myanmar eight times and has little to show for it.
Gambari's supporters blame the "Western powers" for not giving him any carrots with which to tempt the generals. But perhaps the Myanmar regime, like Sri Lanka's, doesn't need the West's carrots.
UN's Ban and Gambari, the latter will go first while the former goes G-8
China and India are competing for Myanmar's natural gas -- along with French and other Western companies. North Korea is helping militarily, at least with advice on building underground weapons plants.
Japan's position remains ambiguous. While following the Burmese military's murder of a Japanese cameraman during the abortive Saffron Revolution Japan spoke out about Myanmar, Japan was notably less concerned with the human rights of civilians during this year's assault on Northern Sri Lanka by the Mahinda Rajapaksa regime. Amb. Takasu says he's waiting to hear from Ban, but Japan will be represented at the July 8 briefing by Ban's envoy Gambari. Watch this site.
Post-script: it's been reported that the "former armed groups" with which Ban met were told by the Than Shwe regime what to say. This will be inquired into.
Update of 12:23 p.m. -- Inner City Press asked Ban's Spokesperson Michele Montas about this at Tuesday's UN noon briefing. Ms. Montas said that Ban had thought the groups were free to speak, that he is not yet aware of reports to the contrary but he will be. For convenience sake, check this, and watch this site.
* * *
UN's Ban Claims Burma's Than Shwe Is Ready to Give Up Power, No Pool Despite Internet, LA Times Softball Q&A
Byline: Matthew Russell Lee of Inner City Press at the UN: News Analysis
UNITED NATIONS, July 4 -- Immediately following Burmese dictator Than Shwe's rebuff of UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon even visiting opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, Ban told the reporters he hand picked to accompany him that Than Shwe had in fact shown that he is willing to "hand over all power."
Ban is quoted that Than Shwe "was saying that after (an election) he will hand over power to civilians. He said when I come back he may be a civilian...That means he's committed to hand over all power."
First, there is no indication that Than Shwe and his cronies have any intention of handing over power. Second, even the quote, which was run without any critique or analysis, can be read that power may go a a civilian, Than Shwe is ready to present himself as a civilian and keep power.
After Team Ban hand picked the reporters allowed to cover the trip, Ban's Spokesperson Michele Montas claimed it the selection was based on "those willing to pool" coverage. But on July 2, she told Inner City Press there would be no text pool coverage. When Inner City Press asked how to get questions answered, she said just read the wires, since communications would be difficult while the Team was there. From the UN's transcript:
Inner City Press: During these two days that he is there, if we’re trying to cover it from here, have questions, who do we seek to get some answers?
Spokesperson Montas: It’s going to be extremely difficult. The materials that your colleagues are sending will give you information, but there is no way you can reach, it’s going to be very difficult to reach people in Myanmar when they are there because of communications problems.
But now it's clear that the Team was allowed to use the Internet while there: "We also had access to the Internet to file stories and send emails about Ban's second trip to the new capital."
UN's Ban and Than Shwe: who's ready to hand over all power?
So why wasn't the promised pool coverage provided? Increasingly it appears that Team Ban, faced with negative reviews, tries to control coverage. The UN News Service dutifully pushed out a story which didn't even mention any of the criticism of Ban and his Myanmar trip.
In the run up to negative profiles in two major U.S. dailies, as Inner City Press first reported, Team Ban brought in the Los Angeles Times for a Q&A with strangely staged questions about the "Asian style" of diplomacy.
But as one scribe put it, "Ban has faced recent criticism for his softly-softly approach to the job of secretary general, but diplomats say he had hoped his quiet brand of diplomacy would work with Myanmar's generals." And it failed, even by Team Ban's own pre-trip measure. Watch this site.
Footnote: as Inner City Press reported June 28 and was confirmed by Ban's Spokesperson Michele Montas on June 29, Ban's office hand-picked which journalists would be told of the opportunity to cover his trip to Burma. Ms. Montas first said that the UN "picked people who were willing to pool for others." On July 2, when Inner City Press asked Ms. Montas when these pool reports would begin, she reversed course and argued that "I said some of them were willing to pool, some of them... There is no print pooling, no."
Inner City Press asked Ms. Montas to confirm the information in a list it has seen, that there are at least 22 UN personnel in Ban's traveling party, ranging from political chief Lynn Pascoe and deputy chief of staff Kim Won-soo to Hak-Fan Lau, to whom reporters on Ban's previous UN mission to Burma gave at least some pooled material. "I can check for you," Ms. Montas answered. By 4 p.m. on July 4 in New York, no information was provided. Watch this site.
http://www.innercitypress.com/bangam4myanmar071309.html
Byline: Matthew Russell Lee of Inner City Press at the UN: News Analysis
UNITED NATIONS, July 13 -- Myanmar's purported election slated for 2010 requires that one quarter of the seat go to candidates with military backgrounds, and precludes opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi from running for office, since she married a foreigner.
Nevertheless, UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon on July 13 told the Security Council that during his recent visit, Myanmar's "Senior General Than Shwe has pledged to make the elections free and fair."
After Mr. Ban spoke to the Council, he came to the Council stakeout to take four questions. Since the other questions ranged from Lebanon through Sudan to Srebenica, Inner City Press went first, asking about Myanmar:
Inner City Press: Mr. Secretary-General, you said that [Senior General] Than Shwe has committed to make the elections free and fair. But the constitution that was passed right after the cyclone says that a quarter of the seats have to go to people with military backgrounds, and that Aung San Suu Kyi couldn’t run because she married a foreigner. Under those conditions, how can you believe that the elections are going to be free, fair or credible?
SG Ban: I urged Senior General Than Shwe that this election should be fair and free, but also legitimate, inclusive and credible. To be credible and legitimate, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and all political prisoners should be released. I emphasized that, without participation of Aung San Suu Kyi, without her being able to campaign freely, and without her NLD party [being able] to establish party offices all throughout the provinces, this election may not be regarded as credible and legitimate.
Inner City Press: Should she be a candidate?
SG Ban: That is what I am going to continue to follow up. You have heard the Permanent Representative of Myanmar saying that his Government is now taking some procedures to allow some amnesty. But I’m not quite sure who will be included in this amnesty. But I have made it quite clear that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in particular should be released and free to participate in the election. [Video here.]
The question is, by "free to participate" does Ban Ki-moon mean "free to run for office"? Because the Constitution which Myanmar pushed through during the time of Cyclone Nargis prohibit a person who had a foreign spouse, even if as is the case with Ms. Suu Kyi the spouse has died, from running for office.
UN's Ban and Than Shwe shake: Constitution not shown
Inner City Press has repeatedly asked Ban's spokesperson and his envoy to Myanmar, Ibrahim Gambari, for the UN's position on Myanmar's constitution, whether any "free and fair" election is possible under its terms. The UN has thus far refuse to comment on that constitution, calling into question its commitment to free and fair elections.
Mr. Gambari last week affably told Inner City Press to please wait for him to comment, until after Ban Ki-moon briefed the Council. After the briefing and the stakeout, Inner City Press called out after Ban and Gambari, respectively, "travel safely" (to Egypt for the Non-Aligned Movement meeting) and "now you can talk." Gambari replied, the boss had just spoken. But what is the UN's position on the Myanmar constitution? Watch this site.
Footnote: Beyond his failure to meet during his visit with Aung San Suu Kyi, questions that have arisen since the trip include reports that even the former armed groups Mr. Ban met with were told what to say by the regime of General Than Shwe, and that he listened to opposition groups only two minutes each. Of the former issue, Ban's spokesperson Michele Montas told Inner City Press last week that Ban "would be become aware of it." On the latter, Ms. Montas said she didn't know how long each opposition group got with her boss. Presumably he does. We will await more answers.
* * *
At UN on Myanmar, Ban Is Asked to Not "Mislead" the Council as Groups Says Gambari Did
Byline: Matthew Russell Lee of Inner City Press at the UN: News Analysis
UNITED NATIONS, July 13, update -- Ten days after his fruitless visit to Myanmar, Secretary General Ban Ki-moon returned to the UN in New York to brief the Security Council and then take limited questions from the press. Beyond his failure to meet with opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, questions that have arisen since the trip include reports that even the former armed groups Mr. Ban met with were told what to say by the regime of General Than Shwe, and that he listened to opposition groups only two minutes each.
Of the former issue, Ban's spokesperson Michele Montas told Inner City Press last week that Ban "would be become aware of it." On the latter, Ms. Montas said she didn't know how long each opposition group got with her boss. Presumably he does.
Given the format, with Ban briefing at 11:30 and taking press questions at the Security Council stakeout at 12:30, it seems unlikely that the Security Council members will have a substantive debate of how to proceed on Myanmar.
The show trial of Aung San Suu Kyi, suspended the day Ban was in the country, has resumed, and she faced five more years in detention. The government proceeds toward a 2010 election in which the military is guaranteed at least one quarter of the seats, and those like Suu Kyi who married foreigners are deemed ineligible to run.
Hours before Ban's briefing, All Burma Monk's Alliance (ABMA), the 88 Generation Students, and All Burma Federation of Student Unions (ABFSU) submitted a letter to him -- copy here.
In Myanmar, rule of law or rule of the gun?
The letter states that
"it would be wrong for you to mislead the international community by saying that the military regime will consider your proposals seriously. The previous inaccurate and misguided reporting by your Special Envoy after his failed visits have already caused the international community to wait and see without taking action, while the people of Burma, including ethnic minorities, have been suffering crimes against humanity continuously. We urge you to recognize the ineffectiveness of the current diplomatic approach without the strong backing from the UN Security Council with a binding resolution to deal with Burma’s military regime."
What will Ban say about these issues? Watch this space.
Update of 11:34 a.m. -- Ban advisers Nambiar, Pascoe and Kim have gone in. Most of the assembly press are asking not about Myanmar but about the North Korea sanctions committee, meeting in the basement. A diplomat tells Inner City Press the format: Ban and then the Myanmar Ambassador, then members of the Council. "No output expected." At 11:34 a.m., Ban and Gambari rush in.
Update of 11:57 a.m. -- After Ban Ki-moon recited Than Shwe's pledge to make the 2010 elections "free and fair," Myanmar's Ambassador topped him with this whopper, that the election will be "credible."
Update of 12:32 p.m. -- For the U.S., rather than Permanent Representative Susan Rice, Rosemary DiCarlo was the speaker. She called on the "Burmese generals" to make good on their statement that cooperation with the UN is a "cornerstone of the foreign policy of Myanmar."
Update: after the Council meeting, Inner City Press managed to ask Ban Ki-moon two questions about Myanmar - click here.
* * *
At UN, Ban's Two Minute Myanmar Drill May Lead to Grill Monday Between Trips
Byline: Matthew Russell Lee of Inner City Press at the UN: News Analysis
UNITED NATIONS, July 10, updated -- As the closed door show trial of Aung San Suu Kyi resumed on July 10, the UN's pass the buck approach to Myanmar continued. In the wake of Secretary General Ban Ki-moon's ill-fated, some say humiliating meetings with dictator Than Shwe, it was Ban's envoy Ibrahim Gambari who briefed the Group of Friends on Myanmar on July 8, rather than Ban.
Security Council members told Inner City Press that Ban himself would brief the Council. A Council staffer told Inner City Press that it would take place in an open meeting on Monday, July 13.
But when Inner City Press asked Ban's political advisor Lynn Pascoe on July 9, he said, "it's up to the Council." And when Inner City Press asked the head of the Turkish Mission to the UN, he said, it's up to the Secretary General.
On July 10, diplomats told Ban has been requested to formally brief the Council, but since Monday will be his only day in headquarters before heading out again, to the meeting of the Non Aligned Movement in Egypt, Myanmar may be related to one of many topics at the Council's closed door luncheon with Ban.
In terms of what Ban should expect be asked or grilled about, consider this account of Ban's meetings with the opposition, a mere two minutes each:
The regime invited the National League for Democracy to send five CEC members to Nay Pyi Taw to meet with Ban Ki-moon. U Aung Shwe replied with a list of five, including U Win Tin. The regime replied that they would not allow U Win Tin to meet Ban. Then, Police Special Branch picked up the four CEC members on the July 2nd, brought them to Nay Pyi Taw.
On the afternoon of July 3rd, representatives from all ten registered parties, including NLD, were allowed to meet with Ban for an hour. Ban made an opening speech.
In his speech, Ban said that the government is carrying out a seven-step roadmap, and is now at the fifth step, which is to hold the election. He said that the government promised him that they will conduct the election free and fair. He also said that he and UN also will try to make the election free and fair.
Then all parties were allowed to present their stance for two minutes each.
UN's Ban arrives in Yangon, two minutes per group, airport to airport
U Khin Maung Gyi from National Unity Party said that his party wants the regime to hold the election in 2010 and he does not want any postponement. He asked Ban to make this happens. Then U Nyunt Wai (NLD) stood and said that NLD would not accept the two minutes limit and it would not be possible to present important political matters in two minutes. Then he sat down. Ban was shocked. Then other parties presented their position in two allotted minutes. The NLD "Uncles" didn’t say anything.
After the meeting, Ban’s assistant approached the Uncles and invited them to follow with him to Ban’s bedroom. Only then, Uncles were allowed to meet with Ban alone in his bedroom for 10 minutes.
The Uncles told him four points that (a) Aung San Suu Kyi and all political prisoners should be released, (b) meaningful political dialogue between the regime and democratic opposition should be realized, (c) the 1990 election result should be recognized by some ways, and (d) the 2008 Constitution should be revised to be satisfactory of all parties concerned. Ban asked more details for these positions and they explained.
The Uncles believe that Ban was not well informed or reported to by his Special Adviser and staff. He didn’t realize the magnitude of the problems.
So will Ban be asked about this by Council members on July 13? As happened during Team Ban's hand selection of which reporters could cover Ban's trip, will questions to Ban on this be allowed at his promised "monthly" press conference?
Update of 12:09 p.m. -- at the UN's noon briefing just now, Ban's spokesperson announced Ban will brief the Council on Monday at 10 a.m., and then will go to the Council stakeout around 11. This apparently will constitute Ban's monthly "press conference." Will he answer the above?
Update of 2 p.m. -- later in the noon briefing, Inner City Press asked Ban's spokesperson Michele Montas to confirm or deny that two minutes was given to each opposition group. Ms. Montas said she didn't know how much time was given, but that Ban addressed the elections in his speech while in Myanmar. But what Iabout the constitution? nner City Press asked again about reports that one or more of the former armed groups that Ban met with was told by the government what to say. Ms. Montas had said that Ban would be become aware of this, and presumably would comment. On July 10, Montas made was appeared to be her own answer: that Ban could only ask to meet groups, not that they be free in what they could say to him. Watch this site.
* * *
As Group of Friends on Myanmar Meets at the UN, UK Perm Rep Sawers Doesn't Friend Them Despite UK Push for Trip
Byline: Matthew Russell Lee of Inner City Press at the UN: News Analysis
UNITED NATIONS, July 8 -- In the run up to the trip to Myanmar by UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon and his envoy Ibrahim Gambari, Prime Minister Gordon Brown told the House of Commons that the UK had urged Ban to go to Burma. The trip took place; General Than Shwe rejected Ban's request to meet with opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi; nearly everyone called the endeavor a failure.
With Ban still out of New York, at the G-8 meetings in Italy, Gambari descended to the UN basement on July 8 to brief the 14 countries on Ban's Group of Friends on Myanmar. Notably, UK Permanent Representative John Sawers was not present, unlike his counterparts from Japan, Indonesia and Singapore, among others. Some some suspected Facebook fallout -- and joked of Sawers not "friending" the Group -- others questioned the UK being so loud before the trip, and so quiet afterwards, at least in public.
Gambari, normally affable, rushed into the meeting room. UN staff have confirmed to Inner City Press that Than Shwe in a fit of pique made Gambari travel to the country's jungle capital by road, rather than by air. Reportedly, surrounded by the Ban-selected scribes on this most recent trip, Gambari wished for the presence of other reporters, to witness the indignities and discomforts that he has been going through.
There was also the report -- an exclusive by Inner City Press -- that Gambari's name was offered by Ban as a possible replacement for Rodolphe Adada in Darfur, but that some Western powers rejected it. A subsequent candidate Said Djinnit earlier on June 8 thanked Inner City Press for not asking publicly about the Darfur post, at least not during his press conference on West Africa (Inner City Press' report on West Africa is forthcoming.)
UK's Sawers and His Minister with Gambari in previous Friending
Indonesia's Ambassador strode in jaunty as ever; Japan's Takasu with a staffer. China's also jaunty Deputy had Xinjiang on his mind, saying that despite Turkish Prime Minister Erdogan's statement that Turkey will put Xinjiang on the Security Council's agenda (see Inner City Press story here), the Turkish Mission to the UN has received no instructions to this effect. Other Ambassador's marveled at the recent and dirty campaign to re-nominate Mr. Supachai as secretary general of UNCTAD.
Diplomat's minds seemed everywhere except on Myanmar. But since the UK asked for the trip, some felt Sawers should have been present. He spoke of the issue earlier in the day, but only to select reporters, and only off the record. Whether this approach is the best for Burma is in question. Watch this space.
Update of 4:07 p.m. -- to be fair, Sawers' affable deputy was present. Whether he will speak on the record after the meeting, given the UK's role, remains to be seen.
Update of 4:31 p.m. -- while the Friends on Myanmar continue meeting, the head of a Security Council mission spoke to Inner City Press about the Turkish Prime Minister - China imbloglio: "that's why we have a free Press," he said.... But on Myanmar, there are no other reporters outside the Friends' basement meeting.
Update of 5:15 p.m. -- And when the meeting broke up, like clock work at precisely five o'clock, Gambari declines to speak with the Press, saying to wait for Ban to return to New York. Inner City Press said, or asked, "Ban will speak to the Security Council?" "Or to this group," Gambari answered. That would be to further downgrade the Myanmar issue.
* * *
At UN, July 8 Briefing on Ban's Burmese Failure by Gambari, Japan Says "Too Early"
Byline: Matthew Russell Lee of Inner City Press at the UN: News Analysis
UNITED NATIONS, July 7, updated -- While by nearly any measure UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon's two day visit to Myanmar was a diplomatic failure, on July 6 when Inner City Press asked Japan's Ambassador to the UN Yukio Takasu to assess the trip, he said it was "too early" for that, that when Ban returns from Europe they will get a full briefing and address the issue. Video here, from Minute 6:43.
But the so-called Group of Friends on Myanmar, Inner City Press has learned, will be briefed on July 8 by Ban's envoy to Myanmar, Ibrahim Gambari.
Some view this as distancing Ban from the lack of accomplishments on the trip, which they view as having provided some legitimacy to the regime of General Than Shwe. Gambari, recently offered up to replace Rodolphe Adada for the UN in Darfur, has been to Myanmar eight times and has little to show for it.
Gambari's supporters blame the "Western powers" for not giving him any carrots with which to tempt the generals. But perhaps the Myanmar regime, like Sri Lanka's, doesn't need the West's carrots.
UN's Ban and Gambari, the latter will go first while the former goes G-8
China and India are competing for Myanmar's natural gas -- along with French and other Western companies. North Korea is helping militarily, at least with advice on building underground weapons plants.
Japan's position remains ambiguous. While following the Burmese military's murder of a Japanese cameraman during the abortive Saffron Revolution Japan spoke out about Myanmar, Japan was notably less concerned with the human rights of civilians during this year's assault on Northern Sri Lanka by the Mahinda Rajapaksa regime. Amb. Takasu says he's waiting to hear from Ban, but Japan will be represented at the July 8 briefing by Ban's envoy Gambari. Watch this site.
Post-script: it's been reported that the "former armed groups" with which Ban met were told by the Than Shwe regime what to say. This will be inquired into.
Update of 12:23 p.m. -- Inner City Press asked Ban's Spokesperson Michele Montas about this at Tuesday's UN noon briefing. Ms. Montas said that Ban had thought the groups were free to speak, that he is not yet aware of reports to the contrary but he will be. For convenience sake, check this, and watch this site.
* * *
UN's Ban Claims Burma's Than Shwe Is Ready to Give Up Power, No Pool Despite Internet, LA Times Softball Q&A
Byline: Matthew Russell Lee of Inner City Press at the UN: News Analysis
UNITED NATIONS, July 4 -- Immediately following Burmese dictator Than Shwe's rebuff of UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon even visiting opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, Ban told the reporters he hand picked to accompany him that Than Shwe had in fact shown that he is willing to "hand over all power."
Ban is quoted that Than Shwe "was saying that after (an election) he will hand over power to civilians. He said when I come back he may be a civilian...That means he's committed to hand over all power."
First, there is no indication that Than Shwe and his cronies have any intention of handing over power. Second, even the quote, which was run without any critique or analysis, can be read that power may go a a civilian, Than Shwe is ready to present himself as a civilian and keep power.
After Team Ban hand picked the reporters allowed to cover the trip, Ban's Spokesperson Michele Montas claimed it the selection was based on "those willing to pool" coverage. But on July 2, she told Inner City Press there would be no text pool coverage. When Inner City Press asked how to get questions answered, she said just read the wires, since communications would be difficult while the Team was there. From the UN's transcript:
Inner City Press: During these two days that he is there, if we’re trying to cover it from here, have questions, who do we seek to get some answers?
Spokesperson Montas: It’s going to be extremely difficult. The materials that your colleagues are sending will give you information, but there is no way you can reach, it’s going to be very difficult to reach people in Myanmar when they are there because of communications problems.
But now it's clear that the Team was allowed to use the Internet while there: "We also had access to the Internet to file stories and send emails about Ban's second trip to the new capital."
UN's Ban and Than Shwe: who's ready to hand over all power?
So why wasn't the promised pool coverage provided? Increasingly it appears that Team Ban, faced with negative reviews, tries to control coverage. The UN News Service dutifully pushed out a story which didn't even mention any of the criticism of Ban and his Myanmar trip.
In the run up to negative profiles in two major U.S. dailies, as Inner City Press first reported, Team Ban brought in the Los Angeles Times for a Q&A with strangely staged questions about the "Asian style" of diplomacy.
But as one scribe put it, "Ban has faced recent criticism for his softly-softly approach to the job of secretary general, but diplomats say he had hoped his quiet brand of diplomacy would work with Myanmar's generals." And it failed, even by Team Ban's own pre-trip measure. Watch this site.
Footnote: as Inner City Press reported June 28 and was confirmed by Ban's Spokesperson Michele Montas on June 29, Ban's office hand-picked which journalists would be told of the opportunity to cover his trip to Burma. Ms. Montas first said that the UN "picked people who were willing to pool for others." On July 2, when Inner City Press asked Ms. Montas when these pool reports would begin, she reversed course and argued that "I said some of them were willing to pool, some of them... There is no print pooling, no."
Inner City Press asked Ms. Montas to confirm the information in a list it has seen, that there are at least 22 UN personnel in Ban's traveling party, ranging from political chief Lynn Pascoe and deputy chief of staff Kim Won-soo to Hak-Fan Lau, to whom reporters on Ban's previous UN mission to Burma gave at least some pooled material. "I can check for you," Ms. Montas answered. By 4 p.m. on July 4 in New York, no information was provided. Watch this site.
http://www.innercitypress.com/bangam4myanmar071309.html
ေဆာင္းပါး
ဘိုဘိုေက်ာ္ၿငိမ္း
ၾကာသပေတးေန႔၊ ဂ်ဴလုိင္လ 09 ရက္ 2009 ခုႏွစ္ 14 နာရီ 09 မိနစ္
ဗ်ဴဟာ ေပၚလစီ စမ္းစစ္ခ်က္
က်ေနာ္တို႔ ျမန္မာေတြရဲ႕ ႏိုင္ငံေရးယဥ္ေက်းမႈ အားနည္းခ်က္တခုမွာ “မူ”
သို႔မဟုတ္ ေပၚလစီထက္ “လူ” ကို ခင္တြယ္တာ “ပို” ၾကတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ ေဒၚစုက
အၾကမ္းမဖက္တဲ့ ဝါဒ Non-Violence ကုိ ဦးစားေပးတယ္ဆိုတာနဲ႔ လူတိုင္း
အၾကမ္းမဖက္တဲ့ ဝါဒီေတြ ျဖစ္ကုန္ၾကေရာ။ ေဒၚစုနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္တယ္ ထင္ရင္ပဲ
“ရလဒ္” ကို မဆန္းစစ္ခ်င္ၾကေတာ့ဘူး။ အၾကမ္းမဖက္တဲ့ ဝါဒဆိုတာ ခံယူခ်က္၊
ေပၚလစီ မဟုတ္ပါ။
အၾကမ္းမဖက္တဲ့ ဝါဒအေပၚ အေျခခံၿပီး ေစ့စပ္ေရးလမ္းေၾကာင္း ေပၚလစီကို
ေဖာ္ေဆာင္ရာမွာ ကုလသမဂၢ ယူအင္ - UN ကိုခ်ည္း အားကိုးေန၍ မရႏိုင္ပါဘူး။
အေမရိကန္နဲ႔ အေနာက္ႏိုင္ငံေတြက စီးပြားေရးပိတ္ဆို႔မႈနဲ႔ ဖိအားေပး၊
ကုလသမဂၢက လံုၿခံဳေရး ေကာင္စီမွာ ျမန္မာ့အေရး ေဆြးေႏြးမယ္ဆိုၿပီး
ရာဇသံေပးလို႔ နအဖ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြကို စည္းေဝးဝိုင္းအတြင္း ဆြဲေခၚဖို႔
ၾကိဳးစားခဲ့ၾကတာ အႏွစ္ ၂၀ ရွိၿပီပဲ။
ေပၚလစီ ေဖာ္ေဆာင္မႈမွာ အားနည္းတာလား၊ ေပၚလစီကိုယ္တုိင္က အားနည္းတာလား၊
ဆိုတာကို ဘယ္သူကမွ ဆန္းစစ္ဖို႔ သတိမရွိခဲ့ၾကဘူး။
နအဖ က “အခ်ိန္” ကို ရတဲ့နည္းနဲ႔ ဆြဲ၊ “အခ်ိန္” ကို လက္နက္အျဖစ္ သံုးခဲ့တာ
အႏွစ္ ၂၀ ၾကာေတာ့ “လူ” ေတြလည္း ေျခကုန္လက္ပန္းက်၊ တိုင္းျပည္လည္း
မြဲသထက္မြဲ၊ ျမန္မာျပည္သားေတြလည္း တကမၻာလံုး ျပန္႔ၾကဲကုန္၊
ႏိုင္ငံေရးသမား အမ်ားစုဟာလည္း ေထာင္ထဲေရာက္ကုန္ၿပီ။
နအဖ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြကေတာ့ အလွည့္က်နည္းနဲ႔ တိုင္းျပည္ သယံဇာတေတြကို
ေရာင္းစားရင္း ခ်မ္းသာၾကြယ္ဝၿပီး၊ ျမန္မာစစ္တပ္ဟာ ၾကီးထြားလာ႐ံုမက
အႏုျမဴလက္နက္ ပိုင္ဆိုင္တဲ့ ႏိုင္ငံျဖစ္ေရးအတြက္ ၾကိဳးပမ္းလ်က္ရွိတယ္။
နအဖ က ျပည္တြင္း အတိုက္ခံေတြကို အႏိုင္ကိုင္ႏိုင္ၿပီလို႔ ယူဆပံုရတယ္။
ေနာက္တဆင့္ ေရနံနဲ႔ ဓာတ္ေငြ႔ကရတဲ့ ေငြေတြနဲ႔ စစ္အင္အားကို ခ်ဲ႕ကာ
ေဒသဆိုင္ရာ စစ္အင္အားၾကီးႏိုင္ငံ ျဖစ္ရေအာင္ ခ်ီတက္လ်က္ရွိတယ္။
မၾကာခင္ အႏွစ္ ၂ဝ အတြင္းမွာ စစ္အစိုးရဟာ ျမန္မာျပည္သူျပည္သားေတြသာမက
အေရွ႕ေတာင္အာရွ ေဒသတခုလံုးကိုပါ လက္နက္အားကိုးနဲ႔
ၿခိမ္းေျခာက္ပါလိမ့္မယ္။ အားလံုးအတြက္ ျပႆနာ ျဖစ္လာပါလိမ့္မယ္။
ေဒၚစုရဲ႕ ျပႆနာ
က်ေနာ့္အျမင္အရ ေဒၚစုကုိ ထိပ္တန္းကုိ တင္ပုိ႔လုိက္တာ ေဒၚစုရဲ႕ သတၱိနဲ႔
ဒီမိုကေရစီ ယံုၾကည္ခ်က္အျပင္ အၾကမ္းမဖက္တဲ့ဝါဒ Non-Violence ကုိ
ထိပ္တန္းတင္လာတဲ့အတြက္ အေနာက္ႏုိင္ငံက တက္ၾကြလႈပ္ရွားသူေတြ Activists ေတြ
အၾကိဳက္ ျဖစ္သြားတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ ႏိုဘယ္ဆုရေအာင္
ဝိုင္းထမ္းတင္ေပးလိုက္ၾကတယ္။ ဒီဆုၾကီးေၾကာင့္ ကိုင္ထားတဲ့ ဝါဒကုိ
ပစ္ပယ္လုိ႔ မရေတာ့ဘူး။ ဒီနည္းနဲ႔ နအဖ ကုိ တုိက္လို႔မရေၾကာင္း သိရင္ေတာင္
ဒီလမ္းက ေသြဖည္ဖုိ႔ အခက္ျဖစ္ေနတယ္။ Activists ဆုိတာ တာဝန္ယူမႈ မရွိဘူး။
အေရြးခံရတဲ့ ႏုိင္ငံေရးသမားေတြနဲ႔ ေပၚလစီကုိင္သူ Policy makers ေတြရဲ႕
တာဝန္ကုိး။
ေဒၚစုက ဘာသာေရးၾကည္ညိဳစိတ္ ျပင္းပုံရတယ္။ ဂ်ပန္က ပညာရွင္တေယာက္က ေဒၚစုနဲ႔
အင္တာဗ်ဴးလုပ္ၿပီး ျပန္ေရးျပထားတဲ့ အထဲမွာ ေဒၚစုဟာ ဘာသာေရးနဲ႔ ၾကည့္ၿပီး
“ အမွန္တရား” က “ မေကာင္းမႈအမွား” ကုိ ေက်ာ္လႊား အႏုိင္ယူမယ္လုိ႔
ျမင္ပုံရတယ္လုိ႔ သုံးသပ္ထားတယ္။ လက္ေတြ႔မွာ အာဏာနဲ႔ စည္းစိမ္အတြက္ဆုိရင္
“ဘာသာ” လည္း မရွိ၊ တုိင္းျပည္နဲ႔ လူမ်ဳိး ခ်စ္စိတ္လည္း မရွိ၊
တုိင္းျပည္ကုိ ေရာင္းစားရမွာလည္း မေၾကာက္တဲ့ မိစၦာဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြကို
“အမွား”၊ “အမွန္” တခုထဲနဲ႔ အႏုိင္ယူဖုိ႔၊ ေမတၱာသစၥာနဲ႔ပဲ
အႏုိင္ယူဖုိ႔ဆိုတာ လက္ေတြ႔က်ပါ့မလားလို႔ ေမးစရာရွိတယ္။
စတာလင္တို႔၊ ေမာ္စီတံုးတုိ႔ဆုိတာ အာဏာအတြက္ ကိုယ့္လူမ်ဳိးေတြကုိ
သန္းေပါင္း ဆယ္ဂဏန္းမက သတ္ခဲ့ၾကတဲ့ လူသတ္ေကာင္ေတြပဲ။ ဒါေပမဲ့
အာဏာလက္ကုိင္ ဘဝနဲ႔ ေသဆံုးသြားၾကေတာ့ သူရဲေကာင္းေတြအျဖစ္ ေသသြားၾကၿပီး
အခုမွ ရာဇဝင္က တျဖည္းျဖည္း ေဖာ္လာၾကရတာပဲ။ အာဏာရွင္ဆုိတာ
ဆန္႔က်င္႐ုံနဲ႔မရ ေတာ္လွန္မွ ရတာကိုး ။ ေမာ္စီတံုးေျပာသြားသလို အာဏာဆိုတာ
ေသနတ္ေျပာင္းဝက လာတယ္ဆိုတာကို တ႐ုတ္ေတြဆီက နအဖ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြက လက္ခံ
ဆည္းပူးထားပံုရတယ္။
ေဒၚစုဟာ စိတ္ေကာင္း ရွိလြန္းတယ္။ မိခင္စိတ္ ရွိလြန္းတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္
မရက္စက္ခ်င္ဘူး။ ျဖစ္ႏုိင္ရင္ ခြင့္လႊတ္ခ်င္တယ္။ ဒိအျပင္
ကိုယ့္လူငယ္ေတြကုိ ရက္ရက္စက္စက္၊ ျပတ္ျပတ္သားသား မစြန္႔လႊတ္ မစေတး
ရက္ဘူး။
စိတ္ေကာင္းရွိတဲ ့ အၾကမ္းမဖက္တဲ့ ဝါဒကုိ ယုံၾကည္မႈျပင္းတဲ့ ေဒၚစုကုိ
က်ေနာ္ နားလည္တယ္။ သူ အနာခံ ဆန္႔က်င္ျပတာကုိ ေက်းဇူးလည္း တင္တယ္။
အေမရိကားမွာ သမၼတၾကီး ျငင္းဆုိခြင့္ Plausible Deniability ရွိေအာင္
တခါတရံ သမၼတကုိ တမင္အသိမေပးဘဲ ေအာက္က လုပ္ရတာေတြ ရွိတယ္။ ဒီလုိပဲ
ေဒၚစုကို ဒီမုိကေရစီ ပုံရိပ္အျဖစ္ လူေတြ တက္ၾကြလာေအာင္
ႏႈိးေဆာ္ေပးႏုိင္တဲ့ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ Inspirational- Leader အျဖစ္
ထိပ္မွာတင္ထားၿပီး၊ မလုပ္မျဖစ္တဲ့ Grass-Root ေအာက္ေျခလူတန္းစား
စည္း႐ုံးေရးနဲ႔ အင္အား တည္ေဆာက္ဖုိ႔က က်ေနာ္တုိ႔အားလုံးရဲ႕
တာဝန္ျဖစ္တယ္လို႔ ျမင္မိတယ္။ ဒီ “အင္အား” နဲ႔ ေတာေျခာက္ၿပီး၊
အေျဖရွာၿပီးေတာ့မွ ထိပ္မွာေနာက္ဆံုး ညိႇႏႈိင္းေဆြးေႏြးၾကရင္
က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ေဒၚစုပဲ “အေျဖရွာ” ရမွာပဲ။ ဒါေၾကာင့္
ေနာက္ဆံုးပန္းတိုင္ကို ေဒၚစုသာ ေလွ်ာက္ႏိုင္ပါတယ္။ Only Daw Suu can
walks the last mile လို႔ က်ေနာ္ အခါခါ ေရးျပခဲ့တာေပါ့။
“အင္အား” မတည္ေဆာက္ႏုိင္သေရြ႔၊ ေတာမေျခာက္ႏုိင္သေရြ႔၊ အေနာက္ႏုိင္ငံေတြက
ဟန္ေဆာင္ၿခိမ္းေျခာက္္လုိက္၊ လုိအပ္ရင္ တ႐ုတ္နဲ႔ ႐ုရွားက ဗီတုိနဲ႔
ဟန္႔တားလုိက္၊ နအဖ က အတုိက္အခံ ဟူသမွ်ကို ဖမ္းၿပီး ႏွစ္ရွည္လမ်ား
ေထာင္ထဲမွာ ထည့္ထားလုိက္နဲ႔ အခ်ိန္ကုိဆြဲ၊ “အခ်ိန္” ကုိ လက္နက္အျဖစ္
အသုံးျပဳၿပီး ကုိမင္းကိုႏုိင္တုိ႔လည္း ႏွစ္ ၆ဝ ေက်ာ္၊ ေဒၚစုလည္း ႏွစ္ ၈ဝ
ေက်ာ္ ေရာက္ကုန္မယ္။ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ အားလုံး သဘာဝ တရားအရ တျဖည္းျဖည္း
ခႏၶာေၾကြကုန္ၾကမယ္။
စိတ္ဓာတ္က်စရာမဟုတ္ အရွိကုိ အရွိအတုိင္း ျမင္တတ္ဖုိ႔သာ လုိပါတယ္။
လက္ရွိအေျခအေနမွာ အတိုက္အခံဟာ ‘အားနည္းတယ္’။ ဒါကို စိတ္ဓာတ္က်စရာ မလုိပါ။
ဘာေၾကာင့္ အားနည္းသလဲဆုိတာကို ၾကည့္ျမင္တတ္ရင္ ဘယ္လုိ ‘အားရွိ’ ေအာင္
လုပ္မလဲဆုိတာကုိ ‘အေျဖ’ ရွာရမယ္။ End Game ဆုိတဲ့ ေနာက္ဆုံး
ရည္မွန္းခ်က္က ဘာလဲဆုိတာကုိ သိရမယ္။ သိမွ ‘ဗ်ဴဟာ’ ကို ျပင္ခ်င္ရင္ျပင္၊
ျဖည့္စြက္္ခ်င္ရင္ ျဖည့္စြက္္ေပါ့။ ‘လုိခ်င္’ တဲ့ စိတ္ ရွိဖုိ႔ လိုတယ္။
လုိလွ်င္ၾကံဆ နည္းလမ္းရတာေပါ့။
ႏိုင္ငံေရးသမားဆိုတာ
ျမန္မာ့လြတ္လပ္ေရးသမိုင္းကစလုိ႔ ဒီကေန႔အထိ ျမန္မာ့ႏိုင္ငံေရးသမုိင္းကို
ၾကည့္ရင္ ႏုိင္ငံေရးသမား ေတြ၎၊ ႏုိင္ငံေရးကုိ စိတ္ဝင္စားသူေတြ အမ်ားစုဟာ
ျပႆနာတခုျဖစ္ရင္ ဝုန္းဆုိ ေကာက္႐ုိးမီးလို ထေတာက္ၾကၿပီး၊
စိတ္အလုိလုိက္တတ္ၾကတယ္။ ေရတက္ေနတဲ့ အခ်ိန္မွာ ဆူၾကပူၾက ျဖစ္ၾကၿပီး၊
ေသြးေအးသြားရင္ ဖုတ္ဆို ျပဳတ္က်၊ စိတ္ဝင္စားမႈ မရွိၾကေတာ့ဘူး။ အထူးသျဖင့္
စိတ္လႈပ္ရွားမႈျဖစ္ၿပီး၊ စိတ္အလုိလုိက္ Emotional ျဖစ္တတ္္ၾကတယ္။
လူအုပ္မ်ားလာရင္ လူအုပ္စိတ္ဓာတ္ Mob Mentality ဝင္လာၿပီး တေယာက္ေယာက္က
ထေအာ္လုိက္ရင္ “ေဟ့လာ … ေမာင္႐ုိးဝါး” ဆုိၿပီး ထလုိက္သြားတတ္္ၾကတယ္။
ဒါေၾကာင့္ ႏုိင္ငံေရးသမားေတြဟာ ဖ႐ုိဖရဲနဲ႔ လူအုပ္ေနာက္ ပါသြားတတ္ၾကတယ္။
တနည္းအားျဖင့္ ႏုိင္ငံေရးသမား အမ်ားစုဟာ ေသြးေအးေအးနဲ႔
ၾကိဳတင္ျပင္ဆင္ၿပီး အစီအစဥ္ “ပလင္” ေကာင္းေကာင္းနဲ႔ တဆင့္ၿပီး တဆင့္၊
ေျခလွမ္း တခ်က္ၿပီး တစ္ခ်က္ ေျခလွမ္းညီညီ မလွမ္းတတ္ၾကဘူး။ ဒါက
ႏုိင္ငံေရးသမားေတြရဲ႕ (အားနည္းခ်က္)ပဲ။
ဒါေၾကာင့္ ႏုိင္ငံေရးသမားေတြေတြးပုံက လူထုလႈပ္ရွားမႈ၊ လူထုတုိက္ပြဲ
အတင္းဝင္၊ အတင္းတက္၊ အတင္းေအာ္ၾကေပါ့။
စစ္သားဆုိတာ
စစ္သားဆုိတာက စစ္သား ‘စ’ ျဖစ္တဲ့ေန႔မွာပဲ ‘လြတ္လပ္ခြင့္’ ကုိ
တံခါးေပါက္မွာ ထားခဲ့ရၿပီ။ ခုိင္းတာလုပ္၊ ေစရာသြား၊ ျပန္မေျပာနဲ႔ဆုိတဲ့
သံမဏိစည္းကမ္းကုိ လုိက္နာရၿပီ။ ေရာမေခတ္ကတည္းက စစ္သားဆုိတာ
‘စုစည္းမႈအဖြဲ႔’ နဲ႔ အားယူတာပဲ။ တဦးခ်င္းမဟုတ္၊ အဖြဲ႔နဲ႔ တုိက္ရတာကုိး။
တပ္စု တပ္စိပ္ တပ္ခြဲ တပ္ရင္း တပ္မဟာ တပ္္မ တပ္မအုပ္စု တပ္မေတာ္ဆုိၿပီး
‘အစု’ နဲ႔ တုိက္တာ။
စစ္သားဆုိတာ စစ္ပြဲမျဖစ္ခင္ကတည္းက Battle-Plan လုိ႔ေခၚတဲ့ စစ္ပြဲအစီစဥ္
(Plan) ရွိတယ္။ Logistic လို႔ ေခၚတဲ့ ေထာက္ပံ့မႈေတြကို ျဖည့္ဆည္းထားရမယ္။
Training လုိ႔ ေခၚတဲ့ ျပင္ဆင္မႈသင္တန္းေတြ ရွိရတယ္။ Reinforcement လုိ႔
ေခၚတဲ့ တပ္ျဖည့္မႈေတြကုိ နားလည္ရတယ္။ Intelligence လုိ႔ ေခၚတဲ့
ၾကိဳတင္ေထာက္လွမ္းၿပီး ရန္သူ႔သတင္း ရွိေနရမယ္။ Objective လုိ႔ ေခၚတဲ့
မိမိသိမ္းပုိက္ရမယ့္ ရည္မွန္းခ်က္၊ ဗ်ဴဟာ Strategy ။ ေနာက္ဆုံး ဆုတ္ရရင္
Exit-Strategy ဆုိတဲ့ ထြက္ေပါက္ေတြ အားလုံးကုိ စဥ္းစားထားရမယ္။ ဒါ
စစ္ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္တိုင္း မသိမျဖစ္သိရမယ့္ အေျခခံအခ်က္ေတြပဲ၊
စစ္ပညာအရင္းခံပဲဲ။ ဒါေၾကာင့္စစ္ဗိုလ္ေတြရဲ႕ အားသာခ်က္က ေခါင္းေအးေအးနဲ႔
အစီအစဥ္ (Plan) နဲ႔ တိုက္တတ္တဲ့ အက်င့္ရွိတယ္။ စိတ္ထဲေပၚတဲ့အတုိင္း
စိတ္ဆြဲေဆာင္ရာေနာက္ မလိုက္ႏိုင္၊ လိုက္ခြင့္ မရွိပါ။
စစ္ပြဲအစီအစဥ္ ရွိၿပီးတာေတာင္ မလံုေလာက္ေသးပါ။ War Games လုိ႔ ေခၚတဲ့ ၂
ဖက္ ၂ သင္း ဖြဲ႔ၿပီး၊ တုိက္ၾကည့္ရပါတယ္။ ဒါမွ Logistic လိုအပ္ခ်က္ေတြ၊
ဗ်ဴဟာ Strategy ရဲ႕ အားနည္းခ်က္၊ အားသာခ်က္ေတြ ‘ေပၚ’ လာၿပီး
ျပင္ႏိုင္တယ္။ စစ္ပြဲတပြဲမွာ ရန္သူအငိုက္မိေအာင္ လွ်ပ္တျပက္
တုိက္ႏိုင္္တာဟာ အေရးအၾကီးဆံုးပဲ။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ ဘယ္ေျခာက္ခါ ညာလွမ္းဆိုသလို
တဖက္ကို ဟန္ျပၿပီး၊ ပရိယာယ္သံုးရတာကို ေကာင္းေကာင္း နားလည္ရတယ္။
အဂၤလိပ္လိုေတာ့ Deception ဆိုတာေပါ့။
စစ္ပြဲတခုမွာ Logistic (ေထာက္ပံ့ေရး) မႏုိင္ဘဲ ေအာင္ျမင္ဖို႔ သိပ္ခက္တယ္။
ဒါေၾကာင့္ စစ္ဗိုလ္ျဖစ္တာနဲ႔ Logistic အေၾကာင္း နားလည္ရပါတယ္။
ထိုနည္းတူစြာပဲ Professional လုိ႔ ေခၚတဲ့ တကယ္အလုပ္လုပ္ဖူးတဲ့
အတတ္ပညာရွင္ ျဖစ္လာရင္ Logistic ကို အရင္ေမးၾကတာပဲ။ လက္ရွိ စစ္အစိုးရကို
ဆန္႔က်င္ၾကတဲ့ ႏုိင္ငံေရးသမား အမ်ားစုဟာ တာဝန္ၾကီးၾကီးယူရတဲ့ Responsible
အလုပ္ေတြ မလုပ္ဖူးၾကဖူးဘူး (အထူးသျဖင့္ ျပည္ပေရာက္ေနသူေတြပါ)။ လက္ေတြ႔
အေတြ႔အၾကံဳ မရွိၾကဘဲ၊ တသက္လံုး ‘ေအာ္’ လာၾကေတာ့ ‘လိုခ်င္’ တာပဲ သိၾကတယ္။
‘လုိအပ္’ တာကို နားမလည္ၾကဘူးလုိ႔ ျမင္မိတယ္။ လက္ရွိ ျမန္မာ့ႏုိင္ငံေရး
‘ျပည္ပ’ မွာ က်င္လည္ေနၾကတဲ့ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ၾကီးေတြနဲ႔ ေဆြးေႏြးၾကည့္ၾကပါ။
‘အေရးၾကီးၿပီေဟ့’ ဆိုတာကို တြင္တြင္ေျပာၾကပါလိမ့္မယ္။ ဘာအေရးၾကီးတာလဲ၊
ဘာေတြ ‘လို’ သလဲ၊ ဘာေတြ ‘ျပင္’ ထားရမွာလဲ၊ ဘယ္လုိ ‘ေအာင္ပြဲ’ ခံမွာလဲ၊
‘တိုက္ကြက္’ က ဘာလဲ၊ ‘ဆုတ္ကြက္’ က ဘာဆိုတာ မပါၾကဘူး။ တေယာက္ေယာက္က
အေရးၾကီးၿပီဆို အားလံုးက သံေယာင္လိုက္ၿပီး အေရးၾကီး ကုန္ၾကေရာ။ ၾကာေတာ့
တကယ္ အေရးေပၚလာတာေတာင္ လူအမ်ားစုက မယံုေတာ့ဘူးေပါ့။ ဒါ လက္ေတြ႔ပကတိ
ျဖစ္ရပ္ပါ။
ႏုိင္ငံေရးသမားေတြရဲ႕ အားသာခ်က္က Diversity လို႔ ေခၚရမယ့္ လူေပါင္းစံု
ပါဝင္ခြင့္ရတဲ့အတြက္ ဘက္ေပါင္းစံုက ၾကည့္တတ္တယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္
တုိင္းျပည္ထူေထာင္တဲ့ (Day-2) လုပ္ငန္းေတြက်ေတာ့ ပံုမွန္ အံဝင္ခြင္က်
ျဖစ္တယ္။ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးကာလ (Day-1) ကာလမွာက်ေတာ့ ဒီ Diversity က
အားနည္းခ်က္ ျဖစ္လာႏုိင္တယ္။
စစ္ဗိုလ္မွာ ၃ မ်ဳိး ၃ စား ရိွတယ္။ ေရွ႕တန္းမွာ စစ္တို္က္ေတာ္တဲ့
ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ - ဥပမာ ဗို္လ္ခ်ဳပ္ေက်ာ္ေဇာတို႔၊ ဂ်ာမန္ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ ရြမ္းမဲလ္၊
အေမရိကန္ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ မက္အာသာတို႔လိုေပါ့။ စစ္တပ္ရဲ႕ လိုအပ္ခ်က္ကိုသိၿပီး၊
စစ္တပ္ကို ထူေထာင္ႏိုင္တဲ့ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ - ဥပမာ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေမာင္္ေမာင္
(ဆိုရွယ္လစ္)၊ အေမရိကန္ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ မာရွယ္တို႔လိုေပါ့။ ေရွ႕တန္းက
ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြ ေအာင္ပြဲခံႏိုင္ေအာင္ ဒီဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြက
ထူေထာင္ျဖည့္ဆည္းေပးရတာ။ ေနာက္ဆံုးကေတာ့ ႏိုင္ငံေရးနားလည္တဲ့ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္
- ဥပမာ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေနဝင္းနဲ႔ အေမရိကန္ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္
ေကာလင္းပါဝဲလ္တို႔လိုေပါ့။ ဒီဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြက ႏိုင္ငံေရးကို
နားလည္လိုက္စားၿပီး စစ္တပ္ထူေထာင္ဖို႔ ေငြနဲ႔ အခြင့္အေရးေတြရေအာင္
ႏိုင္ငံေရးသမားေတြနဲ႔ ပလူးၿပီး၊ စစ္တပ္ဘတ္ခ်က္အတြက္ ‘ေငြ’ ရွာရတဲ့
ႏိုင္ငံေရး ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြေပါ့။
ဒီမိုကေရစီ မတည့္တံ့ေသးတဲ့ ႏိုင္ငံတိုင္း စစ္တပ္ရဲ႕ အာဏာသိမ္းမႈ
အႏၲရာယ္နဲ႔ ၾကံဳေတြ႔ရတတ္တယ္္။ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံမွာ ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ေတြ ေတာခိုေတာ့
ျပည္တြင္းစစ္ေၾကာင့္ စစ္တပ္ရဲ႕ေနရာနဲ႔ အရိွန္က ပိုၾကီးထြားလာတာေပါ့။
တ႐ုတ္ျဖဴအႏၲရာယ္ၾကံဳရေတာ့ စစ္တပ္ရဲ႕ အရွိန္က ၾကီးသထက္ ၾကီးလာတာေပါ့။
လြတ္လပ္ေရး တိုက္ပြဲကာလမွာ ႏိုင္ငံေရး အကြြက္ျမင္ပါတယ္ဆိုတဲ့ ဦးႏု၊
ဦးေက်ာ္ၿငိမ္း၊ သခင္သန္းထြန္းစတဲ့ ႏိုင္ငံေရးသမားေတြကိုေက်ာ္ၿပီး
ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေနဝင္းဟာ ဘာေၾကာင့္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံေရးကို အုပ္စီးႏုိင္ခဲ့သလဲ။
ႏိုင္ငံေရးပရိယာယ္ ၾကြယ္တာခ်င္း တူၾကရင္ေတာင္ စစ္သားဆိုတာက စိတ္ရွည္တယ္။
ၾကိတ္ၾကံထားတဲ့ အစီအစဥ္ေတြ ရိွတယ္။ ပရိယာယ္နဲ႔ လွည့္ျဖားမႈ Deception
ရိွတယ္။ ႏိုင္ငံေရးသမားေတြကို လွည့္ကစားၿပီး ကိုယ့္လက္ကို
ကိုယ္မျပခဲ့ဘူး။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ ဦးႏုက ၁၉၆၂ ခုႏွစ္ အာဏာသိမ္းခံရတဲ့ ညမွာ
ဗိုလ္ေနဝင္း သိရဲ႕လား၊ ဗိုလ္ေနဝင္း သိရင္ ၿပီးမွာပဲဆိုၿပီး စိတ္ခ်လက္ခ်
အိပ္ေပ်ာ္သြားတာေပါ့။ ဗိုလ္ေနဝင္းက အေစာၾကီး ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ဘ႑ာနဲ႔
ေရၾကည္အိုင္မွာ ႏိုင္ငံေရးသမားေတြကို ထိန္းသိမ္းဖို႔ လံုးခ်င္းအိမ္ေတြ
ၾကိဳေဆာက္ထားတာ ဦးႏု မသိလိုက္ဘူး။ အခ်ိန္ယူၿပီး လိုအပ္ခ်က္ေတြကို
ျဖည့္ဆည္းၿပီးမွ ေခါင္းေအးေအးနဲ႔ အႏိုင္ယူသြားတာ။ ႏိုင္ငံေရးသမားေတြလို
Emotion စိတ္ဆႏၵေစာတာ မပါဘူး။ ဒါ့ေၾကာင့္ အစီအစဥ္ Plan မရိွတတ္တဲ့
စိတ္ဆႏၵေနာက္ လိုက္တတ္္တဲ့ ႏိုင္ငံေရးသမားေတြကို အစီအစဥ္္နဲ႔
စည္းကမ္းရိွတဲ့ စစ္ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္က အာဏာသိမ္းႏိုင္ခဲ့တာ။
ႏိုင္ငံေရးသမားေတြ (ေတြးပံု) (ေတြးနည္း) ကို ေကာင္းေကာင္း နားလည္ၿပီး၊
ၾကိဳတင္ျပင္ဆင္ႏိုင္တာ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေနဝင္းရဲ႕ (အားသာခ်က္) ပဲ။
အခု စစ္တပ္အုပ္စိုးတဲ့ ေခတ္မွာ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးသမားေတြကလည္း စစ္ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြ
ေတြးသလို၊ ေတြးႏိုင္ရမယ္။
ႏိုင္ငံေရး လႈပ္ရွားမႈ၊ ႏိုင္ငံေရး တိုက္ပြဲကို စစ္ပြဲတပြဲ တိုက္သလို
ႏိုင္ငံေရး စစ္ပြဲသဏၭာန္ တိုက္ႏိုင္ရမယ္။
ဒီလိုတိုက္ႏိုင္ဖို႔ ႏိုင္ငံေရးသမားေတြဟာ စစ္ဗ်ဳဟာနဲ႔ စစ္သားစိတ္ဓာတ္၊
စစ္သားဉာဥ္ကို ေလ့လာဆည္္းပူးသင့္တယ္။
ေမာ္စီတံုးဟာ စစ္ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ မဟုတ္ေပမဲ့ စစ္ဗ်ဴဟာကို ေကာင္းေကာင္း
နားလည္တဲ့ ႏိုင္ငံေရးသမားပဲ။ ခ်ဴအင္လိုင္း၊ တိန္ေလွ်ာက္ပိန္တို႔လည္း
စစ္ဗ်ဴဟာကို နားလည္တဲ့၊ စစ္တပ္ကို ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ရတဲ့ ႏိုင္ငံေရး
ကြန္မင္ရွင္နာ Political Commissioners ေတြပဲ။ ခ႐ူးရွက္လည္း
ထိုနည္းလည္းေကာင္းပဲ။ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္းဟာလည္း လိုအပ္လို႔ စစ္တိုက္ရတဲ့
ႏိုင္ငံေရးသမားပဲ။ စစ္ဗိုလ္ေတြေတာင္ ႏိုင္ငံေရး နားလည္ႏိုင္ရင္
ႏိုင္ငံေရးသမားေတြကေတာ့ ဘာေၾကာင့္ စစ္ဗ်ဴဟာ နားမလည္ႏိုင္ရမွာလဲ?
ဒါေပမဲ့ ခက္တာက လက္ရိွ စစ္တပ္ကို ေတာ္လွန္ဖို႔ ၾကိဳးစားေနၾကတဲ့
လူအမ်ားစုက စစ္တပ္အေၾကာင္း စိတ္မဝင္စားၾကဘူး။ စိတ္ဝင္စားတယ္ဆိုတဲ့
လူတခ်ဳိ႕ကလည္း ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္သန္းေရႊနဲ႔ ေမာင္ေအး အားၿပိဳင္ေနၾကတယ္၊
ဘယ္သူကေတာ့ ေဒၚၾကိဳင္ၾကိဳင့္လူ၊ ဘယ္သူနဲ႔ ဘယ္သူ မတဲ့ဘူးဆိုတဲ့ ‘အတင္း’
နဲ႔ ‘အဖ်င္း’ ေနာက္ လိုက္ၾကတာ မ်ားတယ္။ တပ္မေတာ္ ဖြဲ႔စည္းပံုက ဘယ္လုိ၊
ထိပ္က ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြ ‘အာဏာ’ ကို ဘယ္နည္းနဲ႔ ထိမ္းခ်ဳပ္ထားတာလဲ။ စနစ္
System က ဘယ္လို၊ Form ပံုသဏၭာန္က ဘယ္လိုဆိုတာကို အေရးမထားၾကဘူး။
ျမန္မာေတြထဲမွာ စနစ္တက် သတင္းစုေဆာင္းတဲ့ Source သတင္းဆံုခ်က္ မရိွဘူး။
ရလာတဲ့သတင္းကို စိတ္ခံစားမႈမပါဘဲ ရိွတဲ့ Data သတင္းသက္သက္္နဲ႔ ယွဥ္ၿပီး
အရွိကို အရွိအတိုင္း ေဝဖန္သံုးသပ္ႏိုင္တဲ့ ေဝဖန္သံုးသပ္ႏိုင္သူ Analyst
မရိွဘူး။ အမွန္တကယ္ ၾကည့္တတ္္ရင္ Direct Source လို႔ ေခၚတဲ့ တိုက္႐ိုက္
သတင္းေပးႏိုင္သူ မရိွဘူး။ နအဖ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြက သတိရိွတယ္။ ဘယ္သူမွ
အဝင္မခံဘူး။ သူတို႔ေနာက္လိုက္ေတြ၊ ကပ္ဖားေနတဲ့ စီးပြားေရးသမားေတြ
ေျပာတာကို တဆင့္ခံၾကားၿပီး ပံုၾကီးခ်ဲ႕ၾကည့္ေနၾကတာ။ အဂၤလိပ္လို႔ Proxy
လို႔ ေခၚပါတယ္။ တိုက္႐ိုက္သိတာ တေယာက္မွ မရိွပါ။ တဆင့္စကား တဆင့္ပြားၿပီး
လူတတ္္ၾကီးေတြ လုပ္ေနၾကတာပဲ။ နအဖ ဘက္က တမင္လုပ္ၾကံၿပီး ‘အပင္း’
ထည့္တာေတြကလည္း ခဏခဏပဲ။ တၾကိမ္က လက္ရွိ ႏိုင္ငံေရး လႈပ္ရွားေနတဲ့
အေရးပါတဲ့ ႏိုင္ငံေရးသမားတေယာက္က Brigadier General ဗိုလ္မႉးခ်ဳပ္ဟာ
Major General ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ထက္ ရာထူးၾကီး ပါတယ္ဆိုၿပီး အတင္းျငင္းတယ္။
က်ေနာ္ ဘာျပန္ျငင္းရမွန္းမသိ ျဖစ္ခဲ့ရတယ္။ ႏိုင္ငံေရး
လႈပ္ရွားသူေတြၾကားမွာ စစ္တပ္နဲ႔ဆိုင္တဲ့ နားလည္မႈ၊ ေလ့လာမႈ၊ စိတ္ဝင္စားမႈ
ခ်ဳိ႕ယြင္းေနေသးတယ္ ဆိုတာကို သိေစခ်င္တာပါ။
နအဖ ဘက္က ေဒၚစုကို အေသးစိတ္ ေလ့လာထားတယ္။ ေဒၚစုရဲ႕ ေတြးပံုေတြးနည္း၊
ေဒၚစုရဲ႕ စိတ္ဓာတ္ အေနအထား Psychological Profile၊ ေဒၚစုရဲ႕ အားသာခ်က္၊
အားနည္းခ်က္ေတြကို အေသအခ်ာ ေလ့လာျပဳစုထားတယ္။ ဒါ့အျပင္ National Defense
College လို႔ ေခၚတဲ့ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ျဖစ္မယ့္ သူေတြကို ေရြးၿပီး၊
ေမြးထုတ္ေပးတဲ့ အမ်ဳိးသားကာကြယ္ေရး တကၠသိုလ္မွာ NLD ကို
ဘယ္လိုရင္ဆိုင္မလဲ၊ NLD အားသာခဲ့ရင္ ဘယ္လုိ ကိုင္တြယ္မလဲ ဆိုတာကို
စစ္ပြဲတိုက္ပြဲသဏၭာန္ War Game လုပ္ၾကတယ္။ နအဖ က စစ္သားေတြပီပီ
စစ္ပညာရွင္ ရွင္စူး Shin Tsu ေျပာခဲ့တဲ့ Know thy Enemy
သင့္ရန္သူအေၾကာင္းကို သိပါေစ ဆိုတာကို မေမ့ဘူး။ အတိုက္အခံကို
ရင္ဆိုင္ဖို႔ ရန္သူနဲ႔ စစ္တိုက္ရသလို သေဘာထားဆက္ဆံ၊
ၾကိဳတင္ျပင္ဆင္ထားတယ္။
က်ေနာ္တို႔ အတိုက္အခံေတြဘက္က ဘယ္ႏွေယာက္မ်ား စစ္တပ္အေၾကာင္း
စိတ္ဝင္စားလို႔ ေလ့လာထားတာ ရိွၾကသလဲ ျပန္ေမးၾကည့္ၾကပါ။ လက္္တဖက္နဲ႔
ေရႏိုင္ပါတယ္။ ဒီလူနည္းစုထဲမွာပဲ ဘယ္ႏွေယာက္က အတင္းနဲ႔ အဖ်င္းကို
သတင္းနဲ႔ မေရာဘဲ စနစ္တက် စိတ္ျဖာသံုးသပ္ႏိုင္ပါသလဲ။ ဘယ္ဟာက ‘အတင္း’၊
ဘယ္ဟာက ‘သတင္း’ ဆိုတာ ကို ခြဲစိတ္ႏိုင္ၾကရဲ႕လား။ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္သန္းေရႊရဲ႕
ေတြးေတာပံုေတြးေတာနည္း၊ ဘယ္ဟာကို အေလးေပးတယ္၊ ဘယ္ဟာကိုေတာ့ အေရးမေပးဘူး။
သူ႔ရဲ႕ Psychological- Profile ဘယ္လို ဆိုတာေတြကို ျပဳစုထားၾကသလား။
ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္သန္းေရႊနဲ႔ တိုက္႐ိုက္ဆက္ဆံဖူးတဲ့သူ ဘယ္ႏွစ္ေယာက္နဲ႔
ေဆြးေႏြးဖူးၾကသလဲ။ သံတမန္ေတြဆီက ၾကားတဲ့ စကားနဲ႔ တဆင့္ Proxy ေတြက
ေျပာတာေတြကိုပဲ နားစြင့္ၿပီး ပံုၾကီးခ်ဲ႕ေနၾကရတယ္ မဟုတ္လား။ တခါတခါ
အခ်င္းခ်င္း လႊင့္လိုက္တာကပဲ သတင္းျဖစ္ၿပီး ျပန္လည္လာတယ္ မဟုတ္လား။
ဒါေၾကာင့္ အတိုက္အခံေတြၾကားမွာ ျဖစ္ခ်င္တဲ့ ေစတနာနဲ႔ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္သန္းေရႊဟာ
ငေပါၾကီး၊ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ ေမာင္ေအးက ‘ငမူး’ ဒီ ႏွစ္ေယာက္ အားၿပိဳင္ေနၾကတယ္။
စသျဖင့္ စိတ္ကူးယဥ္ ပံုရိပ္ေဖာ္ခဲ့ၾကတယ္။ ကိုယ့္ရႉးကိုယ္ပတ္ၿပီး
ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္သန္းေရႊရဲ႕ ပကတိအေနအထားကို ယုတိၱက်က် မျမင္ခ်င္ေတာ့၊ မျမင္တတ္္
ၾကေတာ့ဘူးေပါ့။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ သန္းေရႊၾကီးေတာ့ ေၾကာက္ေနၿပီ။ သန္းေရႊၾကီး
ဒုကၡေတြ႔ေနၿပီဆိုၿပီး ျဖစ္ခ်င္တာကို စိတ္ခံစားမႈ Emotion နဲ႔ ေရာၿပီး
ယံုလိုက္ၾက၊ ေကာက္ခ်က္ခ်လိုက္ၾကေတာ့ ရန္သူကို အရိွကို အရိွအတိုင္း
မျမင္ၾကဘဲ၊ ျပင္ဆင္မႈ မလုပ္ခဲ့ၾက။ ေနာက္ဆံုး တိုက္ပြဲျဖစ္တိုင္း
ကိုယ့္ဘက္က အဆင့္သင့္မျဖစ္ၾကဘဲ အခြင့္အေရးေတြ ဆံုး၊ အခ်ိန္ေတြကုန္ၿပီး
တိုင္းျပည္နဲ႔ လူမ်ဳိးလည္း ‘စစ္ကြ်န္’ ဘဝက မလြတ္ဘဲ၊ မြဲသထက္
မြဲကုန္ၾကတာေပါ့။
က်ေနာ့္အျမင္ကို တင္ျပရရင္ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္သန္းေရႊဟာ ‘ငေပါ’ မဟုတ္ပါ။ ပညာတတ္
အေတြးအေခၚရိွတဲ့ ‘လူေတာ္’ လည္း မဟုတ္ပါ။ တုိင္းျပည္ကိုခ်စ္တဲ့
‘မ်ဳိးခ်စ္’ လည္း မဟုတ္ပါ။ ဒါေပမဲ့ အာဏာမက္တဲ့၊ အာဏာအေၾကာင္း
ေကာင္းေကာင္း နားလည္တဲ့၊ အာဏာကို ထိန္းႏိုင္တဲ့ ‘အာဏာရွင္’ သက္သက္ပဲ
ျဖစ္တယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ သူဟာ စိတ္ဓာတ္စစ္ဆင္ေရးကို အေတြ႔အၾကံဳရိွတဲ့ လူေတြ႔ရဲ႕
စိတ္ဓာတ္ကို နားလည္တဲ့၊ လမ္းေပၚက တုိက္ပြဲအေၾကာင္းကို နားလည္တဲ့ Street
Smart လူလည္တေယာက္ပဲ။ ဗ်ဳဟာ Strategy ကို နားလည္တဲ့ ဗ်ဳဟာမႉးေကာင္း Good
Strategist လို႔ ေျပာလို႔ရႏိုင္တယ္။
ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္သန္းေရႊဟာ သူ႔အာဏာတည္ၿမဲေရးအတြက္ အာဏာရွင္တိုင္း
က်င့္သံုးရမယ့္ Manipulation & Exploitation by power ဆိုတဲ့
အာဏာသံုးၿပီး လူေတြကို ဘယ္လို အသံုးခ်ရမယ္၊ ၾကိဳးကိုင္ရမယ္ ဆိုတာကုိ
ေကာင္းေကာင္း သိတယ္။ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေနဝင္းရဲ႕ နည္းပရိယာယ္နဲ႔
အာဏာရွင္က်မ္းကို ေက်ခဲ့ပံုရတယ္။ ကိုယ့္အင္အားမရိွခင္ ေရေျမြလို
ၿငိမ္ေနၿပီး အဆိပ္ရိွတာ မျပနဲ႔၊ ပိုင္မွ တခ်ီထဲ ထေပါက္လိုက္တာ။
ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ ခင္ညြန္႔ကို ‘ဝ’ ေအာင္ အသံုးခ်ၿပီး၊ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေနဝင္းကိုေတာင္
ျပန္ကိုင္ႏိုင္တာ ငေပါ ဘယ္ဟုတ္ပါ့မလဲ။ ကိုယ့္ရန္သူေတြက ကုိယ့္ကို
ေလွ်ာ့တြက္ေအာင္ အထင္ေသးေအာင္ ‘ေန’ ႏိုင္တာ ‘ပညာရပ္’ တခုပဲ။
အာဏာရွင္စနစ္မွာ အာဏာရွင္မွန္ရင္ အဓိကဟာ အၿမဲသတိရိွရမယ္၊
အၿမဲေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေနရမယ္၊ ႏိွပ္ကြပ္စရာရွိရင္ လက္မေႏွးရဘူး၊
ရက္စက္ႏိုင္ရမယ္။ စတာလင္ေသာ္၎၊ ေမာ္စီတံုးေသာ္၎ တိုင္းျပည္
အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးနဲ႔ ထူေထာင္ေရးကုိ အခ်ိန္ျပည့္ အေလးထားၾကတာမွ မဟုတ္တာ။ ဒါက
ခ်ဴအင္လိုင္းရဲ႕ တာဝန္။ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးမွာ ေမာ္ ဘာလုပ္ေနတယ္ဆိုတာ
ဘယ္သူမွ အကုန္မသိဘူး။ အကုန္မေျပာ။ အားလံုးအႏၲရာယ္ရိွေအာင္ ‘လုပ္’ ထားၿပီး
တဖက္နဲ႔တဖက္၊ တေယာက္နဲ႔တေယာက္ ‘အားၿပိဳင္’ ခိုင္ထား။ ‘အလုပ္’ ေပးထားတာ။
ဒါမွ အာဏာ လုဖို႔၊ ၾကံဖို႔ အခ်ိန္ မရိွေအာင္ လုပ္ထားတာ။ ေမာ့္ အစီအစဥ္ကို
ေမာ္ တေယာက္ပဲ သိတာ။ ေမာ္ဟာ သူ႔လူေတြကို အခ်ိန္ျပည့္ ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေနတာ။
လူတိုင္းကိုလည္း အေတြ႔မခံ၊ ေတြ႔ခ်င္ရင္ ခြင့္ေတာင္းေနရတာ။
ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္သန္းေရႊကို ေလ့လာရင္လည္း ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြဟာ ေတြ႔ခ်င္တိုင္း
ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္သန္းေရႊကို မေတြ႔ရပါ။ ‘ေခၚ’ မွ ေတြ႔ရပါတယ္။ ၂ဝ၁ဝ
ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲကို ၾကည့္ရင္လည္း ဘယ္သူမွ ဘာ ‘လုပ္’ မယ္ဆိုတာ တိတိက်က်
မသိၾကပါ။ ဟိုဝန္ၾကီးကို တမ်ဳိးခိုင္း၊ ဒီဝန္ၾကီးကို တမ်ဳိးခိုင္း၊
ဒီဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ကို မ်က္ႏွာသာေပးလိုက္၊ ဟိုဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ကုိ
ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ခ်က္ေပးလိုက္နဲ႔ အခ်င္းခ်င္း ၿပိဳင္ခိုင္းထားတာပါ။ အာဏာကို
နားမလည္တဲ့ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ဆိုရင္ အကြက္မွားတာနဲ႔ ‘နာ’ ၿပီသာ မွတ္ေပေတာ့။ ၂ဝ၁ဝ
ေရြးေကာက္မွာ ဘာျဖစ္မယ္ဆိုတာ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္သန္းေရႊပဲ သိတယ္လို႔ က်ေနာ္
ယူဆတယ္။
ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္သန္းေရႊ ‘မွား’ တဲ့ အကြက္ေတြ အမ်ားၾကီး ရိွပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့
ဒီအမွားေတြကိုလိုက္ ‘နင္း’ ဖို႔ အဆင္သင့္ျဖစ္ေအာင္ ျပင္ဆင္မႈ မရိွတာကေတာ့
က်ေနာ္တို႔ အတိုက္ခံေတြရဲ႕ ‘အားနည္း’ ခ်က္ သက္သက္ပဲ။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ ‘အတို’
ခ်ဳပ္ရရင္ -
* ရန္သူကို နားလည္ပါ Know your Enemy
* ရန္သူ ေတြးသလို၊ ေတြးပါ
* စစ္ပြဲတပြဲလို (ျပင္ဆင္) ထားပါ
* စစ္သား (ေတြး) နည္းကုိ သိပါေစ
* စစ္သားျဖစ္မွေတာ့ လူသတ္ရမွာကို မေၾကာက္တာေၾကာင့္ စိတ္ပုတီးဆြဲၿပီး တိုက္၍ မရပါ
* စစ္အာဏာရွင္စနစ္ကို ရင္ဆိုင္ခ်င္ရင္ ‘အႏိုင္’ ယူရမွာကို လက္တြန္႔၍ မရပါ
* ျပင္ဆင္မႈ ရွိၾကပါေစ
* ႏိုင္ငံေရးတိုက္ပြဲကို စစ္ပြဲတပြဲအျဖစ္ ျမင္ၾက၍ ဗ်ဴဟာ ရွိပါေစ။
ဘိုဘိုေက်ာ္ၿငိမ္း
ၾကာသပေတးေန႔၊ ဂ်ဴလုိင္လ 09 ရက္ 2009 ခုႏွစ္ 14 နာရီ 09 မိနစ္
ဗ်ဴဟာ ေပၚလစီ စမ္းစစ္ခ်က္
က်ေနာ္တို႔ ျမန္မာေတြရဲ႕ ႏိုင္ငံေရးယဥ္ေက်းမႈ အားနည္းခ်က္တခုမွာ “မူ”
သို႔မဟုတ္ ေပၚလစီထက္ “လူ” ကို ခင္တြယ္တာ “ပို” ၾကတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ ေဒၚစုက
အၾကမ္းမဖက္တဲ့ ဝါဒ Non-Violence ကုိ ဦးစားေပးတယ္ဆိုတာနဲ႔ လူတိုင္း
အၾကမ္းမဖက္တဲ့ ဝါဒီေတြ ျဖစ္ကုန္ၾကေရာ။ ေဒၚစုနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္တယ္ ထင္ရင္ပဲ
“ရလဒ္” ကို မဆန္းစစ္ခ်င္ၾကေတာ့ဘူး။ အၾကမ္းမဖက္တဲ့ ဝါဒဆိုတာ ခံယူခ်က္၊
ေပၚလစီ မဟုတ္ပါ။
အၾကမ္းမဖက္တဲ့ ဝါဒအေပၚ အေျခခံၿပီး ေစ့စပ္ေရးလမ္းေၾကာင္း ေပၚလစီကို
ေဖာ္ေဆာင္ရာမွာ ကုလသမဂၢ ယူအင္ - UN ကိုခ်ည္း အားကိုးေန၍ မရႏိုင္ပါဘူး။
အေမရိကန္နဲ႔ အေနာက္ႏိုင္ငံေတြက စီးပြားေရးပိတ္ဆို႔မႈနဲ႔ ဖိအားေပး၊
ကုလသမဂၢက လံုၿခံဳေရး ေကာင္စီမွာ ျမန္မာ့အေရး ေဆြးေႏြးမယ္ဆိုၿပီး
ရာဇသံေပးလို႔ နအဖ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြကို စည္းေဝးဝိုင္းအတြင္း ဆြဲေခၚဖို႔
ၾကိဳးစားခဲ့ၾကတာ အႏွစ္ ၂၀ ရွိၿပီပဲ။
ေပၚလစီ ေဖာ္ေဆာင္မႈမွာ အားနည္းတာလား၊ ေပၚလစီကိုယ္တုိင္က အားနည္းတာလား၊
ဆိုတာကို ဘယ္သူကမွ ဆန္းစစ္ဖို႔ သတိမရွိခဲ့ၾကဘူး။
နအဖ က “အခ်ိန္” ကို ရတဲ့နည္းနဲ႔ ဆြဲ၊ “အခ်ိန္” ကို လက္နက္အျဖစ္ သံုးခဲ့တာ
အႏွစ္ ၂၀ ၾကာေတာ့ “လူ” ေတြလည္း ေျခကုန္လက္ပန္းက်၊ တိုင္းျပည္လည္း
မြဲသထက္မြဲ၊ ျမန္မာျပည္သားေတြလည္း တကမၻာလံုး ျပန္႔ၾကဲကုန္၊
ႏိုင္ငံေရးသမား အမ်ားစုဟာလည္း ေထာင္ထဲေရာက္ကုန္ၿပီ။
နအဖ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြကေတာ့ အလွည့္က်နည္းနဲ႔ တိုင္းျပည္ သယံဇာတေတြကို
ေရာင္းစားရင္း ခ်မ္းသာၾကြယ္ဝၿပီး၊ ျမန္မာစစ္တပ္ဟာ ၾကီးထြားလာ႐ံုမက
အႏုျမဴလက္နက္ ပိုင္ဆိုင္တဲ့ ႏိုင္ငံျဖစ္ေရးအတြက္ ၾကိဳးပမ္းလ်က္ရွိတယ္။
နအဖ က ျပည္တြင္း အတိုက္ခံေတြကို အႏိုင္ကိုင္ႏိုင္ၿပီလို႔ ယူဆပံုရတယ္။
ေနာက္တဆင့္ ေရနံနဲ႔ ဓာတ္ေငြ႔ကရတဲ့ ေငြေတြနဲ႔ စစ္အင္အားကို ခ်ဲ႕ကာ
ေဒသဆိုင္ရာ စစ္အင္အားၾကီးႏိုင္ငံ ျဖစ္ရေအာင္ ခ်ီတက္လ်က္ရွိတယ္။
မၾကာခင္ အႏွစ္ ၂ဝ အတြင္းမွာ စစ္အစိုးရဟာ ျမန္မာျပည္သူျပည္သားေတြသာမက
အေရွ႕ေတာင္အာရွ ေဒသတခုလံုးကိုပါ လက္နက္အားကိုးနဲ႔
ၿခိမ္းေျခာက္ပါလိမ့္မယ္။ အားလံုးအတြက္ ျပႆနာ ျဖစ္လာပါလိမ့္မယ္။
ေဒၚစုရဲ႕ ျပႆနာ
က်ေနာ့္အျမင္အရ ေဒၚစုကုိ ထိပ္တန္းကုိ တင္ပုိ႔လုိက္တာ ေဒၚစုရဲ႕ သတၱိနဲ႔
ဒီမိုကေရစီ ယံုၾကည္ခ်က္အျပင္ အၾကမ္းမဖက္တဲ့ဝါဒ Non-Violence ကုိ
ထိပ္တန္းတင္လာတဲ့အတြက္ အေနာက္ႏုိင္ငံက တက္ၾကြလႈပ္ရွားသူေတြ Activists ေတြ
အၾကိဳက္ ျဖစ္သြားတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ ႏိုဘယ္ဆုရေအာင္
ဝိုင္းထမ္းတင္ေပးလိုက္ၾကတယ္။ ဒီဆုၾကီးေၾကာင့္ ကိုင္ထားတဲ့ ဝါဒကုိ
ပစ္ပယ္လုိ႔ မရေတာ့ဘူး။ ဒီနည္းနဲ႔ နအဖ ကုိ တုိက္လို႔မရေၾကာင္း သိရင္ေတာင္
ဒီလမ္းက ေသြဖည္ဖုိ႔ အခက္ျဖစ္ေနတယ္။ Activists ဆုိတာ တာဝန္ယူမႈ မရွိဘူး။
အေရြးခံရတဲ့ ႏုိင္ငံေရးသမားေတြနဲ႔ ေပၚလစီကုိင္သူ Policy makers ေတြရဲ႕
တာဝန္ကုိး။
ေဒၚစုက ဘာသာေရးၾကည္ညိဳစိတ္ ျပင္းပုံရတယ္။ ဂ်ပန္က ပညာရွင္တေယာက္က ေဒၚစုနဲ႔
အင္တာဗ်ဴးလုပ္ၿပီး ျပန္ေရးျပထားတဲ့ အထဲမွာ ေဒၚစုဟာ ဘာသာေရးနဲ႔ ၾကည့္ၿပီး
“ အမွန္တရား” က “ မေကာင္းမႈအမွား” ကုိ ေက်ာ္လႊား အႏုိင္ယူမယ္လုိ႔
ျမင္ပုံရတယ္လုိ႔ သုံးသပ္ထားတယ္။ လက္ေတြ႔မွာ အာဏာနဲ႔ စည္းစိမ္အတြက္ဆုိရင္
“ဘာသာ” လည္း မရွိ၊ တုိင္းျပည္နဲ႔ လူမ်ဳိး ခ်စ္စိတ္လည္း မရွိ၊
တုိင္းျပည္ကုိ ေရာင္းစားရမွာလည္း မေၾကာက္တဲ့ မိစၦာဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြကို
“အမွား”၊ “အမွန္” တခုထဲနဲ႔ အႏုိင္ယူဖုိ႔၊ ေမတၱာသစၥာနဲ႔ပဲ
အႏုိင္ယူဖုိ႔ဆိုတာ လက္ေတြ႔က်ပါ့မလားလို႔ ေမးစရာရွိတယ္။
စတာလင္တို႔၊ ေမာ္စီတံုးတုိ႔ဆုိတာ အာဏာအတြက္ ကိုယ့္လူမ်ဳိးေတြကုိ
သန္းေပါင္း ဆယ္ဂဏန္းမက သတ္ခဲ့ၾကတဲ့ လူသတ္ေကာင္ေတြပဲ။ ဒါေပမဲ့
အာဏာလက္ကုိင္ ဘဝနဲ႔ ေသဆံုးသြားၾကေတာ့ သူရဲေကာင္းေတြအျဖစ္ ေသသြားၾကၿပီး
အခုမွ ရာဇဝင္က တျဖည္းျဖည္း ေဖာ္လာၾကရတာပဲ။ အာဏာရွင္ဆုိတာ
ဆန္႔က်င္႐ုံနဲ႔မရ ေတာ္လွန္မွ ရတာကိုး ။ ေမာ္စီတံုးေျပာသြားသလို အာဏာဆိုတာ
ေသနတ္ေျပာင္းဝက လာတယ္ဆိုတာကို တ႐ုတ္ေတြဆီက နအဖ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြက လက္ခံ
ဆည္းပူးထားပံုရတယ္။
ေဒၚစုဟာ စိတ္ေကာင္း ရွိလြန္းတယ္။ မိခင္စိတ္ ရွိလြန္းတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္
မရက္စက္ခ်င္ဘူး။ ျဖစ္ႏုိင္ရင္ ခြင့္လႊတ္ခ်င္တယ္။ ဒိအျပင္
ကိုယ့္လူငယ္ေတြကုိ ရက္ရက္စက္စက္၊ ျပတ္ျပတ္သားသား မစြန္႔လႊတ္ မစေတး
ရက္ဘူး။
စိတ္ေကာင္းရွိတဲ ့ အၾကမ္းမဖက္တဲ့ ဝါဒကုိ ယုံၾကည္မႈျပင္းတဲ့ ေဒၚစုကုိ
က်ေနာ္ နားလည္တယ္။ သူ အနာခံ ဆန္႔က်င္ျပတာကုိ ေက်းဇူးလည္း တင္တယ္။
အေမရိကားမွာ သမၼတၾကီး ျငင္းဆုိခြင့္ Plausible Deniability ရွိေအာင္
တခါတရံ သမၼတကုိ တမင္အသိမေပးဘဲ ေအာက္က လုပ္ရတာေတြ ရွိတယ္။ ဒီလုိပဲ
ေဒၚစုကို ဒီမုိကေရစီ ပုံရိပ္အျဖစ္ လူေတြ တက္ၾကြလာေအာင္
ႏႈိးေဆာ္ေပးႏုိင္တဲ့ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ Inspirational- Leader အျဖစ္
ထိပ္မွာတင္ထားၿပီး၊ မလုပ္မျဖစ္တဲ့ Grass-Root ေအာက္ေျခလူတန္းစား
စည္း႐ုံးေရးနဲ႔ အင္အား တည္ေဆာက္ဖုိ႔က က်ေနာ္တုိ႔အားလုံးရဲ႕
တာဝန္ျဖစ္တယ္လို႔ ျမင္မိတယ္။ ဒီ “အင္အား” နဲ႔ ေတာေျခာက္ၿပီး၊
အေျဖရွာၿပီးေတာ့မွ ထိပ္မွာေနာက္ဆံုး ညိႇႏႈိင္းေဆြးေႏြးၾကရင္
က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ေဒၚစုပဲ “အေျဖရွာ” ရမွာပဲ။ ဒါေၾကာင့္
ေနာက္ဆံုးပန္းတိုင္ကို ေဒၚစုသာ ေလွ်ာက္ႏိုင္ပါတယ္။ Only Daw Suu can
walks the last mile လို႔ က်ေနာ္ အခါခါ ေရးျပခဲ့တာေပါ့။
“အင္အား” မတည္ေဆာက္ႏုိင္သေရြ႔၊ ေတာမေျခာက္ႏုိင္သေရြ႔၊ အေနာက္ႏုိင္ငံေတြက
ဟန္ေဆာင္ၿခိမ္းေျခာက္္လုိက္၊ လုိအပ္ရင္ တ႐ုတ္နဲ႔ ႐ုရွားက ဗီတုိနဲ႔
ဟန္႔တားလုိက္၊ နအဖ က အတုိက္အခံ ဟူသမွ်ကို ဖမ္းၿပီး ႏွစ္ရွည္လမ်ား
ေထာင္ထဲမွာ ထည့္ထားလုိက္နဲ႔ အခ်ိန္ကုိဆြဲ၊ “အခ်ိန္” ကုိ လက္နက္အျဖစ္
အသုံးျပဳၿပီး ကုိမင္းကိုႏုိင္တုိ႔လည္း ႏွစ္ ၆ဝ ေက်ာ္၊ ေဒၚစုလည္း ႏွစ္ ၈ဝ
ေက်ာ္ ေရာက္ကုန္မယ္။ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ အားလုံး သဘာဝ တရားအရ တျဖည္းျဖည္း
ခႏၶာေၾကြကုန္ၾကမယ္။
စိတ္ဓာတ္က်စရာမဟုတ္ အရွိကုိ အရွိအတုိင္း ျမင္တတ္ဖုိ႔သာ လုိပါတယ္။
လက္ရွိအေျခအေနမွာ အတိုက္အခံဟာ ‘အားနည္းတယ္’။ ဒါကို စိတ္ဓာတ္က်စရာ မလုိပါ။
ဘာေၾကာင့္ အားနည္းသလဲဆုိတာကို ၾကည့္ျမင္တတ္ရင္ ဘယ္လုိ ‘အားရွိ’ ေအာင္
လုပ္မလဲဆုိတာကုိ ‘အေျဖ’ ရွာရမယ္။ End Game ဆုိတဲ့ ေနာက္ဆုံး
ရည္မွန္းခ်က္က ဘာလဲဆုိတာကုိ သိရမယ္။ သိမွ ‘ဗ်ဴဟာ’ ကို ျပင္ခ်င္ရင္ျပင္၊
ျဖည့္စြက္္ခ်င္ရင္ ျဖည့္စြက္္ေပါ့။ ‘လုိခ်င္’ တဲ့ စိတ္ ရွိဖုိ႔ လိုတယ္။
လုိလွ်င္ၾကံဆ နည္းလမ္းရတာေပါ့။
ႏိုင္ငံေရးသမားဆိုတာ
ျမန္မာ့လြတ္လပ္ေရးသမိုင္းကစလုိ႔ ဒီကေန႔အထိ ျမန္မာ့ႏိုင္ငံေရးသမုိင္းကို
ၾကည့္ရင္ ႏုိင္ငံေရးသမား ေတြ၎၊ ႏုိင္ငံေရးကုိ စိတ္ဝင္စားသူေတြ အမ်ားစုဟာ
ျပႆနာတခုျဖစ္ရင္ ဝုန္းဆုိ ေကာက္႐ုိးမီးလို ထေတာက္ၾကၿပီး၊
စိတ္အလုိလုိက္တတ္ၾကတယ္။ ေရတက္ေနတဲ့ အခ်ိန္မွာ ဆူၾကပူၾက ျဖစ္ၾကၿပီး၊
ေသြးေအးသြားရင္ ဖုတ္ဆို ျပဳတ္က်၊ စိတ္ဝင္စားမႈ မရွိၾကေတာ့ဘူး။ အထူးသျဖင့္
စိတ္လႈပ္ရွားမႈျဖစ္ၿပီး၊ စိတ္အလုိလုိက္ Emotional ျဖစ္တတ္္ၾကတယ္။
လူအုပ္မ်ားလာရင္ လူအုပ္စိတ္ဓာတ္ Mob Mentality ဝင္လာၿပီး တေယာက္ေယာက္က
ထေအာ္လုိက္ရင္ “ေဟ့လာ … ေမာင္႐ုိးဝါး” ဆုိၿပီး ထလုိက္သြားတတ္္ၾကတယ္။
ဒါေၾကာင့္ ႏုိင္ငံေရးသမားေတြဟာ ဖ႐ုိဖရဲနဲ႔ လူအုပ္ေနာက္ ပါသြားတတ္ၾကတယ္။
တနည္းအားျဖင့္ ႏုိင္ငံေရးသမား အမ်ားစုဟာ ေသြးေအးေအးနဲ႔
ၾကိဳတင္ျပင္ဆင္ၿပီး အစီအစဥ္ “ပလင္” ေကာင္းေကာင္းနဲ႔ တဆင့္ၿပီး တဆင့္၊
ေျခလွမ္း တခ်က္ၿပီး တစ္ခ်က္ ေျခလွမ္းညီညီ မလွမ္းတတ္ၾကဘူး။ ဒါက
ႏုိင္ငံေရးသမားေတြရဲ႕ (အားနည္းခ်က္)ပဲ။
ဒါေၾကာင့္ ႏုိင္ငံေရးသမားေတြေတြးပုံက လူထုလႈပ္ရွားမႈ၊ လူထုတုိက္ပြဲ
အတင္းဝင္၊ အတင္းတက္၊ အတင္းေအာ္ၾကေပါ့။
စစ္သားဆုိတာ
စစ္သားဆုိတာက စစ္သား ‘စ’ ျဖစ္တဲ့ေန႔မွာပဲ ‘လြတ္လပ္ခြင့္’ ကုိ
တံခါးေပါက္မွာ ထားခဲ့ရၿပီ။ ခုိင္းတာလုပ္၊ ေစရာသြား၊ ျပန္မေျပာနဲ႔ဆုိတဲ့
သံမဏိစည္းကမ္းကုိ လုိက္နာရၿပီ။ ေရာမေခတ္ကတည္းက စစ္သားဆုိတာ
‘စုစည္းမႈအဖြဲ႔’ နဲ႔ အားယူတာပဲ။ တဦးခ်င္းမဟုတ္၊ အဖြဲ႔နဲ႔ တုိက္ရတာကုိး။
တပ္စု တပ္စိပ္ တပ္ခြဲ တပ္ရင္း တပ္မဟာ တပ္္မ တပ္မအုပ္စု တပ္မေတာ္ဆုိၿပီး
‘အစု’ နဲ႔ တုိက္တာ။
စစ္သားဆုိတာ စစ္ပြဲမျဖစ္ခင္ကတည္းက Battle-Plan လုိ႔ေခၚတဲ့ စစ္ပြဲအစီစဥ္
(Plan) ရွိတယ္။ Logistic လို႔ ေခၚတဲ့ ေထာက္ပံ့မႈေတြကို ျဖည့္ဆည္းထားရမယ္။
Training လုိ႔ ေခၚတဲ့ ျပင္ဆင္မႈသင္တန္းေတြ ရွိရတယ္။ Reinforcement လုိ႔
ေခၚတဲ့ တပ္ျဖည့္မႈေတြကုိ နားလည္ရတယ္။ Intelligence လုိ႔ ေခၚတဲ့
ၾကိဳတင္ေထာက္လွမ္းၿပီး ရန္သူ႔သတင္း ရွိေနရမယ္။ Objective လုိ႔ ေခၚတဲ့
မိမိသိမ္းပုိက္ရမယ့္ ရည္မွန္းခ်က္၊ ဗ်ဴဟာ Strategy ။ ေနာက္ဆုံး ဆုတ္ရရင္
Exit-Strategy ဆုိတဲ့ ထြက္ေပါက္ေတြ အားလုံးကုိ စဥ္းစားထားရမယ္။ ဒါ
စစ္ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္တိုင္း မသိမျဖစ္သိရမယ့္ အေျခခံအခ်က္ေတြပဲ၊
စစ္ပညာအရင္းခံပဲဲ။ ဒါေၾကာင့္စစ္ဗိုလ္ေတြရဲ႕ အားသာခ်က္က ေခါင္းေအးေအးနဲ႔
အစီအစဥ္ (Plan) နဲ႔ တိုက္တတ္တဲ့ အက်င့္ရွိတယ္။ စိတ္ထဲေပၚတဲ့အတုိင္း
စိတ္ဆြဲေဆာင္ရာေနာက္ မလိုက္ႏိုင္၊ လိုက္ခြင့္ မရွိပါ။
စစ္ပြဲအစီအစဥ္ ရွိၿပီးတာေတာင္ မလံုေလာက္ေသးပါ။ War Games လုိ႔ ေခၚတဲ့ ၂
ဖက္ ၂ သင္း ဖြဲ႔ၿပီး၊ တုိက္ၾကည့္ရပါတယ္။ ဒါမွ Logistic လိုအပ္ခ်က္ေတြ၊
ဗ်ဴဟာ Strategy ရဲ႕ အားနည္းခ်က္၊ အားသာခ်က္ေတြ ‘ေပၚ’ လာၿပီး
ျပင္ႏိုင္တယ္။ စစ္ပြဲတပြဲမွာ ရန္သူအငိုက္မိေအာင္ လွ်ပ္တျပက္
တုိက္ႏိုင္္တာဟာ အေရးအၾကီးဆံုးပဲ။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ ဘယ္ေျခာက္ခါ ညာလွမ္းဆိုသလို
တဖက္ကို ဟန္ျပၿပီး၊ ပရိယာယ္သံုးရတာကို ေကာင္းေကာင္း နားလည္ရတယ္။
အဂၤလိပ္လိုေတာ့ Deception ဆိုတာေပါ့။
စစ္ပြဲတခုမွာ Logistic (ေထာက္ပံ့ေရး) မႏုိင္ဘဲ ေအာင္ျမင္ဖို႔ သိပ္ခက္တယ္။
ဒါေၾကာင့္ စစ္ဗိုလ္ျဖစ္တာနဲ႔ Logistic အေၾကာင္း နားလည္ရပါတယ္။
ထိုနည္းတူစြာပဲ Professional လုိ႔ ေခၚတဲ့ တကယ္အလုပ္လုပ္ဖူးတဲ့
အတတ္ပညာရွင္ ျဖစ္လာရင္ Logistic ကို အရင္ေမးၾကတာပဲ။ လက္ရွိ စစ္အစိုးရကို
ဆန္႔က်င္ၾကတဲ့ ႏုိင္ငံေရးသမား အမ်ားစုဟာ တာဝန္ၾကီးၾကီးယူရတဲ့ Responsible
အလုပ္ေတြ မလုပ္ဖူးၾကဖူးဘူး (အထူးသျဖင့္ ျပည္ပေရာက္ေနသူေတြပါ)။ လက္ေတြ႔
အေတြ႔အၾကံဳ မရွိၾကဘဲ၊ တသက္လံုး ‘ေအာ္’ လာၾကေတာ့ ‘လိုခ်င္’ တာပဲ သိၾကတယ္။
‘လုိအပ္’ တာကို နားမလည္ၾကဘူးလုိ႔ ျမင္မိတယ္။ လက္ရွိ ျမန္မာ့ႏုိင္ငံေရး
‘ျပည္ပ’ မွာ က်င္လည္ေနၾကတဲ့ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ၾကီးေတြနဲ႔ ေဆြးေႏြးၾကည့္ၾကပါ။
‘အေရးၾကီးၿပီေဟ့’ ဆိုတာကို တြင္တြင္ေျပာၾကပါလိမ့္မယ္။ ဘာအေရးၾကီးတာလဲ၊
ဘာေတြ ‘လို’ သလဲ၊ ဘာေတြ ‘ျပင္’ ထားရမွာလဲ၊ ဘယ္လုိ ‘ေအာင္ပြဲ’ ခံမွာလဲ၊
‘တိုက္ကြက္’ က ဘာလဲ၊ ‘ဆုတ္ကြက္’ က ဘာဆိုတာ မပါၾကဘူး။ တေယာက္ေယာက္က
အေရးၾကီးၿပီဆို အားလံုးက သံေယာင္လိုက္ၿပီး အေရးၾကီး ကုန္ၾကေရာ။ ၾကာေတာ့
တကယ္ အေရးေပၚလာတာေတာင္ လူအမ်ားစုက မယံုေတာ့ဘူးေပါ့။ ဒါ လက္ေတြ႔ပကတိ
ျဖစ္ရပ္ပါ။
ႏုိင္ငံေရးသမားေတြရဲ႕ အားသာခ်က္က Diversity လို႔ ေခၚရမယ့္ လူေပါင္းစံု
ပါဝင္ခြင့္ရတဲ့အတြက္ ဘက္ေပါင္းစံုက ၾကည့္တတ္တယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္
တုိင္းျပည္ထူေထာင္တဲ့ (Day-2) လုပ္ငန္းေတြက်ေတာ့ ပံုမွန္ အံဝင္ခြင္က်
ျဖစ္တယ္။ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးကာလ (Day-1) ကာလမွာက်ေတာ့ ဒီ Diversity က
အားနည္းခ်က္ ျဖစ္လာႏုိင္တယ္။
စစ္ဗိုလ္မွာ ၃ မ်ဳိး ၃ စား ရိွတယ္။ ေရွ႕တန္းမွာ စစ္တို္က္ေတာ္တဲ့
ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ - ဥပမာ ဗို္လ္ခ်ဳပ္ေက်ာ္ေဇာတို႔၊ ဂ်ာမန္ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ ရြမ္းမဲလ္၊
အေမရိကန္ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ မက္အာသာတို႔လိုေပါ့။ စစ္တပ္ရဲ႕ လိုအပ္ခ်က္ကိုသိၿပီး၊
စစ္တပ္ကို ထူေထာင္ႏိုင္တဲ့ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ - ဥပမာ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေမာင္္ေမာင္
(ဆိုရွယ္လစ္)၊ အေမရိကန္ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ မာရွယ္တို႔လိုေပါ့။ ေရွ႕တန္းက
ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြ ေအာင္ပြဲခံႏိုင္ေအာင္ ဒီဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြက
ထူေထာင္ျဖည့္ဆည္းေပးရတာ။ ေနာက္ဆံုးကေတာ့ ႏိုင္ငံေရးနားလည္တဲ့ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္
- ဥပမာ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေနဝင္းနဲ႔ အေမရိကန္ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္
ေကာလင္းပါဝဲလ္တို႔လိုေပါ့။ ဒီဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြက ႏိုင္ငံေရးကို
နားလည္လိုက္စားၿပီး စစ္တပ္ထူေထာင္ဖို႔ ေငြနဲ႔ အခြင့္အေရးေတြရေအာင္
ႏိုင္ငံေရးသမားေတြနဲ႔ ပလူးၿပီး၊ စစ္တပ္ဘတ္ခ်က္အတြက္ ‘ေငြ’ ရွာရတဲ့
ႏိုင္ငံေရး ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြေပါ့။
ဒီမိုကေရစီ မတည့္တံ့ေသးတဲ့ ႏိုင္ငံတိုင္း စစ္တပ္ရဲ႕ အာဏာသိမ္းမႈ
အႏၲရာယ္နဲ႔ ၾကံဳေတြ႔ရတတ္တယ္္။ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံမွာ ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ေတြ ေတာခိုေတာ့
ျပည္တြင္းစစ္ေၾကာင့္ စစ္တပ္ရဲ႕ေနရာနဲ႔ အရိွန္က ပိုၾကီးထြားလာတာေပါ့။
တ႐ုတ္ျဖဴအႏၲရာယ္ၾကံဳရေတာ့ စစ္တပ္ရဲ႕ အရွိန္က ၾကီးသထက္ ၾကီးလာတာေပါ့။
လြတ္လပ္ေရး တိုက္ပြဲကာလမွာ ႏိုင္ငံေရး အကြြက္ျမင္ပါတယ္ဆိုတဲ့ ဦးႏု၊
ဦးေက်ာ္ၿငိမ္း၊ သခင္သန္းထြန္းစတဲ့ ႏိုင္ငံေရးသမားေတြကိုေက်ာ္ၿပီး
ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေနဝင္းဟာ ဘာေၾကာင့္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံေရးကို အုပ္စီးႏုိင္ခဲ့သလဲ။
ႏိုင္ငံေရးပရိယာယ္ ၾကြယ္တာခ်င္း တူၾကရင္ေတာင္ စစ္သားဆိုတာက စိတ္ရွည္တယ္။
ၾကိတ္ၾကံထားတဲ့ အစီအစဥ္ေတြ ရိွတယ္။ ပရိယာယ္နဲ႔ လွည့္ျဖားမႈ Deception
ရိွတယ္။ ႏိုင္ငံေရးသမားေတြကို လွည့္ကစားၿပီး ကိုယ့္လက္ကို
ကိုယ္မျပခဲ့ဘူး။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ ဦးႏုက ၁၉၆၂ ခုႏွစ္ အာဏာသိမ္းခံရတဲ့ ညမွာ
ဗိုလ္ေနဝင္း သိရဲ႕လား၊ ဗိုလ္ေနဝင္း သိရင္ ၿပီးမွာပဲဆိုၿပီး စိတ္ခ်လက္ခ်
အိပ္ေပ်ာ္သြားတာေပါ့။ ဗိုလ္ေနဝင္းက အေစာၾကီး ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ဘ႑ာနဲ႔
ေရၾကည္အိုင္မွာ ႏိုင္ငံေရးသမားေတြကို ထိန္းသိမ္းဖို႔ လံုးခ်င္းအိမ္ေတြ
ၾကိဳေဆာက္ထားတာ ဦးႏု မသိလိုက္ဘူး။ အခ်ိန္ယူၿပီး လိုအပ္ခ်က္ေတြကို
ျဖည့္ဆည္းၿပီးမွ ေခါင္းေအးေအးနဲ႔ အႏိုင္ယူသြားတာ။ ႏိုင္ငံေရးသမားေတြလို
Emotion စိတ္ဆႏၵေစာတာ မပါဘူး။ ဒါ့ေၾကာင့္ အစီအစဥ္ Plan မရိွတတ္တဲ့
စိတ္ဆႏၵေနာက္ လိုက္တတ္္တဲ့ ႏိုင္ငံေရးသမားေတြကို အစီအစဥ္္နဲ႔
စည္းကမ္းရိွတဲ့ စစ္ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္က အာဏာသိမ္းႏိုင္ခဲ့တာ။
ႏိုင္ငံေရးသမားေတြ (ေတြးပံု) (ေတြးနည္း) ကို ေကာင္းေကာင္း နားလည္ၿပီး၊
ၾကိဳတင္ျပင္ဆင္ႏိုင္တာ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေနဝင္းရဲ႕ (အားသာခ်က္) ပဲ။
အခု စစ္တပ္အုပ္စိုးတဲ့ ေခတ္မွာ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးသမားေတြကလည္း စစ္ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြ
ေတြးသလို၊ ေတြးႏိုင္ရမယ္။
ႏိုင္ငံေရး လႈပ္ရွားမႈ၊ ႏိုင္ငံေရး တိုက္ပြဲကို စစ္ပြဲတပြဲ တိုက္သလို
ႏိုင္ငံေရး စစ္ပြဲသဏၭာန္ တိုက္ႏိုင္ရမယ္။
ဒီလိုတိုက္ႏိုင္ဖို႔ ႏိုင္ငံေရးသမားေတြဟာ စစ္ဗ်ဳဟာနဲ႔ စစ္သားစိတ္ဓာတ္၊
စစ္သားဉာဥ္ကို ေလ့လာဆည္္းပူးသင့္တယ္။
ေမာ္စီတံုးဟာ စစ္ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ မဟုတ္ေပမဲ့ စစ္ဗ်ဴဟာကို ေကာင္းေကာင္း
နားလည္တဲ့ ႏိုင္ငံေရးသမားပဲ။ ခ်ဴအင္လိုင္း၊ တိန္ေလွ်ာက္ပိန္တို႔လည္း
စစ္ဗ်ဴဟာကို နားလည္တဲ့၊ စစ္တပ္ကို ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ရတဲ့ ႏိုင္ငံေရး
ကြန္မင္ရွင္နာ Political Commissioners ေတြပဲ။ ခ႐ူးရွက္လည္း
ထိုနည္းလည္းေကာင္းပဲ။ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္းဟာလည္း လိုအပ္လို႔ စစ္တိုက္ရတဲ့
ႏိုင္ငံေရးသမားပဲ။ စစ္ဗိုလ္ေတြေတာင္ ႏိုင္ငံေရး နားလည္ႏိုင္ရင္
ႏိုင္ငံေရးသမားေတြကေတာ့ ဘာေၾကာင့္ စစ္ဗ်ဴဟာ နားမလည္ႏိုင္ရမွာလဲ?
ဒါေပမဲ့ ခက္တာက လက္ရိွ စစ္တပ္ကို ေတာ္လွန္ဖို႔ ၾကိဳးစားေနၾကတဲ့
လူအမ်ားစုက စစ္တပ္အေၾကာင္း စိတ္မဝင္စားၾကဘူး။ စိတ္ဝင္စားတယ္ဆိုတဲ့
လူတခ်ဳိ႕ကလည္း ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္သန္းေရႊနဲ႔ ေမာင္ေအး အားၿပိဳင္ေနၾကတယ္၊
ဘယ္သူကေတာ့ ေဒၚၾကိဳင္ၾကိဳင့္လူ၊ ဘယ္သူနဲ႔ ဘယ္သူ မတဲ့ဘူးဆိုတဲ့ ‘အတင္း’
နဲ႔ ‘အဖ်င္း’ ေနာက္ လိုက္ၾကတာ မ်ားတယ္။ တပ္မေတာ္ ဖြဲ႔စည္းပံုက ဘယ္လုိ၊
ထိပ္က ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြ ‘အာဏာ’ ကို ဘယ္နည္းနဲ႔ ထိမ္းခ်ဳပ္ထားတာလဲ။ စနစ္
System က ဘယ္လို၊ Form ပံုသဏၭာန္က ဘယ္လိုဆိုတာကို အေရးမထားၾကဘူး။
ျမန္မာေတြထဲမွာ စနစ္တက် သတင္းစုေဆာင္းတဲ့ Source သတင္းဆံုခ်က္ မရိွဘူး။
ရလာတဲ့သတင္းကို စိတ္ခံစားမႈမပါဘဲ ရိွတဲ့ Data သတင္းသက္သက္္နဲ႔ ယွဥ္ၿပီး
အရွိကို အရွိအတိုင္း ေဝဖန္သံုးသပ္ႏိုင္တဲ့ ေဝဖန္သံုးသပ္ႏိုင္သူ Analyst
မရိွဘူး။ အမွန္တကယ္ ၾကည့္တတ္္ရင္ Direct Source လို႔ ေခၚတဲ့ တိုက္႐ိုက္
သတင္းေပးႏိုင္သူ မရိွဘူး။ နအဖ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြက သတိရိွတယ္။ ဘယ္သူမွ
အဝင္မခံဘူး။ သူတို႔ေနာက္လိုက္ေတြ၊ ကပ္ဖားေနတဲ့ စီးပြားေရးသမားေတြ
ေျပာတာကို တဆင့္ခံၾကားၿပီး ပံုၾကီးခ်ဲ႕ၾကည့္ေနၾကတာ။ အဂၤလိပ္လို႔ Proxy
လို႔ ေခၚပါတယ္။ တိုက္႐ိုက္သိတာ တေယာက္မွ မရိွပါ။ တဆင့္စကား တဆင့္ပြားၿပီး
လူတတ္္ၾကီးေတြ လုပ္ေနၾကတာပဲ။ နအဖ ဘက္က တမင္လုပ္ၾကံၿပီး ‘အပင္း’
ထည့္တာေတြကလည္း ခဏခဏပဲ။ တၾကိမ္က လက္ရွိ ႏိုင္ငံေရး လႈပ္ရွားေနတဲ့
အေရးပါတဲ့ ႏိုင္ငံေရးသမားတေယာက္က Brigadier General ဗိုလ္မႉးခ်ဳပ္ဟာ
Major General ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ထက္ ရာထူးၾကီး ပါတယ္ဆိုၿပီး အတင္းျငင္းတယ္။
က်ေနာ္ ဘာျပန္ျငင္းရမွန္းမသိ ျဖစ္ခဲ့ရတယ္။ ႏိုင္ငံေရး
လႈပ္ရွားသူေတြၾကားမွာ စစ္တပ္နဲ႔ဆိုင္တဲ့ နားလည္မႈ၊ ေလ့လာမႈ၊ စိတ္ဝင္စားမႈ
ခ်ဳိ႕ယြင္းေနေသးတယ္ ဆိုတာကို သိေစခ်င္တာပါ။
နအဖ ဘက္က ေဒၚစုကို အေသးစိတ္ ေလ့လာထားတယ္။ ေဒၚစုရဲ႕ ေတြးပံုေတြးနည္း၊
ေဒၚစုရဲ႕ စိတ္ဓာတ္ အေနအထား Psychological Profile၊ ေဒၚစုရဲ႕ အားသာခ်က္၊
အားနည္းခ်က္ေတြကို အေသအခ်ာ ေလ့လာျပဳစုထားတယ္။ ဒါ့အျပင္ National Defense
College လို႔ ေခၚတဲ့ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ျဖစ္မယ့္ သူေတြကို ေရြးၿပီး၊
ေမြးထုတ္ေပးတဲ့ အမ်ဳိးသားကာကြယ္ေရး တကၠသိုလ္မွာ NLD ကို
ဘယ္လိုရင္ဆိုင္မလဲ၊ NLD အားသာခဲ့ရင္ ဘယ္လုိ ကိုင္တြယ္မလဲ ဆိုတာကို
စစ္ပြဲတိုက္ပြဲသဏၭာန္ War Game လုပ္ၾကတယ္။ နအဖ က စစ္သားေတြပီပီ
စစ္ပညာရွင္ ရွင္စူး Shin Tsu ေျပာခဲ့တဲ့ Know thy Enemy
သင့္ရန္သူအေၾကာင္းကို သိပါေစ ဆိုတာကို မေမ့ဘူး။ အတိုက္အခံကို
ရင္ဆိုင္ဖို႔ ရန္သူနဲ႔ စစ္တိုက္ရသလို သေဘာထားဆက္ဆံ၊
ၾကိဳတင္ျပင္ဆင္ထားတယ္။
က်ေနာ္တို႔ အတိုက္အခံေတြဘက္က ဘယ္ႏွေယာက္မ်ား စစ္တပ္အေၾကာင္း
စိတ္ဝင္စားလို႔ ေလ့လာထားတာ ရိွၾကသလဲ ျပန္ေမးၾကည့္ၾကပါ။ လက္္တဖက္နဲ႔
ေရႏိုင္ပါတယ္။ ဒီလူနည္းစုထဲမွာပဲ ဘယ္ႏွေယာက္က အတင္းနဲ႔ အဖ်င္းကို
သတင္းနဲ႔ မေရာဘဲ စနစ္တက် စိတ္ျဖာသံုးသပ္ႏိုင္ပါသလဲ။ ဘယ္ဟာက ‘အတင္း’၊
ဘယ္ဟာက ‘သတင္း’ ဆိုတာ ကို ခြဲစိတ္ႏိုင္ၾကရဲ႕လား။ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္သန္းေရႊရဲ႕
ေတြးေတာပံုေတြးေတာနည္း၊ ဘယ္ဟာကို အေလးေပးတယ္၊ ဘယ္ဟာကိုေတာ့ အေရးမေပးဘူး။
သူ႔ရဲ႕ Psychological- Profile ဘယ္လို ဆိုတာေတြကို ျပဳစုထားၾကသလား။
ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္သန္းေရႊနဲ႔ တိုက္႐ိုက္ဆက္ဆံဖူးတဲ့သူ ဘယ္ႏွစ္ေယာက္နဲ႔
ေဆြးေႏြးဖူးၾကသလဲ။ သံတမန္ေတြဆီက ၾကားတဲ့ စကားနဲ႔ တဆင့္ Proxy ေတြက
ေျပာတာေတြကိုပဲ နားစြင့္ၿပီး ပံုၾကီးခ်ဲ႕ေနၾကရတယ္ မဟုတ္လား။ တခါတခါ
အခ်င္းခ်င္း လႊင့္လိုက္တာကပဲ သတင္းျဖစ္ၿပီး ျပန္လည္လာတယ္ မဟုတ္လား။
ဒါေၾကာင့္ အတိုက္အခံေတြၾကားမွာ ျဖစ္ခ်င္တဲ့ ေစတနာနဲ႔ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္သန္းေရႊဟာ
ငေပါၾကီး၊ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ ေမာင္ေအးက ‘ငမူး’ ဒီ ႏွစ္ေယာက္ အားၿပိဳင္ေနၾကတယ္။
စသျဖင့္ စိတ္ကူးယဥ္ ပံုရိပ္ေဖာ္ခဲ့ၾကတယ္။ ကိုယ့္ရႉးကိုယ္ပတ္ၿပီး
ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္သန္းေရႊရဲ႕ ပကတိအေနအထားကို ယုတိၱက်က် မျမင္ခ်င္ေတာ့၊ မျမင္တတ္္
ၾကေတာ့ဘူးေပါ့။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ သန္းေရႊၾကီးေတာ့ ေၾကာက္ေနၿပီ။ သန္းေရႊၾကီး
ဒုကၡေတြ႔ေနၿပီဆိုၿပီး ျဖစ္ခ်င္တာကို စိတ္ခံစားမႈ Emotion နဲ႔ ေရာၿပီး
ယံုလိုက္ၾက၊ ေကာက္ခ်က္ခ်လိုက္ၾကေတာ့ ရန္သူကို အရိွကို အရိွအတိုင္း
မျမင္ၾကဘဲ၊ ျပင္ဆင္မႈ မလုပ္ခဲ့ၾက။ ေနာက္ဆံုး တိုက္ပြဲျဖစ္တိုင္း
ကိုယ့္ဘက္က အဆင့္သင့္မျဖစ္ၾကဘဲ အခြင့္အေရးေတြ ဆံုး၊ အခ်ိန္ေတြကုန္ၿပီး
တိုင္းျပည္နဲ႔ လူမ်ဳိးလည္း ‘စစ္ကြ်န္’ ဘဝက မလြတ္ဘဲ၊ မြဲသထက္
မြဲကုန္ၾကတာေပါ့။
က်ေနာ့္အျမင္ကို တင္ျပရရင္ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္သန္းေရႊဟာ ‘ငေပါ’ မဟုတ္ပါ။ ပညာတတ္
အေတြးအေခၚရိွတဲ့ ‘လူေတာ္’ လည္း မဟုတ္ပါ။ တုိင္းျပည္ကိုခ်စ္တဲ့
‘မ်ဳိးခ်စ္’ လည္း မဟုတ္ပါ။ ဒါေပမဲ့ အာဏာမက္တဲ့၊ အာဏာအေၾကာင္း
ေကာင္းေကာင္း နားလည္တဲ့၊ အာဏာကို ထိန္းႏိုင္တဲ့ ‘အာဏာရွင္’ သက္သက္ပဲ
ျဖစ္တယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ သူဟာ စိတ္ဓာတ္စစ္ဆင္ေရးကို အေတြ႔အၾကံဳရိွတဲ့ လူေတြ႔ရဲ႕
စိတ္ဓာတ္ကို နားလည္တဲ့၊ လမ္းေပၚက တုိက္ပြဲအေၾကာင္းကို နားလည္တဲ့ Street
Smart လူလည္တေယာက္ပဲ။ ဗ်ဳဟာ Strategy ကို နားလည္တဲ့ ဗ်ဳဟာမႉးေကာင္း Good
Strategist လို႔ ေျပာလို႔ရႏိုင္တယ္။
ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္သန္းေရႊဟာ သူ႔အာဏာတည္ၿမဲေရးအတြက္ အာဏာရွင္တိုင္း
က်င့္သံုးရမယ့္ Manipulation & Exploitation by power ဆိုတဲ့
အာဏာသံုးၿပီး လူေတြကို ဘယ္လို အသံုးခ်ရမယ္၊ ၾကိဳးကိုင္ရမယ္ ဆိုတာကုိ
ေကာင္းေကာင္း သိတယ္။ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေနဝင္းရဲ႕ နည္းပရိယာယ္နဲ႔
အာဏာရွင္က်မ္းကို ေက်ခဲ့ပံုရတယ္။ ကိုယ့္အင္အားမရိွခင္ ေရေျမြလို
ၿငိမ္ေနၿပီး အဆိပ္ရိွတာ မျပနဲ႔၊ ပိုင္မွ တခ်ီထဲ ထေပါက္လိုက္တာ။
ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ ခင္ညြန္႔ကို ‘ဝ’ ေအာင္ အသံုးခ်ၿပီး၊ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေနဝင္းကိုေတာင္
ျပန္ကိုင္ႏိုင္တာ ငေပါ ဘယ္ဟုတ္ပါ့မလဲ။ ကိုယ့္ရန္သူေတြက ကုိယ့္ကို
ေလွ်ာ့တြက္ေအာင္ အထင္ေသးေအာင္ ‘ေန’ ႏိုင္တာ ‘ပညာရပ္’ တခုပဲ။
အာဏာရွင္စနစ္မွာ အာဏာရွင္မွန္ရင္ အဓိကဟာ အၿမဲသတိရိွရမယ္၊
အၿမဲေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေနရမယ္၊ ႏိွပ္ကြပ္စရာရွိရင္ လက္မေႏွးရဘူး၊
ရက္စက္ႏိုင္ရမယ္။ စတာလင္ေသာ္၎၊ ေမာ္စီတံုးေသာ္၎ တိုင္းျပည္
အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးနဲ႔ ထူေထာင္ေရးကုိ အခ်ိန္ျပည့္ အေလးထားၾကတာမွ မဟုတ္တာ။ ဒါက
ခ်ဴအင္လိုင္းရဲ႕ တာဝန္။ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးမွာ ေမာ္ ဘာလုပ္ေနတယ္ဆိုတာ
ဘယ္သူမွ အကုန္မသိဘူး။ အကုန္မေျပာ။ အားလံုးအႏၲရာယ္ရိွေအာင္ ‘လုပ္’ ထားၿပီး
တဖက္နဲ႔တဖက္၊ တေယာက္နဲ႔တေယာက္ ‘အားၿပိဳင္’ ခိုင္ထား။ ‘အလုပ္’ ေပးထားတာ။
ဒါမွ အာဏာ လုဖို႔၊ ၾကံဖို႔ အခ်ိန္ မရိွေအာင္ လုပ္ထားတာ။ ေမာ့္ အစီအစဥ္ကို
ေမာ္ တေယာက္ပဲ သိတာ။ ေမာ္ဟာ သူ႔လူေတြကို အခ်ိန္ျပည့္ ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေနတာ။
လူတိုင္းကိုလည္း အေတြ႔မခံ၊ ေတြ႔ခ်င္ရင္ ခြင့္ေတာင္းေနရတာ။
ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္သန္းေရႊကို ေလ့လာရင္လည္း ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြဟာ ေတြ႔ခ်င္တိုင္း
ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္သန္းေရႊကို မေတြ႔ရပါ။ ‘ေခၚ’ မွ ေတြ႔ရပါတယ္။ ၂ဝ၁ဝ
ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲကို ၾကည့္ရင္လည္း ဘယ္သူမွ ဘာ ‘လုပ္’ မယ္ဆိုတာ တိတိက်က်
မသိၾကပါ။ ဟိုဝန္ၾကီးကို တမ်ဳိးခိုင္း၊ ဒီဝန္ၾကီးကို တမ်ဳိးခိုင္း၊
ဒီဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ကို မ်က္ႏွာသာေပးလိုက္၊ ဟိုဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ကုိ
ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ခ်က္ေပးလိုက္နဲ႔ အခ်င္းခ်င္း ၿပိဳင္ခိုင္းထားတာပါ။ အာဏာကို
နားမလည္တဲ့ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ဆိုရင္ အကြက္မွားတာနဲ႔ ‘နာ’ ၿပီသာ မွတ္ေပေတာ့။ ၂ဝ၁ဝ
ေရြးေကာက္မွာ ဘာျဖစ္မယ္ဆိုတာ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္သန္းေရႊပဲ သိတယ္လို႔ က်ေနာ္
ယူဆတယ္။
ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္သန္းေရႊ ‘မွား’ တဲ့ အကြက္ေတြ အမ်ားၾကီး ရိွပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့
ဒီအမွားေတြကိုလိုက္ ‘နင္း’ ဖို႔ အဆင္သင့္ျဖစ္ေအာင္ ျပင္ဆင္မႈ မရိွတာကေတာ့
က်ေနာ္တို႔ အတိုက္ခံေတြရဲ႕ ‘အားနည္း’ ခ်က္ သက္သက္ပဲ။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ ‘အတို’
ခ်ဳပ္ရရင္ -
* ရန္သူကို နားလည္ပါ Know your Enemy
* ရန္သူ ေတြးသလို၊ ေတြးပါ
* စစ္ပြဲတပြဲလို (ျပင္ဆင္) ထားပါ
* စစ္သား (ေတြး) နည္းကုိ သိပါေစ
* စစ္သားျဖစ္မွေတာ့ လူသတ္ရမွာကို မေၾကာက္တာေၾကာင့္ စိတ္ပုတီးဆြဲၿပီး တိုက္၍ မရပါ
* စစ္အာဏာရွင္စနစ္ကို ရင္ဆိုင္ခ်င္ရင္ ‘အႏိုင္’ ယူရမွာကို လက္တြန္႔၍ မရပါ
* ျပင္ဆင္မႈ ရွိၾကပါေစ
* ႏိုင္ငံေရးတိုက္ပြဲကို စစ္ပြဲတပြဲအျဖစ္ ျမင္ၾက၍ ဗ်ဴဟာ ရွိပါေစ။
Monday, 13 July 2009
၁၉၉၀ ၏ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲရလဒ္ကို အသိအမွတ္ျပဳရန္နွင့္ေထာက္ခံရန္
ျမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရသည္၁၉၈၈ စက္တင္ဘာလ ၁၈ ရက္ေန႔မွာ အၾကီးမားဆံုးလူထုအေရးေတာ္ပံုၾကီး ကို နွိမ္နွင္းျပီး အာဏာကိုရယူလာခဲ့သည္။ ၁၉၉၀ ေမလ ၂၇ ရက္ေန႔မွာ စစ္အစိုးရမွၾကီးမႈးျပီးေတာ့ အေထြေထြေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ ကိုက်င္းပခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ထိုေရြးုေကာက္ပြဲတြင္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ ဦးေဆာင္ေသာ အမ်ိဳးသားဒီမိုကေရစီ အဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္ဟာ ၈၉.၈% ႐ွိေသာမဲမ်ားကို ရရွိခါ အျပတ္အသတ္အနိုင္ရရွိခဲ့ပါသည္။ သို႔ေသာ္လည္း စစ္ဗိုလ္ခ်ုပ္ၾကီးမ်ားဟာ အႏိုင္ရတဲ့ရလဒ္ကို အသိအမွတ္ျပဳရန္ျငင္းဆန္ခဲ့ျပီး ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ နွင့္ တိုင္းရင္းသား ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား ၊ ေက်ာင္းသားေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား၊ NLD အဖြဲ႔ဝင္မ်ားကို ဖမ္းဆီးေထာင္ခ်ခဲ့ပါသည္။ စစ္အစိုးရ၏ ဥပေဒအမွတ္ ၁၄/၈၉ ျပည္သူ႕လႊတ္ေတာ္ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ ဥပေဒအရ အခန္း ၃ တြင္ လႊတ္ေတာ္ကို လႊတ္ေတာ္၏ကိုယ္စားလည္မ်ားက ဖြဲ႔စည္းရမည္ဟု တရားဝင္ေဖၚျပထားပါသည္။
ထိုေၾကာင့္ Burma Democratic Concern နွင့္ အျခားဒီမိုကေရစီလိုလားေသာ အဖြဲ႔အစည္းမ်ားသည္ UK Priminister Mr Gordon Brown ကို ၁၉၉၀ ၏ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲရလဒ္ကို အသိအမွတ္ျပဳရန္နွင့္ေထာက္ခံရန္၊ အျပည္ျပည္ဆိုင္ရာ အဖြဲ႔အစည္းမ်ား ၊ အျပည္ျပည္ဆိုင္ရာရွိမိသားစုဝင္မ်ား အားလံုးအား ျမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရံ၏ ၂၀၁၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ game ကို မေထာက္ခံၾကဖို႔ေတာင္းဆိုပါသည္။ ေအာက္တြင္ ေဖၚျပထားေသာ link မွတဆင့္ အမွတ္ 10 Downing Street မွာရွိတဲ့ website ကိုေရာက္ရွိသြားပါလိမ့္မည္။ လူတိုင္း လူတိုင္းသည္ ျမန္မာျပည္လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရးအတြက္ အလြန္အေရးပါတဲ့ ေနရာမွပါဝင္ပတ္သက္ေန ၾကပါသည္။ ၊ ဒါေၾကာင့္အခုလို Burma Democratic Concern သည္ လူတိုင္းလူတိုင္းအား ဒီ petition တြင္ဝင္ေရာက္ လက္မွတ္ထိုးျခင္းအားျဖင့္ သင္တို႔အားလံုးတို႔၏၊ ျမန္မာလူမ်ိဳးတို႔၏ လြတ္လပ္ေရးရရွိေရးကိုျပၾကပါဟု ေတာင္းဆိုလိုပါသည္ ။ ဒါေၾကာင့္မို႔ သင္တို႔ရဲ႕ စိတ္ရွိစိုးရိမ္ပူပန္မႈ႔နဲ႔ အမွန္တကယ္ ဂရုဏာထားမႈ႔ေတြကို ဒီ Burma Democratic Concern ရဲ႕ petition မွာဝင္ေရာက္လက္မွတ္ထိုးေပးၾကပါဟုေတာင္းဆိုလိုပါသည္။
http://petitions.pm.gov.uk/bdcpetition
http://www.gopetition.com/petitions/implement-1990-elections-result-in-burma/sign.html
www.bdcburma.org
Sunday, 12 July 2009
Push to lifttrade ties with Burma
Published: 12/07/2009 at 12:00 AM
Newspaper section: News
More trade and investments are needed between Thailand and Burma, former army chief Chettha Thanajaro said, after being named new chairman of the Thai-Burmese cultural and economic cooperation association.
He said that despite the global economic slump which had led to a reduction in trade between the two countries, the association was likely to remain a key driver for the growth of bilateral trade.
Gen Chettha said he would lead a delegation of Thai investors to Burma to discuss any problems which hinder economic cooperation.
With Burma's abundant natural resources and Thailand's advanced technology, both countries would receive huge benefits if they can strengthen cooperation.
Thai businesses were ready to increase investments in Burma if the atmosphere permits.
The association would not interfere in Burma's internal affairs and would focus its activities on economic and cultural exchanges, he said.
Thailand is Burma's third biggest trading partner and both countries' trade with each other has increased in the past few years.
In the 2005-2006 fiscal year, trade between the two nations was worth US$1.59 billion, but in the 2006-2007 fiscal year that had grown to US$2.4 billion, or about 30% of Burma's overall trade volume.
Published: 12/07/2009 at 12:00 AM
Newspaper section: News
More trade and investments are needed between Thailand and Burma, former army chief Chettha Thanajaro said, after being named new chairman of the Thai-Burmese cultural and economic cooperation association.
He said that despite the global economic slump which had led to a reduction in trade between the two countries, the association was likely to remain a key driver for the growth of bilateral trade.
Gen Chettha said he would lead a delegation of Thai investors to Burma to discuss any problems which hinder economic cooperation.
With Burma's abundant natural resources and Thailand's advanced technology, both countries would receive huge benefits if they can strengthen cooperation.
Thai businesses were ready to increase investments in Burma if the atmosphere permits.
The association would not interfere in Burma's internal affairs and would focus its activities on economic and cultural exchanges, he said.
Thailand is Burma's third biggest trading partner and both countries' trade with each other has increased in the past few years.
In the 2005-2006 fiscal year, trade between the two nations was worth US$1.59 billion, but in the 2006-2007 fiscal year that had grown to US$2.4 billion, or about 30% of Burma's overall trade volume.
Friday, 10 July 2009
SOS BURMA,’ time for UN to do the right thing
SOS BURMA,’ time for UN to do the right thing
by May Ng
Wednesday, 08 July 2009 14:45
Unlike in the past visit, this time there was no real expectation that the United Nations General Secretary’s visit to Burma would change anything.
The State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) wanted Ban Ki-moon only to see a sterile and desolate Naypyidaw and forget the long suffering Karen and Shan people living in armed conflict areas, or the hellish lives of exiled Rohingyas, or the Chin, Kachin, Arkan, Mon, Hindus, Muslims, Christians and Chinese who lack citizenships or human rights, and the revered Buddhist monks living under severe oppression.
But one thing is certain that conflicts are only between the SPDC and the rest of Burma. Be it among ethnic nationalities or people of different shade of skin or faith it is only when SPDC enters the picture sparks of resentment ignite and even the same ethnic brothers are persuaded to take up arms against each other.
The generals may consider Naypyidaw their spanking modern Kyan-sit-thar fantasy land. But in reality they are surrounded by enemies they have created. They are digging tunnels deeper underground and they do desperately seek nuclear and missile capability. There is every reason to assume that the latest North Korean ship which has turned back might have been carrying suspicious weapons for the military junta in Burma.
In 1952 the great traveler Norman Lewis wrote that to cross the Burmese frontier was to pass behind a curtain excluding all news of the outside world. And he said that while in Vietnam the established authority was challenged by a united opposition with a single ideology, in Burma the government was opposed by countless band of oppositions and ideologies. He also wrote that unlike Vietnam in the 50’s where even after the years of Japanese occupation and the war with the French, much of the ordinary routine of life had survived, Burma in comparison had remained isolated and mysterious.
The military in Burma therefore came to power by default rather than by its ability. Its intention now is to hold Burma a hostage to its past. But things have changed since the internet generation came of age as seen in the 2007 Saffron Revolution.
Without true liberty and equality, small minorities even while oppressed by the mighty military or invaded by a major ethnicity, will continue to rebel. Political turmoil across the globe from Baghdad to Urumqi in Xinjiang clearly suggests that the use of force alone gains very little. No matter how large the military force the ghost of discontent will continue to circle unseen, only to show its anger and ferocity in another unexpected corner.
The battle ground will shift but Generals in Naypyidaw will continue to be haunted by ghosts of yesterday’s rebels long after their tunnel complexes are built and their arsenals fully assembled.
The Shan State armed movement initiated first by a small band of July 7th student rebels after the 1962 coup, has evolved into today’s Shan State Army South. Its present chairman Colonel Yawd Serk said that a political party without an army is similar to a tiger without claws and fangs; nevertheless he also believes that it is the political force which must lead the army. And to be able to lead, the political force must have a good competitive constitution, rules and regulations and clear political policy. The humanitarian wing of the SSA organization, the Shan Sapawa Environmental Organisation member Sai Khur Hseng has been trying to procure funds to provide political and democracy lessons to its fighters. The priority and the frontline of Burma’s fight for freedom have moved on and now traverse across linguistic, cultural, political and racial barriers. It is now expected that uniting the efforts of all political and ethnic movement is more possible than ever.
Besides, with the electronic speed of traversing borders, Burma is now clearly visible on the world’s stage. The challenge for Ban ki-moon is what can the United Nations do to stop the overt hostility of the Burmese military junta against their own people, and to help end the political persecution and military aggression on ethnic areas in Burma? For a start Ban should press the UNSC to forbid all arms sale to the military regime. The Saffron Revolution central leader U Pyinya Zawta urged that to be effective President Obama, ASEAN and EU must all work together to continue to pressure the Burmese military. It is right that Ban Ki moon asked for the release of Aung San Suu Kyi and all political prisoners to make clear to the regime of Naypyidaw that the 2010 election will be a sham without freedom for the people in Burma.
The Burmese people will never forget their leaders in junta’s jails. Not withstanding what James George Scott wrote in 1886 that ‘Pohn-gyee’ or Burmese monk’s person is sacred and inviolable and nothing he does can subject him to the civil law. U Pyinya Zawta, a Saffron commander in exile confirmed that Ashin U Gambira, the spokesperson and a distinguished monk leader of the ABMA during the Saffron Revolution is now sick in prison from torture and severe punishment by the military in Burma.
Min Ko Naing’s poem written in 2007,
‘8888’
Slavery by foreigners
Or slavery by military dictators
No slavery will be tolerated
Flag of the Peacock!
Atop the student union
We shall resurrect ‘Daun A Larn’ the Peacock flag
and the traffic volume on Ko Moethee Zun’s web blog are evidences that, even in the aftermath of the bloody show of force against the young leaders during the 2007 Saffron Revolution, nothing will stop the anti-government activities continuing in the shadow of bloody oppression in Burma. The new generation leaders believe that the freedom prize they seek is not worth anything if it isn’t worth dying for.
(May Ng is a member of Justice for Human Rights in Burma.)
http://www.mizzima.com/edop/commentary/2418-sos-burma-time-for-un-to-do-the-right-thing.html
by May Ng
Wednesday, 08 July 2009 14:45
Unlike in the past visit, this time there was no real expectation that the United Nations General Secretary’s visit to Burma would change anything.
The State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) wanted Ban Ki-moon only to see a sterile and desolate Naypyidaw and forget the long suffering Karen and Shan people living in armed conflict areas, or the hellish lives of exiled Rohingyas, or the Chin, Kachin, Arkan, Mon, Hindus, Muslims, Christians and Chinese who lack citizenships or human rights, and the revered Buddhist monks living under severe oppression.
But one thing is certain that conflicts are only between the SPDC and the rest of Burma. Be it among ethnic nationalities or people of different shade of skin or faith it is only when SPDC enters the picture sparks of resentment ignite and even the same ethnic brothers are persuaded to take up arms against each other.
The generals may consider Naypyidaw their spanking modern Kyan-sit-thar fantasy land. But in reality they are surrounded by enemies they have created. They are digging tunnels deeper underground and they do desperately seek nuclear and missile capability. There is every reason to assume that the latest North Korean ship which has turned back might have been carrying suspicious weapons for the military junta in Burma.
In 1952 the great traveler Norman Lewis wrote that to cross the Burmese frontier was to pass behind a curtain excluding all news of the outside world. And he said that while in Vietnam the established authority was challenged by a united opposition with a single ideology, in Burma the government was opposed by countless band of oppositions and ideologies. He also wrote that unlike Vietnam in the 50’s where even after the years of Japanese occupation and the war with the French, much of the ordinary routine of life had survived, Burma in comparison had remained isolated and mysterious.
The military in Burma therefore came to power by default rather than by its ability. Its intention now is to hold Burma a hostage to its past. But things have changed since the internet generation came of age as seen in the 2007 Saffron Revolution.
Without true liberty and equality, small minorities even while oppressed by the mighty military or invaded by a major ethnicity, will continue to rebel. Political turmoil across the globe from Baghdad to Urumqi in Xinjiang clearly suggests that the use of force alone gains very little. No matter how large the military force the ghost of discontent will continue to circle unseen, only to show its anger and ferocity in another unexpected corner.
The battle ground will shift but Generals in Naypyidaw will continue to be haunted by ghosts of yesterday’s rebels long after their tunnel complexes are built and their arsenals fully assembled.
The Shan State armed movement initiated first by a small band of July 7th student rebels after the 1962 coup, has evolved into today’s Shan State Army South. Its present chairman Colonel Yawd Serk said that a political party without an army is similar to a tiger without claws and fangs; nevertheless he also believes that it is the political force which must lead the army. And to be able to lead, the political force must have a good competitive constitution, rules and regulations and clear political policy. The humanitarian wing of the SSA organization, the Shan Sapawa Environmental Organisation member Sai Khur Hseng has been trying to procure funds to provide political and democracy lessons to its fighters. The priority and the frontline of Burma’s fight for freedom have moved on and now traverse across linguistic, cultural, political and racial barriers. It is now expected that uniting the efforts of all political and ethnic movement is more possible than ever.
Besides, with the electronic speed of traversing borders, Burma is now clearly visible on the world’s stage. The challenge for Ban ki-moon is what can the United Nations do to stop the overt hostility of the Burmese military junta against their own people, and to help end the political persecution and military aggression on ethnic areas in Burma? For a start Ban should press the UNSC to forbid all arms sale to the military regime. The Saffron Revolution central leader U Pyinya Zawta urged that to be effective President Obama, ASEAN and EU must all work together to continue to pressure the Burmese military. It is right that Ban Ki moon asked for the release of Aung San Suu Kyi and all political prisoners to make clear to the regime of Naypyidaw that the 2010 election will be a sham without freedom for the people in Burma.
The Burmese people will never forget their leaders in junta’s jails. Not withstanding what James George Scott wrote in 1886 that ‘Pohn-gyee’ or Burmese monk’s person is sacred and inviolable and nothing he does can subject him to the civil law. U Pyinya Zawta, a Saffron commander in exile confirmed that Ashin U Gambira, the spokesperson and a distinguished monk leader of the ABMA during the Saffron Revolution is now sick in prison from torture and severe punishment by the military in Burma.
Min Ko Naing’s poem written in 2007,
‘8888’
Slavery by foreigners
Or slavery by military dictators
No slavery will be tolerated
Flag of the Peacock!
Atop the student union
We shall resurrect ‘Daun A Larn’ the Peacock flag
and the traffic volume on Ko Moethee Zun’s web blog are evidences that, even in the aftermath of the bloody show of force against the young leaders during the 2007 Saffron Revolution, nothing will stop the anti-government activities continuing in the shadow of bloody oppression in Burma. The new generation leaders believe that the freedom prize they seek is not worth anything if it isn’t worth dying for.
(May Ng is a member of Justice for Human Rights in Burma.)
http://www.mizzima.com/edop/commentary/2418-sos-burma-time-for-un-to-do-the-right-thing.html
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)
