Yours 2010

Copied from http://arzarni.blogspot.com/

24 Jan Yeyintnge's Diary

ေျပာခ်င္လို႔ (၅) (ေပးစာ)
မဂၤလာပါ ...

ရဲတပ္ဖြဲ႔မွာ ရဲတပ္သားသစ္ေတြ အရမ္းစုေဆာင္းေနပါတယ္။ ဘာလုပ္မလို႔လဲေတာ့ မသိပါဘူး။ ရွိတဲ့တပ္ဖြဲ႔၀င္ ေတြကိုေတာင္ ၀ေအာင္ မေကြၽးႏိုင္ေသးပါဘူး။ ရဲတပ္သားသစ္မွာလည္း ႐ိုး႐ိုးရဲနဲ႔ ေဒသရဲဆိုၿပီး စုခိုင္းခဲ့ပါ တယ္။ ေဒသရဲေတြက သင္တန္းမတက္ရဘူးဆိုၿပီး အခုက်ေတာ့ သင္တန္းတက္ခိုင္းပါတယ္။ သင္တန္းလည္း တက္ခိုင္းေရာ စာရင္းေပးထားတဲ့ ေမာင္မင္းႀကီးသားေတြ လစ္ကုန္ၾကတယ္။ မလာေတာ့ပါဘူး။ အဲဒါကိုၾကည့္ ရင္ ၀င္ခ်င္တဲ့သူေတြကလည္း ဘာခံယူခ်က္မွမရွိပါဘူး။ အေနေခ်ာင္မလားလို႔ လာၾကည့္တာပါ။ မေခ်ာင္ေတာ့ လစ္တာေပါ့။

ရဲတပ္ဖြဲ႔မွာ အမိန္႔ေတြက လႈပ္လို႔မရေအာင္ကို ထုတ္ထားတယ္။ ဘယ္လိုေျပာရမလဲဆိုေတာ့ ဘာျပႆနာျဖစ္ ျဖစ္ ဘယ္တုန္းက ဘာေတြ ညႊန္ၾကားထားတယ္ေလ ... ေအာက္က မလိုက္နာလို႔ ဘာညာေပါ့။ သူတို႔ထုတ္ ထားတဲ့ အမိန္႔ေတြကို သူတို႔ေတာင္ မလိုက္နာႏိုင္ပါဘူး။ ခုဆို အမိန္႔ေတြက ဟိုဟာမလုပ္နဲ႔ ဒီဟာမလုပ္နဲ႔ ဒါက ျပႆနာျဖစ္မယ္နဲ႔ ထုတ္ထားလိုက္တာ ခုဆို ရဲေတြက မဟုတ္တာလုပ္တဲ့သူေတြကိုေတာင္ ေၾကာက္ေနရပါ ေတာ့တယ္။ ေလာင္းကစား၀ိုင္းဆိုလည္း မဖမ္းနဲ႔၊ ခ်ဲထီေရာင္းေနလည္း မဖမ္းနဲ႔၊ ဘယ္မွာ ျပႆနာျဖစ္ေန တယ္ဆိုလည္း ၀င္မပါနဲ႔၊ ေနာက္မွ အေလာင္းသြားေကာက္မယ္၊ အဲဒီလိုေတြျဖစ္ေနေတာ့ ေကာင္းပါေတာ့မ လား၊ လူႀကီးေတြ စဥ္းစားေစခ်င္ပါတယ္။ ျပည္သူကို ကာကြယ္ရမွာပါ။ ျပည္သူကို လ်စ္လွ်ဳ႐ႈရမွာမဟုတ္ပါဘူး။

ဟိုတေလာေလးက ေငြေဆာင္မွာ State Show ပြဲျဖစ္ေတာ့ တျခားျပည္သူေတြကို အေႏွာင့္အယွက္ေပးေနတဲ့ ေကာင္ေတြကို ရဲက ၀င္ထိန္းရာက ျပႆနာျဖစ္ၾကေတာ့ ၀င္ထိန္းတဲ့ ရဲေတြ အေရးယူခံရပါတယ္။ အဲဒီျဖစ္စဥ္ တႏိုင္ငံလံုးကို ခ်ျပေတာ့ ရဲတပ္ဖြဲ႔၀င္ေတြရဲ႕ ေခါင္းထဲမွာ ဘာျပႆနာေတြပဲျဖစ္ေနျဖစ္ေန ၀င္မပါနဲ႔၊ ေနာက္မွ အေလာင္းသြားေကာက္ေတာ့မယ္ဆိုတဲ့ အေတြးေတြ ၀င္ကုန္ပါတယ္။ ဒါဟာ မျဖစ္သင့္ပါဘူး။ ရဲတပ္ဖြဲ႔က ျပည္ သူကို ကာကြယ္ေနတဲ့အတြက္ တားစရာရွိရင္ တားရမွာပါပဲ။ ဥပေဒနဲ႔ဆန္႔က်င္ေနရင္ ဖမ္းရမွာပါပဲ။ အင္မတန္မွ ကို စိတ္ပ်က္စရာေကာင္းေနပါတယ္။

ရဲတပ္သားသစ္ ဆိုတာကလည္း လိုက္စုေဆာင္းစရာမလိုဘဲ အလိုလို ၀င္ခ်င္ေနတဲ့ တပ္ဖြဲ႔ျဖစ္ေအာင္ ဖန္တီး ထားရပါမယ္။ ခုေတာ့ ၀င္ခ်င္တဲ့လူေတြက လက္ရွိရဲေတြကို ၾကည့္ၿပီး စိတ္ပ်က္ေနၾကေတာ့ ဘယ္၀င္ခ်င္ေတာ့ မွာလဲ။

ရဲတပ္ဖြဲ႔၀င္ေတြလည္း မနားရဘူး။ မိန္းမေတြလည္း မနားရဘူး။ ေနာက္ဆံုး သားသမီးေတြေတာင္ မနားရပါ ဘူး။ ရဲမိန္းမ၊ ရဲသားသမီးျဖစ္ရတာ ေတာ္ေတာ္ကုသိုလ္ကံဆိုးတယ္လို႔ပဲ ေျပာရမွာပါပဲ။ မိသားစုစည္း႐ံုးေရးဆို ၿပီး အစည္းအေ၀းေတြေခၚ၊ စစ္ေရးျပေတြ လုပ္ခိုင္း၊ ေအာက္ကမိသားစု၀င္ေတြ ဘာေတြလုပ္ကိုင္စားေသာက္ ေနရလဲ သူတို႔မသိပါဘူး။ တေန႔စာ ၀မ္းေရးကို ဘယ္လိုရွာေနရတယ္ မသိပါဘူး။ အစည္းအေ၀းမတက္ရင္ ႏိုင္ ငံေတာ္ပုန္ကန္မႈနီးပါးေလာက္ အေျပာအဆိုခံရ အေရးယူခံရပါတယ္။ သူတို႔ဘာေတြလုပ္ေပးႏိုင္လဲဆိုေတာ့ ဘာမွမလုပ္ေပးႏိုင္ပါဘူး။ တိုင္းရဲတပ္ဖြဲ႔မွဴး/ျပည္နယ္ရဲတပ္ဖြဲ႔မွဴးေတြကေတာ့ နယ္ထိန္း/ဒနေတြက ေစ်း၀ယ္ ေပးေနေတာ့ စားစရာမပူရေတာ့ အစည္းအေ၀းေတြ တေနကုန္လုပ္ေနလည္း ဘာမွမျဖစ္ေပမယ့္ ေအာက္က လူေတြရဲ႕ဘ၀က ျပန္မေျပာရဲလို႔သာ ၿငိမ္ေနလိုက္ရတဲ့ ဘ၀ေတြပါ။ ဒါေတြက တခ်ိန္ခ်ိန္မွာ ျပႆနာျဖစ္လာစ ရာေတြ ရွိပါတယ္။ ဘယ္ႏိုင္ငံက ရဲမွာမွ (၂၄) နာရီ တာ၀န္မရွိေပမယ့္ ျမန္မာျပည္က ရဲေတြကေတာ့ (၂၄) နာရီ တာ၀န္ရွိတယ္ဆိုၿပီး အေမာင္းခံရပါတယ္။ (၂၄) နာရီ တာ၀န္ထမ္းေဆာင္ရေတာ့ စြမ္းရည္ေတြက တက္မလာ ဘဲ က်က်လာတာ အျပစ္ေတာ့မဆိုသာပါဘူးလို႔ပဲ ေျပာခ်င္ပါေတာ့တယ္။

ရဲအရာရွိတဦး

နယူတန္ရဲ့ ပန္းသီးေႂကြက်တဲ့ပံုျပင္ အြန္လိုင္းေပၚေရာက္ၿပီ

ပန္းသီး ေႂကြက်သည္ ကိုျမင္ေတြ႕ ရာမႇ ဆြဲငင္အား သီအိုရီကို ပညာရႇင္ အိုက္ဆက္နယူတန္ ေဖာ္ထုတ္ ႏိုင္ခဲ့ပံု ႏႇင့္ ပတ္သက္ေသာ ၁၈ ရာစု မူရင္း မႇတ္တမ္းအား အြန္လိုင္းတြင္ ေလ့လာ ႏုိင္ၿပီ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။ ေအာက္စဖိုဒ့္ ထရီနတီ ေကာ လိပ္မႇ ဂုဏ္ထူးေဆာင္ ပါေမာကၡ မာတင္ကမ့္ က မႇတ္တမ္းကို မူလ ပံုစံ အတိုင္း ဖတ္႐ႈႏုိင္ျခင္းက သမိုင္းပညာရႇင္မ်ား အတြက္ အထူး အက်ဳိးရႇိမည္ဟု ေမ်ာ္လင့္ေၾကာင္း သံုးသပ္ ခဲ့သည္။ ယင္း မႇတ္တမ္းမႇာ ၁၇၅၂ ခုႏႇစ္က ပညာ ရႇင္၀ီလ်ံစတပ္ကေလေရးသားခဲ့ေသာ နယူတန္၏ အတၴဳပၸတၲိ Memoirs of Sir Issac Newton's Life ထဲတြင္ ပါရႇိ ခဲ့ျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္။

''နယူတန္နဲ့ပန္းသီးပံုျပင္ဟာ ဒ႑ာရီတစ္ခုလုိျဖစ္ေနခဲ့တာၾကာပါ ၿပီ။ခုေနအခါမႇေတာ့ ရႇင္းလင္းသြား ပါၿပီ။ဒါဟာ နယူတန္နဲ့ စတက္ကေလ တို့အၾကား ေဆြးေႏြး မႈကေန အေျခခံ ခဲ့တယ္ဆုိတာေပါ့'' ဟုမာတင္ကမ့္ပ္ က ေျပာၾကား ခဲ့သည္။''သူ့ေခါင္းကို ပန္းသီးမႇန္သြားတယ္လုိ့ေတာ့ ကြၽန္ေတာ္တုိ့ ထင္စရာ မရႇိပါဘူး။ ဒါေပမဲ့ ဥယ်ာဥ္ ထဲမႇာ ထုိင္ၿပီး ပန္းသီးေႂကြ က်တာကို ၾကည့္ရင္းက ေတြ့ခဲ့ရတယ္ လုိ့ေတာ့ ယံုၾကည္ ႏုိင္ပါတယ္'' ဟု ကမ့္ပ္က သံုးသပ္သည္။

စတက္ကေလ၏စာအုပ္ထဲတြင္ ''ညစာစားအၿပီးမႇာရာသီဥတုကလည္း ေႏြးေႏြးေထြးေထြးရႇိတာနဲ့ ကြၽန္ေတာ္ တုိ့ ဥယ်ာဥ္ထဲဆင္းလာခဲ့တယ္။ပန္း သီးပင္ေတြရဲ့အရိပ္ေအာက္မႇာထိုင္ၿပီး လက္ဖက္ရည္ေသာက္ၾကတယ္။သူ(နယူတန္)နဲ့ကြၽန္ေတာ္ႏႇစ္ေယာက္ တည္းေပါ့၊တျခားအေၾကာင္းေတြ ေျပာၾကရင္း သူ့စိတ္ထဲမႇာဆြဲငင္အား အေၾကာင္း အရင္ကေတြးမိတဲ့ပံုမ်ဳိး ျပန္ျဖစ္လာတယ္။ ဘာေၾကာင့္ ပန္း သီးဟာေျမေပၚကို အျမဲတမ္းေဒါင္ လိုက္ဆင္းလာရတာလဲလုိ့သူ့အေတြး ကိုေျပာျပတယ္။ပန္းသီးေႂကြက်တာ ကိုၾကည့္ရင္း အေတြးႂကြယ္ေနတဲ့ ပံု နဲ့ေပါ့။ဘာ့ေၾကာင့္ အေပၚကိုမေႂကြ သလဲ၊ေဘးကိုမေႂကြသလဲ။အဲဒီလို မဟုတ္ဘဲ ကမၻာ့ဗဟိုခ်က္ဆီကိုပဲ တန္းတန္းမတ္မတ္ေႂကြရတာလဲ။ ေသခ်ာတယ္။အေၾကာင္းျပခ်က္က ကမၻာက ဆြဲထားတယ္ဆုိတာပဲ''ဟု ေရးသားထားသည္။

ၿဗိတိသ်သိပၸံအဖြဲ့ Royal Society ၏ ႏႇစ္ ၃၅၀ ေျမာက္အထိမ္း အမႇတ္ျဖစ္ေသာ ယင္းသမိုင္း၀င္မႇတ္ တမ္းကို www. royalsociety.org/turning-the-pages တြင္ ၀င္ေရာက္ ၾကည့္႐ႈႏုိင္သည္။

From Hanntharwaddy News


Burma Democratic Concern (BDC)'s Patron U Thi Ha Tint Swe Letter to Amnesty International (USA)

Attn;

Representative
Amnesty International,U.S.A.
Date;Jan,21st,2010.
Subject; Requesting of Burma's political refugees' quick- resettlement.
Excellence sir;
For it, we would like to request respectfully you about Burma's political refugees' quick-resettlement because our Burma's political refugees had to stay long time with many torches at the cells of the prisons under Burma's Junta regime and over two hundred were killed by Junta regimes and then some on many diseases released for over date from the prisons and then we were oppressed,disturbed & torched by Junta regimes and so, we fled to so called liberated
according to Junta regime's desire area,Maesot,Thai-Burma's border,Thailand and then had to asylum under UNHCR to resettle third countries as POC with humanity supports while Mrs.Elizabeth' management period but Thai's government changed U.N.H.C.R's P.O.C system in to Province Admitted Board (P.A.B) system and now,Thai-government & U.N.H.C.R more & more oppressed & freighted our political refugees with ultimatum of resettlement to oppressing & killing under Burma's Junta Regimes and so, our political refugees with family had to face so many difficult s & crisis at Nuepho-Ohnpum-Maela refugess camps,Thai-Burma's border,Thailand.
Therefore! we shall have to request to humanity support the quick-resettlement of our Burma's political refugees to third countries.
Thanking you in anticipation;
Best regard;

yours' sincerely!

( Mr.Tint Shwe Thi Ha)
Patron for Burma Democratic Concern(B.D.C),U.S.A.
Ph;(509)5823261.




A conversation with U Win Tin
Wednesday, 20 January 2010 16:40 Elke Kuijper


Mizzima News - In 1989 he was sentenced to prison, without any proof of having committed a crime. He was released almost 20 years later, in September 2008, though he does not see it that way himself. He did not want to be released out of pity for his old age, but only on the basis of the charges against him. This is one of the reasons why he still wears his blue prison shirt. He may be outside the prison walls, but he still is not free to do as he wants in his country.

U Win Tin is one of Burma's most well-known journalists, an opposition leader and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's right hand man. Famous both inside and outside of Burma, many people campaigned for his release. He is known as Burma's longest serving political prisoner, though he says, “There are many young people who spend more than twenty years in jail and who are hardly known by the people.”

He spent almost twenty years in one of Burma's most notorious prisons, Insein in Rangoon. For long periods of time he was kept in isolation and even in former dog cells. He kept himself sane by writing poetry and solving mathematical problems. He is now 80 years old and his health is starting to fail. Because of a lack of medical care during his incarceration, existing medical conditions worsened. He suffers badly from asthma, underwent a heart operation last August, suffers from spondylitis of his spine and has failing eyesight. But from the moment he was released he resumed his old duties for the opposition party NLD (National League for Democracy). In his own words: “I am not bedridden so I can walk. But anyhow, I work everyday and I meet people and I talk with the media. Sometimes I am tired. But I continue.”

A brave man with a vision and a dream of a free Burma; a comparison with South Africa's anti-apartheid hero and former president Nelson Mandela comes to mind. U Win Tin's struggle is purely non-violent. He believes this is also a part of the character of the Burmese people. I asked him whether he thinks that maybe at some point, violence will be necessary to create change in Burma.

U Win Tin: I do not think it is necessary to use violence because people in Burma are really – because of their religion – mild and very docile. Their will, their desire, is not to use a violent way. Even to use a violent word is frowned upon in Burmese society. The people like to be very polite and very quiet and they do not express their will in a violent way.

I think the nonviolent way is possible, though there might be some violence, or a violent phase in our struggle. Of course the ruling power in the country is too big. There is a very strong army and they have modernized and spent a lot of money on the military. They have built up their military power over the years. One army regiment is like 1,000 people or something like that. They are very modernized, live in big houses, own plantations and inside their compounds there might even be some factories. So they are very strong, you see, among the people. Of course the soldiers themselves are suffering too. But they are suffering much less than the ordinary people. They earn more money and they have more facilities.

We are nonviolent all the time. We go out on the streets but we never use violence. I just think it is not in the Burmese people's will to use violence. It is not their style of expressing their will, political thinking and opinions. People are very nonviolent now. But maybe tomorrow, I don't know.

He then elaborated on the violent suppression of the 2007 Saffron Revolution.

U Win Tin: The military is very strong and suddenly they will shoot, even the monks. All the people are giving homage to the monks, but they shoot them. In 2007, monks were shot for no reason. Even in the time of colonial rule there was political movement by the monks, political demonstrations and so on. But nowadays, say for instance in 2007, the monks are nonviolently and nonpolitically rallying against the government by just reciting the metta suttra, which is about loving kindness. And still they were shot. They are still unsure how many monks were killed. People believe more than 100 were killed. People are shocked by this and do not like it.

When I do get hold of him – I am referred to a different number a few times, as he has no permanent place of residence due to the junta repossessing his house during his detention and pressure placed on landlords not to rent to him – I am surprised by his eloquent and energetic sounding voice. He is witty and sharp and talks a lot. He has no fear that conversations like ours might cause him danger.

U Win Tin: You see, if you speak like this in Burma, some action or something you have done cannot bring danger for you at the present time, but it might be dangerous for you at a later time. They keep a record of your actions, and then when you are sent for trial these things will become evidence of you being guilty.

But I do not mind. I am always talking to the media: VOA, BBC, DVB, Irrawaddy. I am very outspoken and I have no restraints about my opinions. Recently, I was telling everybody that Burma at this moment is like a jail, like a prison. The whole country is a prison and people are suffering. We talk about human rights violations and about the 2,000 political prisoners in jail now, but all people are prisoners. They are prisoners in their own country, in their own towns and homes. Whenever I go to my office or to a friend's house or even to a funeral, you see, there are some two or three motorcycles following me. It is almost impossible to see a free man in Burma at this moment.

When asked about his opinion on the recently announced alms boycott and whether he thinks it is effective, his answer is long and passionate, it is obvious he admires the monks and is a devout Buddhist.

U Win Tin: This pattanikkujjana (alms boycott) is very effective. For a Buddhist, when you are under a pattanikkujjana you are no longer a Buddhist. For the government it is very effective. They are Buddhist – nominally of course – and the pattanikkujjana has a very bad effect on them. As Buddhists, they play the religion card. They assume they are the guardians of the religion. They are the promoters of the religion. They put up big pagodas and give support to the monasteries.

But, although it is effective, in order to have a pronounced change more is needed. The monks, according to Buddhist teachings, do not act as politicians. Burmese monks are always out of politics because they are the religious people, so they are not concerned with voting. Anyhow, they have a very strong tradition of political activity and leadership, even as far back as the colonial days.

Although the government promotes religion so that people will regard them as the guardians of the religion, they try too hard. So you see, this pattannikujjana action happened and they were very shocked. In a situation like this, the monks could make a movement if they were a political party, but they are not. They are not a political party, so they have to wait and just provide people with information and tell people that this government really has no authority and that the monks are suppressed.

Things have not changed for the better since the peaceful demonstrations by the monks were violently stopped in 2007.

U Win Tin: Every week we hear news about monks being arrested and taken from their monasteries. Even, for instance, if I want to ask a monk to give some offering at my house, his monastery will be asked not to go to my house. The government's suppression of religious people will not go unnoticed, because in the foreign press and media people are reporting these incidents. So, although there is not so much activity by the monks as a political force, they are still there. The force is going on everyday and they work everyday.

Because they have to collect their meals, they go around and talk to the people. They are in contact with the people. In that way they are more political than us, because we do not go to people's houses everyday. They have to go out and collect their meals early in the morning or in the daytime. They are in close contact with the people and can exchange ideas and opinions. Their influence on the people is very high, because they are their friends. And in those talks there might be some political matters or talk about suffering.

We talk about the United States' recent policy of dealing with the Burmese junta: engagement coupled with sanctions. How does U Win Tin feel about this new approach? According to him, a lot of the sanctions are not very effective, but he feels engagement with the military regime will not be very effective either.

U Win Tin: It has been proven that sanctions are not effective and they know that. But they will keep them as long as there is no improvement in the current situation. Engagement is not effective either, as it has already been tried by other countries such as Russia. Nowadays the US government uses this engagement and sanctions approach together. They are attacking with one gun that is not very effective and now they are using another gun that is also not very effective. Whether they have one gun or two guns it does not matter.

Although I do not think this American action of engagement and sanctions will be very effective, we are still hopeful. At least now there are two weapons and they are engaging in Burma, so people in political parties and political forces are encouraged and we are rather hoping for something.

He switches to the subject of the upcoming elections in 2010.

U Win Tin: Without political dialogue the upcoming elections will be nothing. They will be a sham. This election is built upon the framework of the 2008 constitution, which will be enacted after this election. This constitution will prolong military rule for many years. There are no peoples’ rights, no democratic rights, nothing at all. For instance, according to this constitution (article 6), the military is the leader of politics. I cannot agree with that.

Another difficulty is that there is no political will on the part of the junta. They have no idea of the country's problems and are only thinking of their own will, which is to prolong their rule. They have no plans at all to make any contact, to make any dialogue, with political forces or ethnic nationalities. So, we use this American initiative as a tool to move and go through the election. The election is a sham without the participation of the ethnic nationalities and opposition parties. We need to have political dialogue before the election; with nationalities, with ourselves and with opposition forces. That will be the only way.

One of the demands of the United States government and also one of the conditions for the NLD to partake in the upcoming elections is the release of all political prisoners. Amnesty International estimates there are currently more than 2,000 political prisoners languishing in Burma's prisons. Many of them were involved in the 1988 uprising and the 2007 Saffron Revolution. Nearly 200 monks and nuns are believed imprisoned. U Win Tin feels the US might have some influence on the release of these prisoners.

U Win Tin: If the US shows some positive thinking and initiative, the military will know how to react to this. One of these reactions can be the release of political prisoners. As a sign of goodwill they might release some students but they will not release all political prisoners. They will keep some as hostages. They want to show the world that they are not that bad, by releasing prisoners. When I was released in September 2008, they released many prisoners, most of whom were criminals and not political prisoners.

U Win Tin believes the junta is not interested in the political process. A person with ties to a foreign country cannot participate in the election. This was invented to prevent Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, whose husband was British and sons live abroad, from playing a legitimate role in politics.

U Win Tin: The government has no intention to give her a role to play in Burmese politics. She is a very good leader. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has many activities and much influence, but still she is restricted. She can do a lot and she can assert her experiences on the people. But, if she is not allowed to go outside of Rangoon or to meet the press or something, then it is almost impossible for her to play a very big role in politics.

Than Shwe, Arrest All Opposition Before Election

Than Shwe, Arrest All Opposition Before Election

In order to secure the proposed election of 10-10-2010 Than Shwe invented a new law intended to criminalize any and all opposition. Under the guise of Anti-Terrorism Than Shwe announced a new law that will undoubtedly classify anyone who opposes his criminal regime as terrorists. The end result will be the arrest and murder of any and all people who even think the word democracy.
Through the *Department of Transnational Crime, Police Col. Sit Aye announced the new law that is sure to raise the ire of all human rights groups around the world. The law was designed to criminalize every aspect of opposition and in essence making everyone who opposes Than Shwe a criminal. To offer support to the NLD would be a crime. To speak about opposition candidates in a positive way would be a crime. And it goes without saying to vote against the junta would also be a crime. In fact it would be up to the junta to determine what constituted an act of terrorism. This new law smells like the bogus constitution that is filled with double talk that ultimately gives the junta free reign to do as they see fit.
Through all the double talk and contradictions this new anti-terrorism law is nothing more than a veiled threat to all opposition parties who dare to oppose Than Shwe in his sham election. Basically, if you choose to run against any of his selected junta candidates you can be deemed a terrorist and tossed in prison for the rest of your life. The law is nothing more than a tool solely designed to justify the continued arrest of opposition leaders and pro democracy advocates.
The reality is there is no election proposed on 10-10-2010. What is going to happen on 10-10-2010 will be a well rehearsed stage act designed to give the illusion of an election. A sham is a sham is a sham is a sham no matter how Than Shwe tries to dress this bogus election. Personally, I entertain the idea he chose to use October 10 as the day of the election since there is significance on this date. Granted it’s not exactly what Than Shwe is hoping for since the planetary alignment or stars are not in his favor. In fact he and his criminal regime are doomed and there is no power on Earth or the spirit world that can alter this destiny for it is the completion of a cycle. But since he is controlled by the whims of his astrologers he does not have a clue, only what they tell him. Now I hope he lives long enough to see what is in store for his regime on 10-10-2010.
Than Shwe will undoubtedly read what I have to say since I am his personal psychic whether he likes it or not and I tell what I see and not what he wants to hear. I don’t need fortune tellers since I walk with the craft and see clearly his future as well as that of his family. So chances are he will rebuke what I said, like he always does, he will terrorize and possibly kill a few more innocent people in the process just to show how tough and un-intimidated he is. He will only secure the destiny of his family whence he is dead and he will witness his family members being dragged through the streets of Rangoon city by their legs with a blue Toyota pick up truck. Only thing is, Than Shwe will already be in the afterlife languishing in a vat of boiling blood. He will cry out for mercy for his family members only to be offered a glimpse of their death masks at the moment they die.
Oh well, what comes around goes around and Than Shwe will reap exactly what he has sown. It’s funny in a dark way to note that many of his generals secretly what his family dead. No matter how many times he reshuffles his cadre he will die surrounded by enemies and his family will soon follow.
* http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=17623
Your Devil’s Advocate
Buffalohair
http://buffalohair.wordpress.com/

Is Something Better Than Nothing

BDF(USA) Statement

Women's Leadership and Participation

Burma Democratic Concern (BDC): PHOTOS of 14th FBE Conference in Germany, Frankfurt

စီမံခန္႔ခြဲမႈ ညံ့ဖ်င္းလွသည့္ တိုင္းျပည္၏ စိုက္ပ်ိဳးေရး အေျခခံ စီးပြားေရးကို ျပန္လည္ ကုစားရန္ ႀကိဳးပမ္းသည့္ အေနျဖင့္ ဒီဇင္ဘာ လအတြင္းက ကုလသမဂၢ၏ အာရွႏွင့္ပစိဖိတ္ေရးရာ စီးပြားေရးႏွင့္ လူမႈေရး ေကာ္မရွင္ (UN-ESCAP) ႏွင့္ ပူေပါင္း က်င္းပခဲ့ေသာ ရွားရွားပါးပါး စီးပြားေရး ေဆြးေႏြးပြဲတခု၌ ျမန္မာ စီးပြားေရး ပညာရွင္တဦးက စီးပြားေရး ျပဳျပင္ ေျပာင္းလဲေရးအတြက္ အဆိုျပဳခ်က္ တခ်ိဳ႕ကို ပြင့္လင္းစြာ ဖြင့္ဟ ေျပာဆိုလိုက္သည္။

ထိုေဆြးေႏြးပြဲ၏ ေနာက္ဆက္တြဲအျဖစ္ စီးပြားေရးတကၠသိုလ္ အၿငိမ္းစား ပါေမာကၡတဦးလည္းျဖစ္ ESCAP ၏ စီးပြားေရးဆိုင္ရာ အႀကံေပး ပုဂၢိဳလ္ေဟာင္း တဦးလည္းျဖစ္သူ ဦးျမင့္က ျမန္မာ အီးဂရက္စ္၏ စြမ္းရည္ဖံြ႕ၿဖိဳးမႈ ဌာနတြင္ ဇန္န၀ါရီလ ၉ ရက္ေန႔၌ သတင္းစာရွင္းလင္းပြဲ တရပ္ ျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့သည္။

ထိုသတင္းစာ ရွင္းလင္းပြဲတြင္ ဦးျမင့္က “ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံမွာ ေျပာေရးဆိုခြင့္ ရွိသူေတြဟာ စစ္ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြပဲ ျဖစ္ေနၿပီး သူတို႔ဟာ တျခားသူေတြေျပာတာကို နားေထာင္တတ္သူေတြ မဟုတ္သလို၊ ၾကားႏိုင္ဖို႔ဆိုတာလည္း ခက္ခဲသူေတြ ျဖစ္ၾကပါတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ သူတို႔ကို ေျပာေနတာ အခ်ိန္ကုန္ရံုသာရိွၿပီး အသံုးက်တဲ့ရလဒ္ ဘာတခုမွ ထြက္လာမွာ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး” ဟု ေျပာခဲ့သည္။

“ျမန္မာစစ္တပ္ဟာ တျခားႏိုင္ငံေတြက စစ္တပ္ေတြလိုပဲ မယိုင္မလဲ ခိုင္မာတဲ့ ေက်ာက္တိုင္ႀကီး မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ စစ္တပ္ အထဲမွာလည္း အယူအဆ တင္းမာသူေတြ ရိွသလို၊ ေပ်ာ့ေျပာင္းသူေတြ ရိွပါတယ္။ ေရွးရိုးစြဲ ၀ါဒီေတြရိွသလုိ၊ လစ္ဘရယ္ ၀ါဒီေတြလည္း ရိွပါတယ္။ နားမေထာင္တတ္ သူမ်ားရိွသလို နားေထာင္တတ္သူမ်ားလည္း ရိွပါတယ္” ဟု ဦးျမင့္၏ သတင္းစာရွင္းလင္းပြဲ ထုတ္ျပန္ခ်က္တြင္ ေဖာ္ျပထားသည္။

စစ္တပ္ထဲ၌ အာဏာလြန္ဆြဲမႈမ်ား ရိွေနၿပီး ထိုအေျခအေနသည္ စစ္တပ္ၿပိဳကြဲသည္အထိ ဦးတည္ႏိုင္ပါသည္ဟု အၿမဲလိုလို ထင္ေၾကးေပးေနၾကေသာ ျမန္မာစစ္တပ္ ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေလ့လာသူ တခ်ိဳ႕ထဲတြင္ ဦးျမင့္ မပါ၀င္ပါ။ သူသည္ စစ္တပ္ကို လႊမ္းမိုးႏိုင္ရန္၊ စစ္ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မ်ားႏွင့္ အတူတြဲအလုပ္လုပ္ရန္ ႀကိဳးစားေနသူ၊ စီးပြားေရးပညာရွင္တဦးသာ ျဖစ္ပါသည္။

စီးပြားေရးႏိုဗဲလ္ဆုရွင္ ဂ်ိဳးဇက္ စတစ္ဂလစ္ တက္ေရာက္ခဲ့ၿပီး ျမန္မာစစ္ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မ်ားကို စီးပြားေရး အႀကံဉာဏ္မ်ား ေပးခဲ့သည့္အတြက္ ဆိုခဲ့သည့္ စီးပြားေရး ေဆြးေႏြးပြဲမွာ ျမန္မာ့အေရး ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေလ့လာသူမ်ား၏ အာရံုစူးစိုက္မႈႏွင့္ ေ၀ဖန္မႈမ်ား ခံခဲ့ရသည္။

အဆိုပါေဆြးေႏြးပြဲသည္ ျမန္မာစစ္ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မ်ား၏ ေနာက္ထပ္ ႏိုင္ငံေရး ကစားမႈတခုသာျဖစ္ၿပီး ယခုႏွစ္ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ မတိုင္မီ ႏိုင္ငံတကာ၏ ဖိအားေပးမႈမ်ားကို ေလွ်ာ့ခ်ရန္ ရည္ရြယ္သည္ဟု ေလ့လာသူ အမ်ားအျပားက ရႈျမင္ ၾကသည္။

သို႔ရာတြင္ ထိုေဆြးေႏြးပြဲသည္ ဦးျမင့္ႏွင့္ တျခားသူမ်ားအတြက္ ၎တို႔၏ အျမင္မ်ားကို ေဖာ္ျပႏိုင္သည့္ စင္ျမင့္တခု ျဖစ္ခဲ့ပါသည္။ စစ္ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မ်ား၏ မွားယြင္းေသာစီးပြားေရး စီမံခန္႔ခြဲမႈမ်ားကို ေ၀ဖန္ေျပာၾကားခဲ့ၿပီး တၿပိဳင္နက္တည္း တြင္ ၎တို႔ႏွင့္ ညိႇႏိႈင္းေဆြးေႏြးကာ ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္ရန္ ႀကိဳးစားေနရသည္မွာ ဦးျမင့္ကဲ့သို႔ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံက စီးပြားေရး ပညာရွင္မ်ားအတြက္ တကယ့္အႏၱရာယ္ၾကားက လုပ္ရေသာ အလုပ္ျဖစ္ပါသည္။

“ေၾကာင္ခုတ္တာ မခံရသေရြ႕ေတာ့ ႂကြက္က ျဖဴျဖဴ၊ မည္းမည္း အေရးမႀကီးပါဘူး။ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံမွာ အေျပာင္းအလဲ တခုျဖစ္ဖို႔ ႀကိဳးစားတဲ့ ေနရာမွာ ႂကြက္ေတြကိုယ္တိုင္ အႏၱရာယ္ကို ရင္ဆုိင္ ေနရတယ္ဆိုတာ ခင္ဗ်ားတို႔ ေခါင္းထဲမွာ မွတ္ထားဖို႔ က်ေနာ္ ေမတၱာရပ္ခံခ်င္ပါတယ္” ဟု တရုတ္ႏိုင္ငံ ျပဳျပင္ ေျပာင္းလဲေရး ေခါင္းေဆာင္ႀကီး တိန္ေရွာက္ဖိန္၏ နာမည္ႀကီး အဆိုအမိန္႔တခုကို ေျပာင္းျပန္လုပ္၍ ဦးျမင့္က ေျပာဆိုခဲ့သည္။

ကမာၻေက်ာ္ စီးပြားေရးပညာရွင္ စတစ္ဂလစ္ တက္ေရာက္ခဲ့သည့္ အတြက္ေၾကာင့္ စီးပြားေရးေဆြးေႏြးပြဲသည္ ထူးျခားမႈရိွခဲ့ေသာ္လည္း ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ၏ စီးပြားေရးႏွင့္ပတ္သက္ေသာ ေဆြးေႏြးပြဲမ်ားကို စစ္အစိုးရႏွင့္ ဦးျမင့္အပါအ၀င္ ျမန္မာစီးပြားေရးပညာရွင္မ်ားက ယခင္ကာလမ်ားကလည္း က်င္းပခဲ့ၾကဖူးသည္။

အမွန္ေတာ့ ဦးျမင့္သည္ ေခတ္ေနာက္က်ၿပီး ထိေရာက္မႈမရိွေသာ စီးပြားေရးမူ၀ါဒမ်ားကို ေျပာင္းလဲပစ္ရန္ သံႏၷိ႒ာန္ ခိုင္ခိုင္မာမာျဖင့္ ႀကိဳးစားေနသည့္ စီးပြားေရးျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲေရး သမားတဦး ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီး ခင္ညြန္႔ အာဏာတန္ခိုးထက္စဥ္ ကတည္းက တိုင္းျပည္၏ စီးပြားေရး တိုးတက္ေကာင္းမြန္ လာေစေရးအတြက္ ဦးျမင့္က စစ္ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မ်ားႏွင့္ ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္ရန္ ႀကိဳးစားခဲ့သည္။

၁၉၉၈ ခုႏွစ္ ဇန္န၀ါရီလက “လက္ရိွျမန္မာ့စီးပြားေရး အေျခအေနကို ဆန္းစစ္ေလ့လာျခင္းႏွင့္ အကဲျဖတ္ျခင္း” ေခါင္းစဥ္ျဖင့္ ၅ ရက္ၾကာ က်င္းပခဲ့ေသာ ေဆြးေႏြးပြဲ၏ ပိတ္ပြဲကို ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီး ခင္ညြန္႔ တက္ေရာက္ခဲ့သည္ဟု ျမန္မာ့အလင္း သတင္းစာတြင္ ေဖာ္ျပခဲ့ဖူးသည္။

ထိုေဆြးေႏြးပြဲကို ကာကြယ္ေရး၀န္ႀကီးရံုး မဟာဗ်ဴဟာေလ့လာေရးဌာနႏွင့္ ဦးျမင့္ ဒါရိုက္တာအျဖစ္ေဆာင္ရြက္ေန ေသာ ထြန္းေဖာင္ေဒးရွင္း ဘဏ္တို႔က ပူးတြဲက်င္းပခဲ့ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။

ေနာက္ပိုင္းတြင္ စစ္အစိုးရ၏ မွားယြင္းေသာ စီးပြားေရး စီမံခန္႔ခြဲမႈကို ဦးျမင့္က လူသိရွင္ၾကား ေ၀ဖန္မႈမ်ား ျပဳလုပ္ လာပါသည္။ ၂၀၀၆ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ ျမန္မာ့ စီးပြားေရးႏွင့္ပတ္သက္ၿပီး ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕ရိွ အေမရိကန္ စင္တာတြင္ ဦးျမင့္ ေဟာေျပာပြဲ တခု ျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့သည္။ ၈၈ မ်ိဳးဆက္ ေက်ာင္းသားေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား ျဖစ္ၾကေသာ မင္းကိုႏိုင္ႏွင့္ ကိုကိုႀကီး အပါအ၀င္ ႏိုင္ငံေရးျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲလိုသည့္ ျမန္မာလူငယ္မ်ားလည္း ထိုေဟာေျပာပြဲသို႔ တက္ေရာက္ခဲ့ရာ က်ေနာ္လည္း တဦးအပါအဝင္ ျဖစ္ခဲ့သည္။

ထိုႏွစ္မွာပင္ စကၤာပူႏိုင္ငံက ျမန္မာ့အေရး ေလ့လာမႈညီလာခံ၌ “ျမန္မာ့စီးပြားေရး ႏိႈင္းယွဥ္ေလ့လာျခင္း အျမင္” ေခါင္းစဥ္ျဖင့္ ဦးျမင့္က စာတမ္းတေစာင္ တင္သြင္းခဲ့သည္။

“၁၉၄၈ ခုႏွစ္ ၿဗိတိသွ်လက္ေအာက္က က်ေနာ္တို႔ လြတ္လပ္ေရးရခဲ့စဥ္က ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံဟာ စိုက္ပ်ိဳးေရးႏိုင္ငံျဖစ္တယ္၊ သယံဇာတ ႂကြယ္၀တဲ့ ႏိုင္ငံျဖစ္တယ္ လို႔ က်ေနာ္တို႔ေျပာခဲ့ၾကတယ္။ ႏွစ္ေပါင္း ၅၀ ၾကာၿပီးေနာက္မွာလည္း ျမန္မာ ႏိုင္ငံဟာ စိုက္ပ်ိဳးေရးႏိုင္ငံျဖစ္တယ္၊ သယံဇာတ ႂကြယ္၀တဲ့ ႏိုင္ငံျဖစ္တယ္လို႔ က်ေနာ္တို႔ ဆက္ေျပာေနၾကတယ္” ဟု ဦးျမင့္က သူ႔စာတမ္းတြင္ ေရးသားထားသည္။

၁၉၃၈ ခုႏွစ္ ၿဗိတိသွ်လက္ေအာက္ခံ ကိုလိုနီျဖစ္ေနခ်ိန္တြင္ ႏိုင္ငံ၏ စုစုေပါင္းထြက္ကုန္ (GDP) ၄၈ ရာခိုင္ႏႈန္းသည္ လယ္ယာစိုက္ပ်ိဳးေရး က႑မွျဖစ္သည္။ ၂၀၀၃ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ ထိုရာခိုင္ႏႈန္းသည္ ၅၂ ရိွသည္ဟု စာရင္းမ်ားအရ သိရသည္။

ျမန္မာ့ စီးပြားေရးတြင္ အေျခခံ အေဆာက္အအံုပိုင္းဆိုင္ရာ အေျပာင္းအလဲ မရိွခဲ့ေၾကာင္း ထိုကိန္းဂဏန္းမ်ားက ညႊန္ျပေနသည္။ က်ေနာ္တို႔ မည္သည့္ေနရာကိုမွ မေရာက္ခဲ့ပါ။

ဦးျမင့္၏ သတင္းစာရွင္းလင္းပြဲ ထုတ္ျပန္ခ်က္တြင္ ဆန္စပါး နည္းပညာဆိုင္ရာ အႀကံေပးအဖြဲ႕ (RTAG) ကို တတ္ကၽြမ္းနားလည္ေသာ ပညာရွင္မ်ားျဖင့္ ဖြဲ႕စည္းရန္၊ ထိုအဖြဲ႕က လယ္ယာစိုက္ပ်ိဳးေရး တိုးတက္ေကာင္းမြန္ လာေစေရးအတြက္ အႀကံဉာဏ္မ်ားေပးရန္ အဆိုျပဳခ်က္တခု ပါ၀င္ပါသည္။

ဤေနရာတြင္ ေမးစရာေမးခြန္း တခု ေပၚလာပါသည္။ အေနာက္တိုင္းတြင္ ပညာသင္ၾကားလာခဲ့ေသာ ျမန္မာမ်ိဳးခ်စ္ စီးပြားေရးပညာရွင္မ်ားက မ်က္ကန္းမ်ိဳးခ်စ္၊ စီးပြားေရးအျမင္မရိွေသာ စစ္ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မ်ားကို တိုင္းျပည္၏စီးပြားေရး အေျခခံ အေဆာက္အအံု ေျပာင္းလဲေရးအတြက္ နားလည္သေဘာေပါက္လာေစရန္ မည္ကဲ့သို႔ ေျပာဆိုၾကမည္နည္း။

ပါေမာကၡေဟာင္းႏွင့္ ရန္ကုန္စီးပြားေရးတကၠသိုလ္ဌာနမႉးျဖစ္ခဲ့သူ ေဒါက္တာတင္စိုးသည္ ျမန္မာ့စီးပြားေရး၏ အဓိက သြင္ျပင္လကၡဏာမ်ားႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ “မူ၀ါဒလမ္းဆံုလမ္းခြမ်ားႏွင့္ စီးပြားေရးဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳးတိုးတက္မႈ - အသြင္ ကူးေျပာင္း ေနေသာ ျမန္မာ့စီးပြားေရးကို ေလ့လာျခင္း” ေခါင္းစဥ္ျဖင့္ စာတမ္းတေစာင္ေရးခဲ့သည္။ ထိုစာတမ္းကို ၂၀၀၈ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ Journal of International Cooperation Studies ၏ စာစဥ္ ၁၅၊ နံပါတ္စဥ္ ၃ တြင္ ေဖာ္ျပခဲ့ပါသည္။

ေဒါက္တာတင္စိုးက သူ၏စာတမ္းတြင္ “အထူးသျဖင့္ ၁၉၆၀ ျပည့္ႏွစ္ အေစာပိုင္းကာလကတည္းက စစ္အစိုးရ လက္ေအာက္၌ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ၏ မူ၀ါဒမ်ားႏွင့္ စီမံကိန္းမ်ားသည္ တသမတ္တည္းမရိွျခင္း၊ မတည္ၿငိမ္ျခင္း၊ [အာဏာျဖင့္] ၀င္ေရာက္စြက္ဖက္ျခင္းႏွင့္ အဆက္အစပ္မရိွျခင္း၊ တင္းက်ပ္ျခင္း၊ ကန္႔သတ္ခ်က္ႏွင့္ နယ္ပယ္ သတ္မွတ္မႈမ်ားသာရွိျခင္း၊ ပြင့္လင္းျမင္သာမႈ မရိွျခင္း၊ ခန္႔မွန္းမရျခင္းႏွင့္ မေရရာမေသခ်ာျခင္း၊ ရုပ္ပိုင္းဆိုင္ရာ အေရအတြက္ကို ပစ္မွတ္ထား ဦးတည္ျခင္း၊ အေကာင္အထည္ေဖာ္ရာတြင္ စြမ္းေဆာင္ရည္ မရိွျခင္း၊ ထိေရာက္မႈမရိွျခင္း၊ ပညာရွင္မ်ား၏ အႀကံဉာဏ္ကို ေတာင္းခံ၍ အလြဲသံုးစားလုပ္ျခင္း တို႔ျဖစ္သည္” ဟု ေဖာ္ျပခဲ့သည္။

အႀကံဉာဏ္ကို ေတာင္းခံ၍ အလြဲသံုးစားလုပ္ျခင္း ကိစၥႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ “ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ ေအးခ်မ္းသာယာေရးႏွင့္ ဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳးေရးေကာင္စီသည္ အစိုးရကိုအႀကံဉာဏ္မ်ားေပးရန္ အၿငိမ္းစားႏွင့္ လက္ရိွ ပါေမာကၡမ်ား၊ တကၠသိုလ္ ေက်ာင္း အုပ္ႀကီးမ်ား၊ သုေတသီမ်ား၊ ပညာရွင္မ်ားကို စုစည္း၍ ျမန္မာ အသိပညာရွင္၊ အတတ္ပညာရွင္မ်ား အဖြဲ႕ကို ဖြဲ႕စည္းခဲ့သည္။ သို႔ရာတြင္ မူ၀ါဒမ်ား ေရးဆြဲရာ၌ ထိုအႀကံေပး ပညာရွင္မ်ားထံမွ တရား၀င္ အႀကံဉာဏ္ ေတာင္းခံျခင္း မ်ိဳး အလြန္ ရွားသည္။ ထိုသို႔ ေတာင္းခံခဲ့လွ်င္လည္း ၎တို႔ခ်မွတ္ခဲ့ေသာ ဆံုးျဖတ္ခ်က္မ်ားကို ျပည္သူလူထုက လက္ခံနားလည္လာၿပီး တရား၀င္မႈရိွလာေစရန္ လုပ္ေဆာင္ျခင္းမွ်သာ ျဖစ္သည္” ဟု ေရးသားထားသည္။

“တခါတရံတြင္ ပညာရွင္မ်ားႏွင့္ သုေတသီမ်ား၏ အႀကံေပးမႈမ်ားကို အလြဲသံုးစားလုပ္သည္မ်ားရိွခဲ့ သည္။ အႀကံေပး လုပ္ငန္းမ်ားကို ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ထားၿပီး ေနာက္ဆံုး ထြက္လာသည့္ အစီရင္ခံစာမ်ားသည္ မ်ားေသာ အားျဖင့္ မူလအတိုင္း မဟုတ္ဘဲ ပံုပ်က္ယြင္းေနေသာ ျပည္စံုမႈ မရိွသည့္ အစီရင္ခံစာမ်ား ျဖစ္ေနသည္” ဟုလည္း ေဒါက္တာတင္စိုးက ေဖာ္ျပထားသည္။

ေဒါက္တာတင္စိုး၏ စာတမ္းကို ဖတ္ေနစဥ္ ၂၀၀၇ ခုႏွစ္က ဓာတ္ဆီေစ်းႏႈန္းမ်ား ႏွစ္ဆျမႇင့္တင္ရန္ အႀကံေပး ခဲ့သည္ဟု အစြပ္စြဲခံခဲ့ရေသာ ဦးျမင့္က မဟုတ္မွန္ေၾကာင္း ျပန္လည္ ရွင္းလင္းသည္ကို စက္တင္ဘာ ၆ ရက္ေန႔စြဲျဖင့္ ဧရာဝတီ မဂၢဇင္းတြင္ က်ေနာ္ သတင္းေရးသားခဲ့ဖူးေၾကာင္း ျပန္သတိရမိသည္။

ထိုအခ်ိန္က “ဒီကိစၥနဲ႔ပတ္သက္ၿပီး ျပင္းျပင္းထန္ထန္ ကန္႔ကြက္ခဲ့သူေတြကေတာ့ က်ေနာ္နဲ႔ သူငယ္ခ်င္း ေဒါက္တာ တင္စိုးတုိ႔ပါ” ဟု ဦးျမင့္က ေျပာခဲ့သည္။

ျမန္မာ့စီးပြားေရးအေပၚ အေသးစိတ္ မီးေမာင္းထိုးျပေပးခဲ့ေသာ သူ၏ စာတမ္းတြင္ ေဒါက္တာတင္စိုးက “သမိုင္း ေၾကာင္းႏွင့္ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈဆိုင္ရာ အခ်က္အလက္မ်ားအရ ပညာရွင္ ပညာတတ္မ်ား၏ လူမႈေရး အဆင့္အတန္းသည္ ျမန္မာ့လူ႔အဖြဲ႕အစည္းတြင္ အစဥ္အလာအားျဖင့္ ျမင့္မားခဲ့ေသာ္လည္း အုပ္စုိးသူ လူတန္းစားက မူ၀ါဒမ်ား ေရးဆြဲ ရာတြင္ လည္ေကာင္း၊ ထိုမူ၀ါဒမ်ားကို အေကာင္အထည္ ေဖာ္ရာတြင္လည္းေကာင္း ပညာရွင္မ်ားကို ထိေရာက္သည့္ အခန္းက႑ ေပးခဲ့သည္မွာ ရွားပါးလွသည္” ဟု ေရးသားခဲ့သည္။

အစိုးရ၏ မူ၀ါဒမ်ား ေရးဆြဲရာတြင္ ျမန္မာ အသိပညာရွင္ အတတ္ပညာရွင္မ်ား၏ အခန္းက႑အေပၚ ေဒါက္တာ တင္စိုး၏ အကဲျဖတ္ခ်က္ မွန္ကန္လွသည္။

ဦးျမင့္ႏွင့္ ေဒါက္တာတင္စိုးတို႔ကဲ့သို႔ ပြင့္ပြင့္လင္းလင္း ေ၀ဖန္ေျပာဆိုတတ္ေသာ ပညာရွင္အင္အား ေတာင့္တင္းမည္ ဆိုလွ်င္ အၾကားအာရံုအခက္အခဲရိွေသာ ျမန္မာစစ္ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္မ်ားကို ထိုးစစ္ဆင္ႏိုင္မည့္ အခြင့္အလမ္း တခု ရရိွ လာပါလိမ့္မည္။ ။

Indiana Schools Help Young Burmese Immigrants Overcome Lead Poisoning Effects

Since the U.S. government ordered lead removed from paint and gasoline 30 years ago, the incidence of childhood lead poisoning has dropped to about one percent in most communities across the country. Exposure to the toxic element can cause brain damage, IQ loss, speech and learning deficits and in rare cases death.

So, early last year, when officials in Fort Wayne, Indiana, discovered high lead levels in young immigrants from Burma, they took action, setting up a pilot program for pre-school children to help them catch up to their peers through speech, cognitive and nutrition therapy.

Burmese parents place high value on education


Erika Celeste
Families send their children to school in their best clothes, which doesn't stop them from playing
On a bitterly cold winter day, teacher Leslie Lawson helps the tiny students in the program off the school bus. Instead of play clothes, these youngsters who range in age from 3-5 are wearing party dresses, make-up, suits and ties. Their parents believe school is very important; this is the first time anyone in their families has had a chance to go to school.

Lawson says when the kids first arrived in her classroom, the combination of their cultural upbringing and the effects of the lead put them significantly behind the developmental level of other kids their age. "The first three weeks I had them, they stood there," she recalls. "They just stood on the carpet and looked at the stuff to play with. Now what I see, because I've taught them how to play and they do have some language, is they are sitting and playing."

Poison sources are common traditional medicines


Indiana State Health Dept.
Several Asian markets in Fort Wayne sold "daw kyin"; officials asked them to remove it from their shelves
In the U.S., most kids who get lead poisoning have been exposed to dust from old lead paint. But most of these kids were poisoned when they were given daw tway and daw kyin, two traditional Burmese medicines with high lead levels, used to ease small children's upset stomachs.

Loaine Hagerty, with the local county health department, notes that lead exposure through food and medicine is not uncommon outside the United States, pointing out, "It's the same way with the Mexican candies that have been identified with lead in them. Here there are precautions in place to protect children, but overseas those same precautions aren't in place, so the children are exposed that way."

The U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention reports that many indigenous medicines from East Indian, Middle Eastern, Western Asian and Hispanic cultures also contain high levels of lead, and children adopted from China, Guatemala, Romania, Russia and South Korea often enter the country with extremely high blood lead levels.

Learning the basics


Erika Celeste
Classroom posters help young refugees learn English
Back in Leslie Lawson's classroom, the first lesson of the day is starting. Both morning and afternoon classes begin with a review of hygiene rules. Many of these children were born in refugee camps, and running water is still a new and delightful amenity. Lawson uses a lot of visual materials like flash cards and posters on the wall to get the kids talking, and there is an interpreter in the classroom to help out with more challenging concepts.

Amy Hesting, a registered environmental health specialist with the health department, explains that speech is one of the easiest ways to determine to what degree lead poisoning has affected a child's development. "The problem with the Burmese population is [that] it's very difficult to assess if they have a speech problem because we don't speak Burmese." Studies have shown that kids with learning disabilities learn more quickly from their peers than from their teachers. So, each class includes a few native English-speaking pre-schoolers as well.

Dealing with nutritional deficiencies



Two years ago, Ma Wee came to Ft. Wayne, which is home to one of the largest Burmese communities outside Southeast Asia. She says her 3-and-a-half-year-old daughter loves her new school. "She's happy and she wakes up very early every morning so she can go to school." Her daughter says her favorite thing at school is food.


Erika Celeste
Girls play dinner-time with a doll
Eating is actually a very important part of the day for these children. One of the effects of lead poisoning is a loss of appetite. Lawson says several of her 5-year-old students weigh less than 10 kilograms and, "because of that, they have a short attention span. That affects their [cognitive] processing. They don't process and then they don't comprehend, so there are many things across the board that they have problems with."

So Lawson prepares nutritionally rich shakes for the kids during snack time and tries to make eating fun by using games. She also sends information about good nutrition home to parents, to help neutralize some of the effects of the lead.

There is no known cure for lead poisoning. In severe cases, children may undergo chelation therapy to clean their blood, but once they have been exposed to lead, they will always have it in their bodies. Some may have life-long learning disabilities; others may not be affected in any significant way.

Ma Wee says, whatever the outcome, she's just happy her daughter has such a wonderful opportunity. "All I want is for my child to be safe and learn a lot, especially English."

ထိုင္း-ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္ ႏို႔ဖိုးဒုကၡသည္စခန္းမွာ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ားဆိုင္ရာမဟာမင္းႀကီး႐ုံး (ယူအန္ အိပ္ခ်္စီ အာ) ကေန ဒုကၡသည္အျဖစ္ အသိအမွတ္ျပဳ ခံထားရတဲ့ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအဖြဲ႔အစည္း မ်ားက လူ (၄၀၀) ေလာက္ကို ယူအန္အိပ္ခ်္စီအာက တတိယႏိုင္ငံေတြကို ထြက္ခြာခြင့္ ဆိုင္းငံ့ထား တာ အခုဆိုရင္ (၃) ႏွစ္ ရိွပါၿပီ။ အရင္ မဲေဆာက္မွာေနတဲ့ ဆိုင္းငံ့ခံ ထားရသူေတြ အပါအ၀င္ လူ (၂၀၀၀) ေလာက္ကို ယူအန္အိပ္ခ်္စီအာနဲ႔ အမ္အိုအိုင္တို႔ရဲ႕ အစီအစဥ္နဲ႔ လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ ၂၀၀၆ ခုႏွစ္ စက္တင္ဘာလက ႏို႔ဖိုးစခန္း မွာ စခန္းသြင္းခဲ့ပါတယ္။ အဲဒီထဲက လူ (၁၅၀၀) ေလာက္ ကို ယူအန္အိပ္ခ်္စီအာကေန တတိယႏိုင္ငံ ေတြကို သြားခြင့္ျပဳ ခဲ့ၿပီး ႏိုင္ငံေရးအဖြဲ႔အစည္းက လူေတြက်ေတာ့ (၃၀၀) ေက်ာ္ကို ဆိုင္ငံ့ထားပီး (၆၀) ေက်ာ္က ေတာ့ ဒုကၡသည္အျဖစ္ ပယ္ခ် ျခင္း ခံၾကရပါတယ္။

ႏိုင္ငံျခားထြက္သြားတဲ့လူ(၁၅၀၀) ထဲက အမ်ားစုဟာ ႏိုင္ငံေရးနဲ႔မပတ္သက္ဘဲ အႀကံအဖန္နဲ႔ ထြက္ၾက တဲ့လူေတြ ျဖစ္တယ္ဆိုတာ ယူအန္က ၀န္ထမ္းေတြလည္း သိပါတယ္၊ က်ေနာ္တို႔ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအဖြဲ႔အစည္း ကလူေတြကိုေတာ့ ထြက္ခြာခြင့္မျပဳဘဲဆိုင္းငံ့ထားပါတယ္။ ယူအန္အိပ္ခ်္စီအာအေနနဲ႔ ဒုကၡသည္အစစ္ အမွန္နဲ႔ အတုအေယာင္ေတြကိုေသခ်ာစိစစ္ေစခ်င္ပါတယ္။ က်ေနာ္တို႔ဟာ စခန္းတြင္းမွာ စိတ္ပိုင္း ဆိုင္ရာအရေရာ၊ ႐ုပ္ပိုင္းဆိုင္ရာအရပါ ဒုကၡ ေရာက္ေနၾကတာကို ႏိုင္ငံတကာက သိေစခ်င္ပါတယ္။ စခန္းထဲမွာလည္း စား၀တ္ေနေရး၊ က်န္းမာေရးဆိုတာ မေသ႐ုံသာသာ အေျခအေနလို႔ေတာင္ ဆိုႏိုင္ ပါတယ္။ က်ေနာ္တို႔အားလံုး ဟာ ျမန္မာျပည္ျပန္လို႔မရတဲ့သူေတြ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

က်ေနာ္တို႔ကို ၆-၁-၁၀ ရက္ေန႔က စခန္းမွာ UNHCR က တာ၀န္ရိွသူေတြ လာၿပီး ေဆြးေႏြး ပါတယ္။ အဲဒီအဖြဲ႕ထဲက ႏိုင္ငံျခားသူ အမ်ဳိးသမီးအရာရိွတဦးေျပာတာက က်ေနာ္တို႔အားလံုး အတြက္ လာမယ့္ မတ္လမွာ ရက္(စ္) ေအာ္ ႏိုး အေျဖတခုခု သိရမယ္၊ ဘာအေျဖပဲထြက္ထြက္ အေမရိကန္ကလြဲၿပီး အျခားႏိုင္ငံသြားခြင့္မရိွဘူးလို႔ ေျပာပါတယ္။

က်ေနာ္တို႔အားလံုးဟာ အေမရိကန္ကိုထြက္ဘို႔ ေလွ်ာက္ထားၾကတဲ့လူေတြ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဆိုင္းငံ့ခံရ သူေတြထဲမွာ တခ်ိဳ႕ဆိုရင္ သားသမီးေျမးေတြ အေမရိကန္မွာ ရိွတဲ့လူေတြ ပါပါ တယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ အဲဒီလူေတြလည္း အခုထိ သြားခြင့္မရိွေသးပါဘူး။ တျခားႏိုင္ငံကိုလည္း ေလွ်ာက္ခြင့္မရိွတဲ့အျပင္ အေမရိကန္က မေခၚမခ်င္း (၁၀) ႏွစ္လား၊ အႏွစ္ (၂၀) လား ေစာင့္ရမယ့္သေဘာ ျဖစ္ေနပါတယ္။ ပိုၿပီး စိုးရိမ္ဖို႔ေကာင္းတာက က်ေနာ္ တို႔ကို အေမရိကန္ မပို႔ဘဲ ထိုင္းႏိုင္ငံမွာခိုလံႈေနတဲ့ ေလာႏိုင္ငံက (မုန္) လူမ်ိဳး ဒုကၡသည္ေတြကို ထိုင္းႏိုင္ငံက အတင္းအၾကပ္ဖမ္းၿပီး ျပန္ပို႔သလိုလုပ္မွာကို အထူး စိုးရိမ္မိပါတယ္ခင္ဗ်ား။ (ေခတ္ၿပိဳင္ အြန္လိုင္းေပးစာမွ ကူးယူေဖၚျပသည္။)

အုန္းျပန္႔စခန္းအေျခအေန

အုန္းျပန္႔ဒုကၡသည္စခန္းအတြင္း၌ လက္ရွိ္ႏိုင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားေဟာင္း (၄၇)ဦး ရွိသည့္အနက္ UMP ရရွိၿပီးသူ (၃)ဦးမွာ USA resettlement process တြင္ Hold ျဖစ္ေနၾကပါသည္။ ၎တို႔(၃)ဦးမွာ ႏို႔ဖိုး စခန္းရွိရဲေဘာ္မ်ားက့ဲသို႔ မေရရာ-မေသခ်ာျဖင့္ (၃)ႏွစ္ေက်ာ္ ကန္႔ထဲတြင္ေစာင့္ေနၾကရသူမ်ားျဖစ္ ပါ တယ္။ UMPရွိၿပီး ႏိုင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားေဟာင္းတဦး မိသားစုဆိုရင္ နအဖေထာင္ကလြတ္ၿပီးေနာက္ သားတကြဲ မယားတကြဲျဖစ္ကုန္ၾကပါၿပီ။ သားငယ္ ကိုUSကလက္ခံၿပီး သားႀကီးက Reject ျဖစ္လို႔ အခု Australia ကိုေရာက္ေနၿပီး သားလတ္နဲ႔ သူမကိုယ္တိုင္ကေတာ့ ဟိုးျဖစ္ေနေသးတ့ဲအတြက္ ဘယ္ႏိုင္ငံ ကိုေရာက္မယ္ဆိုတာ မသိ ႏိုင္ၾကေသးပါဘူး။ ေထာင္ကလြတ္ၿပီးရင္ မိသားစုသိုက္သိုက္ဝန္းဝန္းနဲ႔ ေနခ်င္တ့ဲ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသား ေဟာင္းတေယာက္ရဲ႕ စိတ္ကူးယဥ္အိမ္မက္ဟာလဲ သဲထဲေရသြန္ ျဖစ္ရံုသာမက ဒီဘဝမွာ ျပန္လည္ ဆံုဆည္း ဖို႔ဆိုတာ အလြန္ကိုေဝးကြာေနပါၿပီ။ ABSDFရဲေဘာ္ ေဟာင္းတဦးျဖစ္တ့ဲ ကိုေအာင္ထူးဆိုရင္ ၁၉၉၂ခုႏွစ္္္ကတည္းက မာနယ္ပုေလာစစ္ဆင္ေရးမွာ ဒဏ္ရာ ရခ့ဲၿပီး ၁၉၉၄ခုႏွစ္ကတည္းက အဖြဲ႔အစည္းကေန ထြက္ခ့ဲေပမ့ဲ အခုအထိကို လက္နက္ကိုင္အဖြဲ႔ အစည္း နဲ႔ပတ္သက္တယ္ဆိုၿပီး USဟိုးျဖစ္ေနဆဲျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ က်န္ ႏိုင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္း သားေဟာင္း (၄၃) ဦး မွာ 2006 Process ေနာက္ပိုင္းမွေရာက္ရွိလာသူမ်ား ျဖစ္ၾကပါတယ္။ သို္႔ေသာ္ အမ်ားစု မွာ၂၀၀၇ခုႏွစ္ စက္တင္ဘာ ေရႊဝါေရာင္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးမတိုင္မီေရာက္ ရွိလာၾက သူမ်ားျဖစ္ၾကပါတယ္။ ၂၀၀၇ ေရႊဝါေရာင္ေနာက္ပိုင္း ထိုင္းႏိုင္ငံသို႔ ထြက္ေျပးတိမ္းေရွာင္လာ သူမ်ားကို အေမရိကန္မွ အထူး အစီအစဥ္ျဖင့္ မဲေဆာက္မွေခၚၾကသည့္အခ်ိန္တြင္ ႏိုင္ငံေရးႏွင့္မပါတ္ သက္သူ အမ်ားစုသာ UNHCR မွဒုကၡသည္အျဖစ္ အသိအမွတ္ျပဳလက္မွတ္မ်ားထုတ္ေပးၿပီး အေမရိ ကန္ သို႔ထြက္ခြာသြားၾကပါတယ္။ အထူးသျဖင့္မဲေဆာက္မွ ကုလားသူေဌးမ်ားႏွင့္ ေက်ာက္ပြဲစားတန္းမွ ကုန္သည္အမ်ားစုပါသြားၾကပါ တယ္။ ႏိုင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္းသားေဟာင္းမ်ားမွာ UNHCR၏ ဒုကၡသည္ အျဖစ္ အသိအမွတ္ျပဳသည့္ လက္မွတ္ကိုပင္ မရရွိဘဲ ရဲဖမ္းလွ်င္သက္ေသခံ အေထာက္အထားျပစရာ ဘာမွမရွိသည့္အတြက္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံတြင္းမွ ႏိုင္ငံေရးလႈပ္ရွားမႈေၾကာင့္ လြတ္ေျမာက္နယ္ေျမထိုင္းႏိုင္ငံ သို႔ထြက္ေျပးတိမ္းေရွာင္ လာၿပီးမွ ေထာင္တြင္း၌ပင္အခ်ဳပ္က်ေနသလို အိမ္တြင္းပုန္းေနၾကရပါတယ္။ ထို႔ေၾကာင့္ ၂၀၀၈ခုႏွစ္ ဇူလိုင္လတြင္ မဲေဆာက္ UNHCR ရံုးသို႔သြားေရာက္တင္ျပၾကသည့္အခါ ဒုကၡသည္စခန္းမ်ားသို႔ ဝင္ရန္အတင္းအၾကပ္တိုက္တြန္းၾကပါတယ္။ သို႔ေသာ္ သြားေရးလာေရးကိစၥ ေသာ္၎၊ စားဝတ္ေနေရး ကိစၥေသာ္၎ ဘာမွတာဝန္ယူျခင္းမရွိဘဲ လမ္းခရီးတြင္အကယ္၍ အဖမ္း ခံရပါက သူတို႔ထံသို႔ ဖုန္းဆက္ အေၾကာင္းၾကားရန္သာေျပာလိုက္ပါတယ္။ တတိယႏိုင္ငံတြင္ အေျခခ ်ေန ထိုင္ေရးအစီ အစဥ္ကို လက္ခံမည္ဆိုပါက ဒုကၡသည္စခန္းမ်ားသို႔ဝင္ေရာက္ရမည္ဟု ေျပာသည့္အျပင္ မဲေဆာက္ တြင္ဆက္လက္ေနထိုင္ပါကလည္း ထိုင္းရဲမ်ားမွ ဖမ္းဆီးၿပီး ျမန္မာျပည္သို႔ျပန္ပို႔မည္ကို ေၾကာက္ရြံ႕ၾက သျဖင့္ ၂၀၀၈ၾသဂုတ္လမွစ၍ အုန္းျပန္႔ဒုကၡသည္စခန္းသို႔ ဝင္ေရာက္ခ့ဲၾကပါတယ္။ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားေဟာင္း အမ်ားစုမွာ ျပည္တြင္း၌ႏိုင္ငံေရး လႈပ္ရွားမႈမ်ားျပဳလုပ္ၿပီး ထိုင္းႏိုင္ငံသို႔ ထြက္ေျပးတိမ္းေရွာင္လာသူမ်ားျဖစ္သျဖင့္ ျမန္မာျပည္သို႔ျပန္ပို႔ခံရပါက ေနာက္တႀကိမ္ႏွစ္ရွည္ေထာင္ ဒဏ္မ်ားက်မည္မွာ ေသခ်ာသေလာက္ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ျပည္တြင္းမွာက်န္ခ့ဲတ့ဲ မိသားစုမ်ားကလည္း ေရရွည္ခြဲခြာရေတာ့မည္ကို သိၾကတ့ဲအျပင္ ၎တို႔ကိုလည္း နအဖက ဖမ္းေတာ့မည္ကိုတြက္၍ ေနာက္ ကထပ္လိုက္လာၾကတ့ဲအတြက္ ထိုင္းႏိုင္ငံတြင္မိသားစုလိုက္ ဆင္းရဲဒုကၡေရာက္ေနၾကပါေတာ့တယ္။

ဒုကၡသည္စခန္းတြင္းသို႔ ေရာက္ခါစက တတိယႏိုင္ငံေရာက္ရဲေဘာ္မ်ားထံမွ အကူအညီအေထာက္အပ့ံ မ်ားေရာက္လာတတ္ေသာ္လည္း ၾကာလာေတာ့ တျဖည္းျဖည္းႀကဲလာၿပီး ပို၍ၾကာလာေတာ့ အကုန္ အက်ခံဖုန္းဆက္ေသာ္လည္း မကိုင္ေတာ့တ့ဲအတြက္ ဖုန္းဖိုးေတာင္အေၾကြးတင္လို႔ အဆက္အသြယ္ မ်ား တျဖည္းျဖည္းျပတ္သြားၾကပါတယ္။ စခန္းတြင္းက ရဲေဘာ္မ်ားရဲ႕အေျခအေနကိုလည္း သိသူ နည္း သြားၾကပါတယ္။ အျပင္ထြက္အလုပ္လုပ္ၾကသည့္အခါတြင္လည္း ၅မိုင္၊ (၁၀)မိုင္ခရီးကိုလမ္းေလွ်ာက္ သြားၿပီး စပါးရိတ္၊ စပါးထမ္း၊ ေကာ္ဖီထမ္း၊ေျမက်င္းတူးစသည့္အလုပ္ၾကမ္းမ်ားကိုလိုက္လုပ္ၾကရ ေသာ္လည္း စခန္းအျပင္သို႔တရားမဝင္ထြက္ေနၾကရသည့္ အတြက္ ထိုင္းရဲသာမက စခန္းလံုးၿခံဳေရး ေအာ့ေဆာ္ ဖမ္းမွာကိုေတာင္ ေၾကာက္ရြံ႕ေနရပါတယ္။ မိသြား သည့္အခါ တေနကုန္ေခၽြးနဲ႔ေသြးနဲ႔ ရင္းၿပီး ရလာတ့ဲ လုပ္အားခ အားလံုးကို ေတာင္းေတာင္းပန္ပန္နဲ႔ေပးလိုက္ရတ့ဲအျပင္ တခါတရံမွာ ပါတ့ဲ အေႏြးထည္ အက်ီၤ၊ေဘာင္းဘီပစၥည္းမ်ားပါထပ္ေဆာင္းအေပါင္ထားၿပီး ေနာက္ေန႔ေငြထပ္ေပးေရြးၾကရ ပါတယ္။ အိမ္ေထာင္ဦးစီးကိုယ္တိုင္ေတာင္ ဒုကၡႏြံထဲမွ ရုန္းထြက္ဖို႔ခက္ေနေတာ့ မိသားစုဝင္ ဇနီး၊သား သမီးမ်ားမွာ ပညာေရး၊ က်န္းမာေရး၊ လူမႈေရးကအစ တိရစာၦန္ေတြလိုနိမ့္က်ေနၾကပါတယ္။ ကရင္စာနဲ႔ စကားမတတ္လို႔ စာမသင္ႏိုင္၊ ေဆးရံုကလဲ ေထာင္ထဲကလိုပဲ ေဆးဝါးမလံုေလာက္၊ တတ္သိတ့ဲ ဆရာ ဝန္မရွိသေလာက္၊ ဘာသာေရးေန႔ထူးေန႔ျမတ္ေတြမွာေတာင္မွ ဘုန္းႀကီးေတြကို မျမင္ခ်င္ေယာင္ ေဆာင္ေနရပါတယ္။ တခါတရံႏိုင္ငံျခားသားအျဖဴတေယာက္၊ ႏွစ္ေယာက္လာရင္ မေတာက္တ ေခါက္ နဲ႔ သြားစကားေျပာၾကၿပီး ကိုယ့္မွာရွိတ့ဲ ေထာင္ထြက္လက္မွတ္ကိုျပၿပီး ျပည္တြင္းတံုးကေတာ့ ငါတို႔ ေထာင္ကတႀကိမ္ေတာ့ လြတ္ၿပီးၿပီ၊ အခုငါတို႔ မိသားစုလိုက္ဘယ္ေတာ့လြတ္မလဲလို႔ ေမးလို႔ေတာင္ သူတို႔က အလြန္အဖိုးတန္တ့ဲ လုပ္အားေတြဆံုး႐ႈံးတာႏွေမ်ာမိလို႔ အခ်ိဳ႕လဲျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသား ေဟာင္းဒုကၡသည္ေတြအေၾကာင္း ဝက္ဆိုက္ေတြမွာ ေရးၾက၊ ေျပာၾကလို႔ သူတို႔လဲဆုေတြ၊ ဘာေတြ ရကုန္ၾကပါတယ္။ ကာယကံရွင္ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို႔ မိသားစုေတြကေတာ့ ႏိုင္ငံမ့ဲမ်ား ျဖစ္ေနၾကရံုသာမက အနာဂါတ္ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္၊ ရည္မွန္းခ်က္မ်ားပါ ေပ်ာက္ေနၾကပါၿပီ။ စိတ္ပိုင္းဆိုင္ရာ စိတ္ဓါတ္က်ေနၾက ရံုသာမက အုန္းျပန္႔ရာသီဥတုကၾကမ္းေတာ့ ရုပ္ပိုင္းဆိုင္ရာက်န္းမာေရးကလဲ တျဖည္းျဖည္းဆိုးလာ ၾကေနပါၿပီ။ အသက္(၄၀)ေက်ာ္အားလံုးလိုလို ေသြးတိုး၊ႏွလံုး၊ ေလျဖတ္ အေၾကာဆြဲ……ေရာဂါ အေတာ္မ်ားမ်ား ရွိေနၾကပါတယ္။

၂၀၁၀ဇန္နဝါရီ(၅)ရက္ေန႔က UNHCRလာလို႔ အေျခအေနသြားေမးေတာ့ ၂၀၀၆ခုႏွစ္က ဒုကၡသည္ အေျခခ်ေနထိုင္ေရးအစီအစဥ္သမားမ်ားကိုသာ ေလာေလာဆယ္ဆယ္စဥ္းစားမယ္။ UNအေနနဲ႔လဲ ၂၀၀၆ခုမတိုင္မီကလူအတြက္သာပဲ လက္မွတ္ေရးထိုးထားတာျဖစ္တယ္။ ၂၀၀၆သမားေတာင္မေသခ်ာ ေသးဘူး၊ ေနာက္ပိုင္းလူေတြအတြက္ သူတို႔ဆီမွာ ဘာညႊန္ၾကားခ်က္မွမရွိဘူး၊ အားလံုးဟာဘာမွအသိ အမွတ္မျပဳေသးတ့ဲအတြက္ ထိုင္းႏိုင္ငံကို ခိုးဝင္လာတ့ဲအဆင့္ပဲ ရွိေသးတယ္လို႔ေျပာဆိုတယ္။ လူေဟာင္းကိစၥေတြကလဲ ဘာမွမေရမရာမေသခ်ာတ့ဲအေျဖပဲရွိလို႔ ဝိုင္းဝန္းေမးျမန္းၾကတာဆႏၵျပသလို ပံုစံျဖစ္ကုန္ပါတယ္။ ဒါကိုUNအရာရွိက ဓါတ္ပံုရိုက္ၿပီး သူ႔ကိုရိုင္းစိုင္းစြာဆက္ဆံတ့ဲသူေတြဆုိၿပီး စခန္း အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးမႉး ပလာ(ထိုင္း)ကို သြားတိုင္ပါတယ္။ ပလာကိုယ္တိုင္က သူတို႔ဟာရိုင္းစိုင္းၾကသူေတြ မဟုတ္ၾကပါဘူး၊ တေယာက္နဲ႔တေယာက္ နားလည္မႈလြဲလို႔ျဖစ္မွာပါ ဆိုၿပီးေျဖာင္းျဖလႊတ္လိုက္ပါတယ္။ အရင္ကဆိုရင္ ထိုင္းအာဏာပိုင္က ျမန္မာဒုကၡသည္ကို ဖမ္းမယ္ဆိုရင္ေတာင္မွ UN ကကယ္တင္ေပး ရေလ့ရွိပါတယ္။ အခုေတာ့ UNကိုယ္တိုင္က ျမန္မာေတြကို ဖမ္းၿပီးျပန္ပို႔ဖို႔ကို တိုက္တြန္းေနတ့ဲသေဘာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ မဲေဆာက္UNရံုးကို ခနခနအေျခအေနသြားေမးၾကည့္တ့ဲသူေတြကိုေတာ့ ငါတို႔UNက travelling agent ခရီးသြားလုပ္ငန္း လုပ္ေနတ့ဲအဖြဲ႔မဟုတ္ဘူးလို႔ မေခ်မငန္ေျပာလႊတ္တာခံရပါတယ္။ ယခင္ UNHCRတာဝန္ခံ အဲလီးဇဘက္လက္ထက္ကဆိုရင္ အခက္အခဲရွိသူမ်ား၊ ေထာင္ထဲတြင္ ႏွစ္ႀကီး က်ခံၿပီးခ့ဲသူမ်ားကို စိတ္ဓါတ္ေရးရာအရအားေပးသည့္အျပင္ တတ္ႏိုင္သည့္ဘက္က လိုက္ၿပီး အကူအညီေပးေလ့ရွိပါတယ္။ (ေထာင္ထဲတြင္ ၂၃ႏွစ္ၾကာေနခ့ဲရေသာ ေစာေဖါကို အားအထူးကိစၥ အျဖစ္ သတ္မွတ္ၿပီး USသို႔ အေျခခ်ေရးမွာ ဦးစားေပးေဆာင္ရြက္ေပးခ့ဲပါတယ္။)

၂၀၁၀ဇန္နဝါရီလ(၁၅)ရက္ေန႔မွာ စခန္းအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးမႉးနဲ႔ အုန္းျပန္႔PPအမ်ားစုေနထိုင္တ့ဲ (၁၆)ရပ္ကြက္ နဲ႔အစည္းအေဝးလုပ္တ့ဲအခါမွာ ထိုင္းႏိုင္ငံမွာေနတာ ထိုင္းဥပေဒကိုလိုက္နာရမ့ဲအေၾကာင္းမ်ားေျပာဆို ၿပီးမဲေဆာက္ UNရံုးမွာဆႏၵျပမ့ဲသတင္းကိုေျပာၿပီး စခန္းျပင္ပထြက္ခြင့္ ခြင့္လက္မွတ္ကိုရက္အကန္႔အ သတ္မရွိပိတ္ထားေၾကာင္းေျပာပါတယ္။ စည္းကမ္းခ်က္မ်ားကို တခုၿပီးတခု ထုတ္ျပန္ခ့ဲပါတယ္။ အခု ဆိုရင္ ေသေရးရွင္ေရးခြင့္ ေတာင္မွမေပးေတာ့တ့ဲသေဘာျဖစ္ေနပါတယ္။

ဒါ့အျပင္ ထိုင္းႏိုင္ငံတြင္းမွာရွိတ့ဲ ျမန္မာေရႊ႕ေျပာင္းအလုပ္သမားမ်ားကို ပတ္စ္ပို႔လုပ္ဖို႔အတြက္ ၂၀၁၀ခု ေဖေဖၚဝါရီ လကုန္မွာေနာက္ဆံုးထားၿပီးလုပ္ခိုင္းထားပါတယ္။ ၎ေနာက္ပိုင္းမွာ တရားဝင္ေနထိုင္ခြင့္ လက္မွတ္မရွိေသးသူမ်ားအားလံုးကို ဖမ္းဆီးမွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ အခုကၽြန္ေတာ္တို႔ PP အမ်ားစုဟာ ဘာလက္မွတ္မွ အသိအမွတ္ျပဳခံရတာမရွိၾကပါဘူး။ ဖမ္းဆီးၿပီးျပန္ပို႔မယ္ဆိုရင္လဲ နအဖလက္ထဲမွာ မွတ္တမ္းဝင္ထားတ့ဲအတြက္ ႏွစ္ရွည္ေထာင္ဒဏ္က်ခံၾကရမွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ တိုင္းရင္းသားကရင္လူမ်ဳိး စုမ်ားကေတာ့ Displaced Person မ်ားျဖစ္တ့ဲအတြက္ သူတို႔မူလေနရာမွာေနထိုင္ခြင့္မရွိေပမ့ဲ ျမန္မာ ႏိုင္ငံတြင္းမွာရွိတ့ဲ အျခား ေနရာေဒသေတြမွာ သြားေရာက္ေနထိုင္ၾကလို႔ရၾကပါတယ္။ သီးျခားမွတ္တမ္း လည္းမရွိတ့ဲအတြက္ ဘယ္သူေတြဆိုတာလဲမသိၾကပါဘူး။ ဥပမာ- မူဆလင္အမ်ားစုေနထိုင္တ့ဲကပူးရြာ ကိုနအဖစစ္တပ္က မီးရိႈ႕လို႔ထြက္ေျပးလာတယ္ဆိုေပမ့ဲ ရန္ကုန္၊ ေမာ္လၿမိဳင္က မူဆလင္လူမ်ဳိး (၅)သိန္း ေက်ာ္ဟာ ဒီကပူးရြာ ဘိုင္အိုနဲ႔ USကို အမ်ားႀကီးေရာက္သြားၾကပါတယ္။ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္း သားေဟာင္းအမ်ားစုဟာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံတြင္း မည္သည့္ေနရာေဒသမွာမဆို ဖမ္းမိရင္ႏွစ္ရွည္ေထာင္ခ်ဖို႔ မွတ္တမ္းေတြ နအဖဆီမွာရွိတ့ဲအျပင္ တတိယႏိုင္ငံကိုထြက္သြားတ့ဲ PP ဆိုတာလဲ ရာဂဏန္းပဲရွိပါေသး တယ္။ ေထာင္ဂဏန္းေတာင္မရွိပါဘူး။

ယခု၂၀၀၉ စက္တင္ဘာလမွလြတ္ေသာ ၁၀ဦးထက္မနည္းေသာ PPမ်ားမွာ အျပင္ေလာကျဖင့္ ထိေတြ႔ ဆက္စပ္မိသည္မွာ မၾကာေသးေသာ္လည္း နအဖ၏ ေစာင့္ၾကည့္မႈႏွင့္ ဖိႏွိပ္မႈေၾကာင့္ ခ်က္ျခင္းထိုင္း ႏိုင္ငံ သို႔ ထြက္ေျပး တိမ္းေရွာင္လာခ့ဲၾကရသျဖင့္ စိတ္ပိုင္းဆိုင္ရာ၊ ရုပ္ပိုင္းဆိုင္ရာ က်န္းမာေရးမွာ အလြန္ ပင္ အားနည္းလွ်က္ ပင္ရွိေနၾကပါေသးသည္။ ကန္႔ထဲတြင္ေနစရာအိမ္မရွိ၊ စားစရာမရွိ/ မရၾကေသးေတာ့ ေရာဂါမ်ားပိုဆိုး လို႔ပင္ေနၾကရပါေတာ့တယ္။ ေနာက္ထပ္လာေရာက္ၾကမည့္ PP မ်ား လဲရွိေနၾကပါေသးတယ္။ ႏို႔ဖိုးမွာ Pre Screening ၿပီးလို႔ အုန္းျပန္႔ကိုပဲ လူသစ္မ်ားဝင္ၾကရပါတယ္။

ဒီေတာ့ အုန္းျပန္႔စခန္းအတြင္းမွာရွိတ့ဲ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားေဟာင္း(၄၆)ဦးနဲ႔ မိသားစုမ်ားဟာ အခု ေလာေလာဆယ္ UNHCR ကဒုကၡသည္အျဖစ္ေတာင္ အသိအမွတ္ျပဳမခံရေသးတ့ဲအတြက္ ေရႊ႕ေျပာင္း လုပ္သားေတြထက္ေတာင္ အဆင့္နိမ့္ေနေသးတ့ဲအတြက္ တတိယႏိုင္ငံကို အေျခခ်ေနထိုင္ေရးဆိုတာ ပိုလို႔ေတာင္မွ ေဝးလို႔ေနၾကပါေသးတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ႏိုင္ငံတကာမွာရွိတ့ဲ ရဲေဘာ္မ်ားအေနနဲ႔ ႏို႔ဖိုးနဲ႔ အုန္းျပန္႔ ဒုကၡသည္စခန္းမွာရွိတ့ဲ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားေဟာင္းမ်ားကိုယ္စား သက္ဆိုင္ရာႏိုင္ငံ၊ သက္ဆိုင္ရာအဖြဲ႔အစည္းမ်ားကို အေၾကာင္းၾကားေတာင္းဆို ဆႏၵျပေပးၾကပါလို႔ ေမတၱာရပ္ခံခ်င္ပါ တယ္။ အထူးသျဖင့္ UNHCR က့ဲသို႔ရံုးမ်ားကို အဓိကထားေတာင္းဆိုေပးေစခ်င္ၾကပါတယ္။ ပူးတြဲပါ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားေဟာင္း (၄၉)ဦးမ်ားကလဲ လက္မွတ္ေရးထိုးေတာင္းဆိုဖို႔ အဆင္သင့္ရွိေနၾက ပါတယ္။ ထိေရာက္မ့ဲ စကားလံုးအသံုးအႏႈံးမ်ားသံုး၍ အဂၤလိပ္လိုဘာသာျပန္ေပးၾကေစလိုပါတယ္။



အုန္းျပန္႔ ဒုကၡသည္စခန္းအတြင္း လက္ရွိေနထိုင္လွ်က္ရွိေသာ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားမ်ား

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စဥ္၊ အ မည္ ၊ အဘ အမည္ ၊ ပုဒ္မ ၊ အက်ဥ္းေထာင္ ၊ ခုႏွစ္ ၊ ကန္႔လိပ္စာ ၊ မွတ္ခ်က္

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၁၊ ဦးလြင္ျမင့္ ၊ ဦးသန္း ၊၅(ည)၁၇(၁) ၊အင္းစိန္၊သရက္ ၊၁၉၉၀-၉၈ ၊၁၁၃/၁၆ ၊

၂၊ဦးေက်ာ္စိုးဝင္း ၊ဦးေအးျမင့္ ၊၅(ည)၁၇(၁) ၊အင္းစိန္ ၊၁၉၉၃-၉၇ ၊၁၁၁/၁၆ ၊

၃၊ဦးသီဟ ၊ဦးေအာင္သန္း ၊၅(ည) ၊အင္းစိန္၊သရက္ ၊၁၉၉၆-၂၀၀၄ ၊၁၂၆/၁၆ ၊

၄၊ဦးတင့္လြင္(ခ)သိဂီေအါင္၊ဦးခင္ေမာင္ ၊၅(ည) ၊အင္းစိန္၊သရက္ ၊၁၉၉၀-၉၈ ၊၁၂၆/၁၆ ၊

၅၊ဦးေဌးေဇာ္ ၊ဦးဘထြန္း ၊၅(ည) ၊အင္းစိန္၊သရက္ ၊၂၀၀၂-၂၀၀၈ ၊၁၃၅/၁၆ ၊

၆၊ဦးသန္းလွ ၊ဦးတာကြဲ ၊၁၂၂(၁) ၊အင္းစိန္၊သရက္ ၊၁၉၈၃-၂၀၀၆ ၊(၂)ရပ္ကြက္ ၊

၇၊ဦးလွသန္း ၊ဦးခင္ေမါင္ျမင့္ ၊၅(ည)၁၇(၁) ၊အင္းစိန္၊သရက္ ၊၁၉၉၀-၂၀၀၃ ၊(၁၃)ရပ္ကြက္၊

၈၊မေအးေအးမိုး ၊ဦးတင္ေအာင္ ၊၅(ည)၁၇(၁) ၊အင္းစိန္၊ေတာင္ေလးလံုး ၊၁၉၉၈-၂၀၀၀ ၊၂၇၆/၁၆ ၊

၉၊ဦးဝင္းျမင့္ ၊ဦးျမေမာင္ ၊၅(ည) ၊အင္းစိန္၊သါယါဝတီ ၊၁၉၉၆-၂၀၀၅ ၊၁၀၉/၁၆ ၊

၁၀၊ဦးေစာညီညီ ၊ဦးထြန္းျမေက်ာ္ ၊၅(ည) ၊စစ္ေတြ၊အင္းစိန္၊သါယါဝတီ၊၁၉၉၁-၂၀၀၂ ၊(၄)ရပ္ကြက္ ၊

၁၁၊ဦးၾကည္ဝင္း ၊ဦးေမာင္ဟိန္ ၊၅(ည) ၊အင္းစိန္၊သရက္ ၊၁၉၉၄-၂၀၀၀ ၊(၁၃)ရပ္ကြက္၊

၁၂၊ေဒၚေဌးေဌးဝင္း ၊ဦးေအာင္ခင္ ၊၅(ည) ၊အင္းစိန္ ၊၁၉၇၅/၂၀၀၇-၀၉၊၁၉၉/၁၆ ၊UMP

၁၃၊မသန္းသန္းဆင့္ ၊ဦးေအာင္သိန္း ၊၅(ည)၁၃(၁) ၊အင္းစိန္ ၊၂၀၀၅-၂၀၀၉ ၊ ၁၆၃/၁၆ ၊

၁၄၊ဦးရန္ေအာင္ေရႊ ၊ဦးေရႊသိီးေအာင္ ၊၅(ည)၁၇(၁) ၊အင္းစိန္၊သရက္ ၊၁၉၉၉-၂၀၀၉ ၊(၄)ရပ္ကြက္ ၊

၁၅၊ဦးတိုးေအာင္ ၊ဦးေမာင္ႏု ၊၅(ည) ၊အင္းစိန္၊မႏၱေလး ၊၁၉၉၅-၂၀၀၅ ၊(၁)ရပ္ကြက္ ၊

၁၆၊ဦးေက်ာ္ေက်ာ္လြင္ ၊ဦးေမာင္လြင္ ၊၅(ည) ၊ေကာ့ေသာင္း၊ၿမိတ္ ၊၂၀၀၃-၂၀၀၉ ၊(၃)ရပ္ကြက္ ၊

၁၇၊ဦးႏိုင္မင္းေထြး ၊ဦးတင္ဝင္း ၊၅(ည) ၊အင္းစိန္၊ေျမာင္းျမ ၊၁၉၉၆-၂၀၀၂ ၊(၃)ရပ္ကြက္ ၊

၁၈၊ဦးေက်ာ္ေက်ာ္ခိုင္ ၊ဦးခင္ေဖ ၊၅(ည)၁၂၂(၁) ၊အင္းစိန္၊ေျမာင္းျမ ၊၁၉၈၈-၂၀၀၈ ၊(၁၁)ရပ္ကြက္၊

၁၉၊ဦးေဇာ္ဝင္း ၊ဦးအုန္းခိုင္ ၊၅(ည)၁၇(၁) ၊အင္းစိန္၊ေတာင္ငူ ၊၁၉၉၀-၁၉၉၇ ၊(၂)ရပ္ကြက္ ၊

၂၀၊ဦးေဇာ္မိုးျမင့္ ၊ဦးျမင့္ေဆြ ၊၅(ည) ၊အင္းစိန္၊ေျမာင္းျမ ၊၁၉၉၈-၂၀၀၂ ၊(၁၁)ရပ္ကြက္၊

၂၁၊ဦးေစာပလာေဖါ ၊ဦး ၊၁၂၂(၁) ၊အင္းးစိန္၊ျမင္းၿခံ ၊၁၉၈၂-၁၉၉၃ ၊(၁၀)ရပ္ကြက္၊UMP

၂၂၊ဦးထြန္းလင္းေက်ာ္ ၊ဦးေက်ာ္စိန္ ၊၅(ည) ၊အင္းစိန္ ၊၂၀၀၄-၂၀၀၇ ၊(၂)ရပ္ကြက္ ၊

၂၃၊ဦးေအာင္ပန္ ၊ဦးဘိုနီ ၊၅(ည) ၅၀၅(၁) ၊မံုရြာ ၊၁၉၈၉-၁၉၉၀ ၊၁၀၉/၁၆ ၊

၂၄၊ဦးစိုးျမင့္ ၊ဦးေဖသန္း ၊၅(ည) ၊ထားဝယ္ ၊၁၉၉၀-၉၃ ၊(၃)ရပ္ကြက္ ၊

၂၅၊ဦးေအာင္သန္း ၊ဦးေမာင္ေမာင္ ၊၅(ည)၁၇(၁) ၊အင္းစိန္၊ သာယာဝတီ ၊၁၉၉၁-၂၀၀၉ ၊MYA/၇-ရပ္ကြက္၊

၂၆၊ဦးေအာင္မိုး ၊ဦးစိုးညြန္႔ ၊၅(ည) ၊ပဲခူး ၊၁၉၉၈-၂၀၀၄ ၊(၈)ရပ္ကြက္ ၊

၂၇၊မသင္းမင္းစိုး ၊ဦးစိုးသိန္း ၊၁၇(၁)၁၃(၁) ၊အင္းစိန္ ၊၂၀၀ -၂၀၀၉ ၊(၁၃)ရပ္ကြက္၊

၂၈၊ဦးဇဝန(ဘုန္းႀကီး) ၊ဦးတင္စိန္ ၊၅(ည)၁၂၂(၁) ၊အင္းစိန္၊ေတာင္ငူ ၊၁၉၉၃-၂၀၀၉ ၊၁၆-ဘုန္းႀကီးေက်ာင္း၊

၂၉၊ဦးဝိသုတ(ဘုန္းႀကီး) ၊ဦးဦးေမာင္ ၊၅(ည) ၊သာယာဝတီ၊စစ္ေတြ ၊၁၉၈၈-၁၉၉၇ ၊ ။ ၊

၃၀၊ဦးခိုင္ေသာင္းေက်ၚေအါင္၊ဦးေအါင္ဖိုးေခ် ၊၁၇(၁)၁၇(၂) ။ေကာ့ေသာင္၊ျမိတ္ ၊၁၉၉၈-၂၀၀၆ ၊၂၈၄၊၂-ရပ္ကြက္

၃၁၊ဦးေအာင္ေငြဆန္း ၊ဦးတင္လွ ၊၁၇(၁/၂) ၊ေျမာင္းျမ၊ေမၚလၿမိဳင္၊အင္းစိန္၊၂၀၀၀-၂၀၀၃ ၊(၄)ရပ္ကြက္ ၊

၃၂၊ဦးဥကၠံသ(ဘုန္းႀကီး) ၊ဦးယဥ္ထြန္းခိုင္ ၊၂၉၅ ၊အင္းစိန္၊မအူပင္၊သါယါဝတီ၊၁၉၉၂-၂၀၀၁ ၊အင္ၾကင္ေက်ာင္း၊

၃၃၊ဦးကုသလ(ဘုန္းႀကီး) ၊ဦးနံ႔သာေအာင္ ၊၁၇(၁) ၊စစ္ေတြ၊ေတာင္ငူ ၊၁၉၉၁-၉၅ ၊ ။ ၊

၃၄၊ဦးေသာဘိတ(ဘုန္းႀကီး)၊ဦးစိုးႏိုင္ ၊၂၉၅ ၊ေတာင္ငူ၊အင္းစိန္ ၊၂၀၀၅-၂၀၀၆ ၊၁၆-ဘုန္းႀကီးေက်ာင္း

၊ ၊ ၊ ၊ ၊ ၊ ၊

UMPလူေဟာင္း(၃)ဦးမွာ USAကို ဆိုင္းင့ံျဖစ္ေနပါေသးသည္။

အုန္းျပန္႔ ဒုကၡသည္စခန္းအတြင္း စာရင္းသြင္းထားေသာ မဲေဆာက္ၿမိဳ႕ေန ႏိုင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားမ်ား

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စဥ္၊ အ မည္ ၊ အဘ အမည္ ၊ ပုဒ္မ ၊ အက်ဥ္းေထာင္ ၊ ခုႏွစ္ ၊ ကန္႔လိပ္စာ ၊ မွတ္ခ်က္

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၁၊ ဦးေဌးလိႈင္ ၊ ဦးစိန္လိႈင္ ၊၅(ည) ၊အင္းစိန္၊ေတာင္ငူ ၊၁၉၉၆-၂၀၀၅ ၊(၃)ရပ္ကြက္ ၊

၂၊ဦးေက်ာ္ေက်ာ္ခိုင္ ၊ဦးအုန္းေက်ာ္ ၊၅(ည) ၊အင္းစိန္၊ေတာင္ငူ ၊၁၉၉၆-၉၈ ၊၂၇၄/၁၆ ၊

၃၊မသႏၱာ ၊ဦးျမတ္ေက်ာ္ ၊၅(ည) ၊အင္းစိန္ ၊၁၉၉၆-၂၀၀၂ ၊ ။ ၊

၄၊ဦးမိုးျမင့္ ၊ဦးစိန္ဝင္း ၊၅(ည) ၊အင္းစိန္ ၊၁၉၇၅/၁၉၈၉-၉၅ ၊(၂)ရပ္ကြက္ ၊

၅၊ဦးေအးမင္းစိုး ၊ဦးစိုးသိန္း ၊၅(ည) ၊ေတာင္ငူ ၊၁၉၉၀-၉၃ ၊၁၄၀/၁၆ ၊

၆၊ဦးစိုးႏိုင္ ၊ဦးတင္ေအး ၊၅(ည) ၊မႏၱေလး ၊၁၉၉၃-၉၆ ၊၂၇၆/၁၆ ၊

၇၊ဦးသက္ဦး ၊ဦးသိန္းလြင္ ၊၅(ည) ၊အင္းစိန္၊သာယာဝတီ ၊၁၉၉၃-၂၀၀၄ ၊၂၇၆/၁၆ ၊

၈၊ဦးေအာင္ခိုင္ ၊ဦးတင္ဝင္းသင္ ၊၅(ည) ၊အင္းစိန္၊ပုသိမ္ ၊၁၉၉၆-၂၀၀၃ ၊၁၁၃/၁၆ ၊

၉၊ဦးသီဟရာဇာ ၊ဦးဘေထြး ၊၅(ည)၁၂၂(၁) ၊အင္းစိန္၊ေတာင္ႀကီး ၊၊၁၉၉၁-၂၀၀၈ ၊၁၃၁/၁၆ ၊

၁၀၊ဦးယဥ္ေထြး ၊ဦးသိန္းႏြယ္ ၊၅(ည) ၊အင္းစိန္၊သာယာဝတီ ၊၁၉၉၂-၂၀၀၀ ၊၃၀၇/၁၆ ၊

၁၁၊ဦးေက်ာ္သိန္း ၊ဦးရဲျမင့္ ၊၅(ည) ၊ေမာ္လၿမိဳင္ ၊၁၉၈၂-၈၄ ၊၆၁ /၁၆ ၊

၁၂၊ဦးစိုးထိုက္ ၊ဦးဘိုသန္း ၊၅(ည) ၊အင္းစိန္၊သာယာဝတီ ၊၁၉၉၁-၂၀၀၀ ၊၁၀၉/၁၆ ၊

၁၃၊မမိုးကလ်ာဦး ၊ဦးေအါင္ေက်ာ္မိုး ၊၅(ည) ၊အင္းစိန္၊သာယာဝတီ ၊၁၉၉၅-၂၀၀၁ ၊၁၀၉/၁၆ ၊

၁၄၊ဦးသက္ႏိုင္ ၊ဦးဝင္းၾကည္ ၊၅(ည) ၊အင္းစိန္၊ျမစ္ႀကီးနား ၊၁၉၈၉-၉၇ ၊(၁၃)ရပ္ကြက္၊

၁၅၊ဦးရဲထြန္းဦး ၊ဦးမ်ဳိးေအာင္ ၊၅(ည)၁၇(၁) ၊အင္းစိန္၊မအူပင္၊သာယာဝတီ၊၁၉၉၂-၂၀၀၁ ၊၁၀၉/၁၆ ၊ UMP
Thanks to the email sender

Updated Dialogue Between Military Government and NLD
Thanks to Yeyintnge Blogspot

Organizations Around the World Statements on Boycott 2010 Election in Burma

THAN SHWE’S STRATEGY

DICTATOR WATCH
(www.dictatorwatch.org)

Contact: Roland Watson, roland@dictatorwatch.org

THE BURMA ARMY: A HOUSE OF CARDS

January 17, 2010

Please forward.


We have a new article, Than Shwe's Strategy, which describes the dictator
of Burma's plan to stay in power, and how the pro-democracy movement can
make it fail. Than Shwe's hold on power now is actually quite weak. The
Burma Army is a House of Cards. It is ready to fall - to collapse upon
itself. All this requires is a little push.

We also have photos of the country's armed resistance, which is actively
preparing to fight, and an Army order describing the Border Guard Force,
which many of the ceasefire resistance groups refuse to accept; as well as
two revolutionary fliers that Dictator Watch helped distribute inside
Burma in the run-up to the 2007 Saffron Uprising, to illustrate the types
of revolutionary materials that underground groups and individuals should
be publishing nationwide right now.

http://www.dictatorwatch.org/articles/thanshwe.html

http://www.dictatorwatch.org/phshows/resistance2010.html

http://www.dictatorwatch.org/phshows/burmafliers.html


THAN SHWE’S STRATEGY

By Roland Watson
January 17, 2010

Than Shwe’s goal is to stay in power, even if and when he relinquishes nominal control. To achieve this he must quell all threats to his rule, both internal and external. It is apparent that he has thought through this challenge very carefully. He has plans in place to counter all such threats, including by recruiting allies and other types of support.

Having said this, his efforts have failed to achieve several specific objectives. While it is true that military rule in Burma is now completing its fifth decade, his hold on power is actually quite weak. It could collapse at any moment, and, with the correct prompting, it would.

The internal opposition to Than Shwe and the other top generals of the SPDC comprises: the people of Burma, who through a variety of avenues are pressing peacefully for freedom and democracy (significant subsets within the popular movement include the National League for Democracy, students, and Buddhist monks); the ethnic and student armed resistance groups that have not accepted ceasefires; and the ethnic groups that have signed ceasefires. (For the last, the ceasefires are only a temporary peace: the groups - if only in theory - could renounce them at any time and return to active armed resistance.) Externally, the opposition comprises Burmese expatriates, including refugees (most refugees, though, are not politically active, due to their need to concentrate on survival), and their international activist backers.

Than Shwe’s internal support comes from the Armed Forces; the family members and related businesses of senior officers; and organized support groups including the USDA, police, fire brigades, and the paramilitary Swan Arr Shin. External allies include direct supporters such as China, Russia, North Korea, Singapore and India (anyone who provides arms to the SPDC is a direct supporter); Thailand, which is also a direct supporter due to its role as customer of Burma’s natural gas, and because of its repression of Thai-based pro-democracy groups; and indirect supporters including the other nations of Asean as well as the multi-national corporations that are active in Burma (which are largely from these countries and also South Korea and Japan).

For the popular resistance inside Burma, Than Shwe employs a variety of tactics. In general terms, the people of the country are being kept poor, hungry, and with inadequate medical care and education, as it is extremely difficult for such a population to rebel. (Such conditions would remain the norm even were international sanctions to be lifted.) While it is likely not an explicit goal, it is not an overstatement to say that the SPDC aspires for Burma to have one of the world’s highest rates of child mortality, and HIV transmission, and lowest life expectancies.

For Burma’s ethnic minorities, Than Shwe has additionally engaged in the crime against humanity of ethnic cleansing.

Specific tactics include psychological warfare, disinformation and propaganda, foremost of which is the Seven Step Roadmap, which is intended to signal a seeming willingness to accept democracy, and which comprises associated sham events such as the drafting of and then referendum on a new constitution, plans for a “democratic” election, etc.; infiltration of both above and underground pro-democracy groups; arrest and torture of dissidents; violent suppression of protestors (e.g., the attacks on monasteries following the Saffron uprising); the “Four Cuts” scorched earth offensives against the minorities (first implemented by Ne Win in the 1960s against the Kachin); and assassination. For the last, assassination has been a tactic of choice by pro-dictatorship parties in Burma since independence, reflecting the belief that the easiest way to defeat or at least disrupt the opposition is to kill its leaders.

For the active armed resistance groups, the Burma Army launches military offensives, especially during the dry season, and assassination plots. For the ceasefire groups, the leaders of such groups are tamed through corruption – the offering or acceptance of lucrative business dealings, usually for the extraction of natural resources or the production of narcotics; and the groups are systematically restricted and weakened, at the same time Army units in their vicinity are increased. Than Shwe’s ultimate goal is to disarm such groups, but as this has proved unachievable he has substituted a program of reorganizing them as Border Guard Forces (BGF) under Burma Army command. As last summer’s attack on the Kokang illustrated, he is even willing to terminate the ceasefires unilaterally and resort to military action in an attempt to bring such a group under his direct control.

Thank Shwe has further committed the war crime of using chemical weapons in offensives against both non-ceasefire and ceasefire groups. It has been reported that the Burma Army now has significant supplies of chemical weapon artillery shells distributed throughout Shan State for use in future offensives.

Also, for all opposition groups, including peaceful pro-democracy and both non-ceasefire and ceasefire armed resistance, Than Shwe has employed a variant of the aforementioned infiltration, by recruiting traitors within the groups to help with assassinations and offensives and more generally to foment division. (This too was evidenced most recently with the Kokang.)

Externally, the SPDC uses the same divide and conquer infiltration with expatriate pro-democracy organizations. The junta will also engage in assassinations on foreign soil, although to-date this has been limited to border areas in Thailand. Than Shwe apparently does not yet have the ability or the willingness to commit assassinations in such places as Chiang Mai and Bangkok, much less Europe, Australia and the United States.

With the International Community, he has followed a strategy of isolation, continuing the policy of Ne Win, together with the unlikely combination of stonewalling – complete intransigence, and a false openness to negotiation. Maintaining this charade has only been possible with the support of international parties – China, Russia, Singapore and the United Nations have been the most vocal – which have claimed again and again that such openness is sincere. (The U.N., though, clearly has a different agenda – to put a positive spin on its efforts, than the former, who are dedicated SPDC allies.)

For his internal support, Than Shwe has constructed a fine balance within its foundation, the Armed Forces. The loyalty of senior officers is secured financially, duplicating the corruption of the ceasefire group leaders. Officers are also routinely reassigned or purged. Rank and file troops are kept in line with brutality (many are press-ganged child soldiers), and also restrained by sub-subsistence pay and rations. While the SPDC has engaged in a massive modernization program, which includes the acquisition and/or production of a wide range of arms, it further has denied front-line troops their use, for fear that the weapons would be turned against the officers or given or sold to the resistance.

The other internal foundation of the SPDC’s rule, its supposed backing by the country’s religious leaders – Buddhist monks, was revealed to be the farce that most independent observers had already concluded, as a result of the Saffron crackdown.

External support from allies such as China and multi-national corporations is secured by business relationships, focused on the extraction of natural resources or the acquisition of arms, and, for Thailand, the supply of exploitable migrant workers. Thailand, and perhaps India as well, are also believed to be the subjects of diplomatic extortion, for Thailand, over the natural gas supply, and for both through the threat of the SPDC’s increasingly sophisticated arsenal. Certain national allies, including China and North Korea, further cooperate because of their shared fear of democracy. Freedom for one would lead to exponentially increased pressure for change against the others.

Lastly, Than Shwe has embarked on a nuclear weapons program, as a defense against the most severe international threat to his rule, a foreign military intervention, and also to satisfy his vanity that he is Burma’s latest King.

The House of Cards

Even with this complex strategy, and as noted at the beginning, Than Shwe’s hold on power is fragile. It could be broken at any time, as a result of internal disputes within the Tatmadaw. Moreover, by acting wisely and with decisiveness, we, Burma’s pro-democracy movement, can make it fail.

The SPDC, notwithstanding its natural gas revenues, appears to have a significant funding shortfall. The economic sanctions are having a big impact. Also, it is possible that a large amount of the junta’s money is tied up: by unannounced sanctions implementation steps against foreign bank holdings and funds transfers; for weapons systems already paid for but not yet delivered – e.g., for the weapons on the North Korean cargo flight that landed, or was forced to land, in Bangkok; etc. (One wonders how the junta has agreed to compensate Russia for the new MIG-29s?)

This shortfall is causing severe hardship within Burma Army units, which have inadequate pay and provisions. There is now a regular stream of desertions, and not only from the Tatmadaw’s ethnic allies such as the DKBA. The soldiers are unhappy, and increasingly they are expressing this, by disobeying orders, by defecting, and by refusing to return from leave.

These conditions in turn appear to have forced the junta to postpone planned offensives against the ethnic resistance groups.

The strongest ceasefire groups further refuse to transform into BGF, meaning that they will remain outside of the SPDC’s control. Most of these groups are preparing to resume active armed resistance, if attacked by the Burma Army.

Also, the junta still does not know what to do with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Daw Suu and the NLD remain the primary legitimate source of power in Burma. Were she to be freed, the popular movement could re-ignite at any time. An election with her participation therefore effectively spells the doom of the SPDC. However, without her it will be meaningless.

All of these issues have led the top generals to postpone announcing the date of the 2010 election. Than Shwe is actually trapped by the election; it is a trap of his own making. There is no way that he can hold it where the result will help cement his control.

These problems, which are of the utmost severity, and together with heavy international pressure, have likely caused significant disagreements within the SPDC. After all, a split between Than Shwe and Maung Aye has been rumored for years. Now is the time to do everything possible to increase this division and uncertainty. The SPDC is a House of Cards. It is ready to fall.

It is within our power to make 2010 the year of freedom for Burma.

Specific steps

We need to attack the Tatmadaw in as many ways as possible, and at all levels. Appeals should be posted or painted on walls throughout Burma for ordinary soldiers to desert, and even to turn their guns on their officers.

As an example of such an appeal, this is a flier that we helped distribute inside Burma a couple of years ago while the national convention was being held. Statements such as this should be seen everywhere, and also the Fighting Peacock image.

Similarly, someone should write an appeal to Burma Army officers not to follow the orders of their superiors when such orders contravene international law and even the Tatmadaw’s own military regulations. In this document it should be made clear that to act on such orders eposes the officers to international prosecution for war crimes (which prosecution has already been found to be justified by legal scholars at Harvard Law School). This appeal should then be broadcast into Burma on as many of the international TV and radio media outlets as possible.

Indeed, the time is long overdue for a United Nations investigation of the SPDC’s war crimes, as the recent demand by a large group of British MPs underlines. The UN promptly completed such an investigation for the murderous crackdown last year by the government of Guinea on unarmed protestors. There is no reason that an investigation should not be launched immediately for Burma, where the military government’s crimes against humanity are now in their fifth decade.

(One wonders: Is the U.S. also holding up this investigation, not only China and Russia, because it has not joined the International Criminal Court and because of concerns that Bush Administration officials may some day be charged for committing torture in Iraq? The U.S. may be taking the view, the fewer war crimes prosecutions, the better.)

Simply launching an investigation would have a profound effect on the officers of the Tatmadaw, likely causing many to defect or otherwise to act to protect themselves – by turning against their superiors. As we have suggested before, the NLD should consider making an offer of amnesty to officers and other soldiers who turn against the top generals.

Internationally, we need to mobilize funding sources to offer financial inducements to Burma Army soldiers who desert, with the payments based on the number of weapons that they bring. Such an initiative would be extraordinarily effective. If you have any ideas about such funding, please get in touch.

Next, if the Burma Army is delaying offensives against the ethnic groups, this is a good time to turn the tables. The KNU should do everything humanly possible to reunite with the DKBA, or otherwise recruit large numbers of DKBA soldiers, even entire battalions. All of the members of the Military Alliance should launch a general and coordinated offensive, with attacks against Burma Army camps and outposts, columns, etc. Finally, the ceasefire groups including the Wa, KIO, NMSP, Mongla and the remnants of the Kokang should not only continue their rejection of BGF, they should attack as well.

These groups are prepared. Please see the accompanying photos, and also an SPDC document describing the BGF plan.

Accompanying this, we need as many underground activities inside Burma as possible, from agitation, to small strikes and demonstrations, to more aggressive action. As an example of the first, this is another flier that we distributed in Burma in the run-up to the 2007 Saffron Uprising. Again, such statements should appear on walls and buildings throughout the country.

When Burma Army soldiers see increasing signs of unrest, they will have a great temptation to change sides and join the people. Moreover, if this plan is implemented in its entirety, it means that everyone in Burma outside of the SPDC will have participated. Everyone will have played a role in winning the country’s freedom. Not only is this right and just, it would further set the stage for the cooperation that will be necessary to establish a functioning federal democracy.

Than Shwe may be acquiring an atomic bomb, but this is no defense against the people of Burma!

Bloggers view on 2010 Election

၂၀၁၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြကုိ NLD ၀င္ေရး၊ မ၀င္ေရးနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္ၿပီး ဘေလာ္ဂါတခ်ဳိ႕ရဲ႕ အျမင္
အင္တာဗ်ဴး
ဇန္န၀ါရီ ၁၇၊ ၂၀၁၀
၁။ ဒီႏွစ္ထဲမွာ လုပ္မယ္ဆုိတ့ဲ ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြကုိ NLD က ၀င္သင့္သလား။

၂။ (မ၀င္သင့္ဘူးလုိ႔ ယူဆရင္ ဒီေမးခြန္းကုိ ဆက္ေျဖပါ။) ပါတီ ဆက္လက္ ရပ္တည္ခြင့္ ရေအာင္ မဲဆႏၵနယ္တခ်ဳိ႕မွာ ၀င္ျပိဳင္တာမ်ဳိးေရာ မလုပ္သင့္ဘူးလား။ ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြမ၀င္ရင္ ထြက္ေပၚလာမယ့္ ဥပေဒအရ ပါတီ ဖ်က္သိမ္းခံရဖြယ္ ရိွေနတယ္။ ၁၉၉၀ ျပည့္ႏွစ္အတြက္ ထုတ္ျပန္ခ့ဲတ့ဲ ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြ ဥပေဒအရ ဆုိရင္ အနည္းဆုံး မဲဆႏၵနယ္ ၃ ခုမွာ ၀င္ျပိဳင္ရမယ္တ့ဲ။

မုိးမခက ျမန္မာဘေလာ္ဂါတခ်ဳိ႕ကုိ အဲဒီလုိဆက္သြယ္ ေမးျမန္းထားပါတယ္။ သူတုိ႔ ဘာေျပာထားၾကသလဲ ဖတ္ၾကည့္ပါဦး။
မင္းဒင္ mindin.info



ဝင္သင့္တယ္လို႕ ေျဖပါရေစ ။ ပါတီေထာင္တယ္ဆုိတာ ျပည္သူကုိ အလုပ္အေကၽြးျပဳႏိုင္ဖုိ႔၊ လႊတ္ေတာ္မွာ ေနရာယူႏိုင္ဖို႕ အဓိက က်လွပါတယ္။ မဟုတ္တမ္းတရား၊ မေတာ္တေလ်ာ္၊ မတရား မွဳေတြ၊ ညစ္ပတ္နည္း မ်ဳိးစုံ ၾကံဳရမယ္ဆိုတာ က်ေနာ္လုိ ခပ္တံုးတံုး လူေတာင္ ၾကိဳတင္ တြက္ဆလို႕ ရပါတယ္။ သုိ႕ေသာ္ “ရွဳံးႏိုင္ႏွစ္တန္၊ ရင္ဆုိင္ တုိက္ခိုက္ ေက်ာ၌ ဒဏ္ရာ မထိရာတည့္ ရင္၌ ထိမွ ျမတ္ရာ၏” ဆုိသမို႕လား။

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အညာေႏြ တမာေျမ anyarnwaytamarmyay.blogspot.com

မ၀င္သင့္ပါ။ ၁၉၉၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲဟာ တရားမွ်တျပီးသားပါ။ အားလံုး အဆင္ေျပေစခ်င္ရင္ တိုင္းရင္းသားေတြ၊ NLD နဲ႔ နအဖ ေတြ႕ဆံု ေဆြးေႏြးဖို႔ လုိပါတယ္။ ဒုတိယေမးခြန္းကေတာ့ ေမးစရာမလုိပါဘူး ခုလည္း ပါတီက ဖ်က္သိမ္းခံရတ့ဲ့ ပါတီနဲ႕ အတူတူပါပဲ။
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ကုိေပါ kopaw07.blogspot.com

၁။ ေရႊဂုံတုိင္ေၾကညာစာတမ္းပါ ေတာင္းဆုိခ်က္မ်ားကုိ နအဖက မလိုက္ေလ်ာခဲ့လွ်င္ ၂၀၁၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲကုိ လုံးဝ မဝင္သင့္ပါ။ ဘာေၾကာင့္မဝင္သင့္သလဲဆုိလွ်င္….
(က) ဒီမုိကေရစီႏွင့္ မညီေသာ ဖြဲ႕စည္းပုံကုိ အလုိတူအလုိပါ အသက္သြင္းေပးရာေရာက္သြားႏုိင္သည္။
(ခ) လူထုက တခဲနက္ ေထာက္ခံထားေသာ ၁၉၉၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲရလဒ္ကုိ ပစ္ပယ္ရာေရာက္သည္။
(ဂ) ဤဖြဲ႕စည္းပုံအတုိ္င္း ဝင္အေရြးခံလွ်င္လည္း လႊတ္ေတာ္တြင္းမွတဆင့္ ထိေရာက္ေသာျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲေရးမ်ား လုပ္ႏုိင္မည္ မဟုတ္သျဖင့္ စစ္ကၽြန္သက္ တာရွည္ရန္သာ အေထာက္အကူ ျဖစ္သြားမည္။
(ဃ) ေရႊဂုံတုိင္ေၾကညာခ်က္ကုိ ထုတ္ခဲ့ၿပီးေနာက္ နအဖက မလုိက္ေလ်ာဘဲ ဝင္အေရြးခံလွ်င္ NLD အေနျဖင့္ (႐ႈံ႕ခ်ည္ႏွပ္ခ်ည္ႏွင့္) ႏုိင္ငံေရးသိကၡာမရွိရာ ေရာက္သြားႏုိင္သည္။ ………စတဲ့ အေၾကာင္းမ်ားေၾကာင့္ ဝင္မၿပဳိင္သင့္ပါ။

၂။ ပါတီဖ်က္သိမ္းခံရျခင္းသည္ အေရးမႀကီးပါ။ ပါတီ မရွိေတာ့ေသာ္လည္း အဓိက အတုိက္အခံအင္အားစုမ်ားမွာ ေပ်ာက္ပ်က္သြားမည္ မဟုတ္ပါ။ မူလရပ္တည္ခ်က္ကုိပင္ ဆုပ္ကုိင္လ်က္ အျခားအသြင္တမ်ဳိးႏွင့္ ရပ္တည္ႏုိင္ပါသည္။ ေညာင္ႏွစ္ပင္ ဖြဲ႕စည္းပုံေအာက္တြင္ တရားဝင္ပါတီ အျဖစ္ ရပ္တည္ေနၿပီး ဘာတခုမွ ထိထိေရာက္ေရာက္ လုပ္ခြင့္ မရျခင္းထက္ ေျမေအာက္အဖြဲ႕အစည္းအျဖစ္ လူထုကုိ လွ်ဳိ႕ဝွက္ စည္း႐ုံးႏုိင္သည္က ပုိမုိ ထိေရာက္ႏုိင္ပါသည္။
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ေအာင္သာငယ္ aungthange.blogspot.com

၁။ မ၀င္သင့္ပါ။ ၂၀၁၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲသည္ မည္သည့္နည္းႏွင့္မွ် တရားမ၀င္ပါ။ ထို႕ေၾကာင့္ ၀င္စရာ မလိုပါ။ ဒီ/ခ်ဳပ္သည္ ၁၉၉၀ အေထြေထြ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲတြင္ ျပည္သူလူထုက ႏွစ္ႏွစ္ကာကာ ေပးခဲ့ေသာ မဲမ်ားျဖင့္ အႏိုင္ ရခဲ့ေသာ ပါတီ ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ ဒီခ်ဳပ္ကို အာဏာ လႊဲျခင္း/မလႊဲျခင္းသည္ ထိုအာဏာကို အတင္းအဓမၼ သိမ္းယူထားေသာ စစ္အုပ္စု၏ ျပႆနာသာ ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ သို႕ေသာ္လည္း ဒီ/ခ်ဳပ္သည္ ၁၉၉၀ ေမလ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ ရလဒ္အရ ျပည္သူလူထုက ေပးအပ္လိုက္ေသာ အခြင့္အာဏာကို ရရွိျပီး ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ ထို အာဏာကို ဆက္လက္ ဆုပ္ကိုင္ျပီး လႊတ္ေတာ္ ေခၚကာ အစိုးရဖြဲ႕ရန္သာ ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ ဒီ/ခ်ဳပ္ ၾကည့္ဖို႕ရာ မ်က္ႏွာတခုသာ ရွိပါသည္ - ခေမာက္တခုအတြက္ ေသနတ္ေျပာင္း၀ေအာက္မွ အသက္ကို ရင္းျပီး မဲမ်ား ေပးခဲ့ၾကေသာ ျပည္သူလူထု၏ မ်က္နွာသာ ျဖစ္ပါသည္။

၂။ တကယ့္ တကယ္ ေမးခြန္းမွာ ဒီ/ခ်ဳပ္ ဆက္လက္ ရွင္သန္ဖို႕ လိုအပ္သလား- မလိုအပ္ဘူးလားသာ ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ ဒီ/ခ်ဳပ္သည္ ျပည္သူလူထုအတြက္ ဆက္လက္ ရွင္သန္ေနသလား- ဒီ/ခ်ဳပ္အတြက္သာ ဆက္လက္ ရွင္သန္ေနသလား- ဆိုေသာ ေမးခြန္းကို ကိုယ့္ဘာသာ ေျဖဆိုရပါလိမ့္မည္။
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ႏွင္းခါးမုိး ( စိတ္ကူးေတးသီ ) nykomme.blogspot.com

၀င္မၿပိဳင္သင့္ပါဘူး။ ဘာျဖစ္လုိ႔လဲ ဆုိေတာ့ - ပထမဆုံးအခ်က္ကေတာ့ အမ်ား ေျပာေနတဲ့ အတုိင္းပဲ။ နအဖက ၉၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲကုိ တနည္းနည္းနဲ႔ အသိအမွတ္ျပဳဖုိ႔ စိတ္မ၀င္စားလုိ႔ပဲ။ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ ၀င္လုိက္ရင္ ကုိယ္တုိင္ကပါ ၉၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ ရလဒ္ကုိ ဖ်က္သိမ္းလိုက္သလုိ ျဖစ္သြားမယ္။ ၉၀ ရလဒ္ ဆုိတာ လူထုသေဘာထားပဲ။ ဒီသေဘာထားကုိ ဒီေန႔အထိ NLDက တာ၀န္ခံ ဆုပ္ကုိင္ထားလုိ႔ လူထုက အခုအထိ ဆက္လက္ ေထာက္ခံေနတာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

- ေနာက္အခ်က္ကေတာ့ စစ္တပ္ရဲ႕ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္နဲ႔ NLD အေပၚ စုိးရိမ္ခ်က္က ႀကီးတယ္။ ၂၀၀၈ အေျခခံဥပေဒကုိ ေရပက္မ၀င္ေအာင္ သူတုိ႔အတြက္ အေပါက္ေတြ ေလွ်ာက္ပိတ္ထားတာကုိက ေနာင္ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲေတြမွာ NLD ဒါမွမဟုတ္ အလားတူ ႏုိင္ငံေရးပါတီတခု အင္အား ႀကီးမားစြာ အႏုိင္ရခဲ့ေသာ္ဆုိတဲ့ စဥ္းစားခ်က္ေၾကာင့္ပါပဲ။ ဒီေတာ့ အခု ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲကုိ ကုိယ္ေတာင္းဆုိထားတဲ့ အေျခအေနေတြ ျဖစ္ေပၚလာလုိ႔ ၀င္ၿပိဳင္ခဲ့သည့္ တုိင္ေအာင္ ၉၀ လုိ အႏုိင္မ်ား ထပ္ရခဲ့ေသာ္ စစ္တပ္က ၂၀၀၈ အေျခခံဥပေဒပါ သူတုိ႔ အခြင့္အေရးေတြကုိ မရမက ဆုပ္ကုိင္ၿပီး ပိတ္ဖုိ႔ ဆုိ႔ဖုိ႔ လႊမ္းမုိးဖုိ႔ ႀကဳိးစားလာမွာပဲ။ အဲဒီအခါ အခုရွိေနတဲ့ ႏုိင္ငံေရး ျပႆနာေတြ မေျပလည္တဲ့အျပင္ ေနာက္ထပ္ ဗုိလ္လုပြဲေတြနဲ႔ ျမန္မာ့ ႏုိင္ငံေရးဟာ ပုိရွဳတ္ေထြးလာႏုိင္တယ္။ ဒါ့ေၾကာင့္ အခုေရြးေကာက္ပြဲကုိ ဘယ္လုိ အေျခအေနေကာင္းေတြနဲ႔ က်င္းပသည္ ျဖစ္ေစ တည္တည္ ၿငိမ္ၿငိမ္နဲ႔ လက္ေရွာင္ေနသင့္တယ္။ ၂၀၁၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲအလြန္မွာ NLD ဟာ လႊတ္ေတာ္ျပင္ပက ၾသဇာႀကီးမားတဲ့ ႏုိင္ငံေရး အင္အားစု တခု အျဖစ္ ဆက္ရပ္တည္ၿပီး လႊြတ္ေတာ္ထဲကေန သူ႔နည္း သူ႔ဟန္နဲ႔ ဒီမုိကေရစီေရး ရပ္တည္ ႀကိဳးပမ္းသူေတြကုိ ေထာက္ခံ ပံ့ပုိးေပးသင့္ပါတယ္။

- အေပၚက ေျပာခဲ့သလုိ NLD ဟာ အာဏာစည္း၀ုိင္း အျပင္မွာ ေနလုိက္ျခင္းအားျဖင့္ စစ္တပ္ရဲ႕ စုိးရိမ္ခ်က္ေတြကုိ ေလ်ာ့ခ်ႏုိင္မွာ ျဖစ္သလုိ စစ္တပ္အေနနဲ႔လည္း NLD ရဲ႕ အာဏာ ခ်ဳပ္ကုိင္လာႏုိင္မွဳေတြကုိ လက္ညိဳးထုိး ေျခာက္လွန္႔ၿပီး သူ႔ေနရာ သူခ်ဲ႔ႏုိင္မယ့္ အခြင့္အေရးေတြကုိ ဖန္တီးရယူဖုိ႔ ခက္သြားပါလိမ့္မယ္။

- ေနာက္ လက္ေတြ႔က်တဲ့ အခ်က္တခုကေတာ့ NLD ဟာ အႏွစ္၂၀ ကာလ တုိက္ပြဲႀကီးကုိ ျဖတ္သန္းလာရလုိ႔ အေတာ္ ပမ္းေနပါၿပီ။ လူထုေထာက္ခံမွဳအရ ပါတီႀကီးတခုအျဖစ္ ရပ္တည္ေပမယ့္ အရည္အေသြးျပည့္ ႏုိင္ငံေရးပါတီတရပ္ ျဖစ္လာေအာင္ တည္ေဆာက္ဖုိ႔ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္သူေတြက နည္းမ်ဳိးစုံနဲ႔ ဖိနွိပ္ၿပီး ပိတ္ဆုိ႔ ခ်ဳပ္ျခယ္ထားခဲ့ပါတယ္။ အခုလက္ရွိ အေျခအေန အတုိင္းဆုိ အခ်ိန္တုိ အတြင္းမွာ တက္သုတ္ရုိက္ၿပီး ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ ၀င္ခဲ့ရင္ NLD နာမည္နဲ႔ လႊတ္ေတာ္ထဲ ၀င္မယ့္သူေတြထဲမွာ လူမ်ဳိးစုံ ပါ၀င္လာပါလိမ့္မယ္။ ၂၀၀၈ အေျခခံဥပေဒအတုိင္း စစ္တပ္ရဲ႕ အားစမ္းမွဳေတြနဲ႔ ဒီမုိကေရစီေရး အတြက္ လႊတ္ေတာ္ထဲမွာ ရုန္းကန္ရတဲ့အခါ ပုဆုိးၿပဲနဲ႔ စင္ေပၚ တက္ထုိင္သလုိ ေသာက္ရွက္ေတြ ကြဲကုန္ပါလိမ့္မယ္။ အဲဒီအခါ ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီးေတြက ငါမေျပာလား ဆုိၿပီး သူတုိ႔ရဲ႕ ၂၀၀၈ နာဂစ္ဥပေဒႀကီးကုိ လွလွပပ အေနကဇာ တင္သြားပါလိမ့္မယ္။

- ဒါေၾကာင့္ ၂၀၁၀လြန္ ကာလမွာ NLD ဟာ လႊတ္ေတာ္အျပင္က လူထုကုိယ္စားလွယ္ အျဖစ္နဲ႔ ရပ္တည္ရင္း ပါတီ တည္ေဆာက္ေရးကုိ ေဇာက္ခ် လုပ္သင့္ပါတယ္။

- ပါတီ ရပ္တည္ေရး အတြက္ အနည္းဆုံး ၃ ေနရာေတာ့ ၀င္ၿပိဳင္မွ ျဖစ္မယ္လည္း မေတြးပါနဲ႔။ စစ္တပ္ဟာ သူတုိ႔ရဲ႕ ၂၀၁၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲကုိ ရုပ္ပ်က္ဆင္းပ်က္ မျဖစ္ေအာင္ NLD ပါတီ ဖ်က္သိမ္းေရးကုိ မသိမသာ လက္ေရွာင္သြားပါလိမ့္မယ္။ NLD က ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲကုိ ဆန္႔က်င္တဲ့အေနနဲ႔ မဟုတ္ဘဲ ပါတီ အေျခအေနေၾကာင့္ ၀င္မၿပိဳင္ေတာ့ပါဘူးလုိ႔ လက္ဦးမွဳယူ ေၾကညာႏုိင္ခဲ့ရင္ စစ္တပ္က NLD နဲ႔ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းစြာ အတူတကြ ေနထုိင္ေရး အတြက္ ရတက္ ေအးသြားႏုိင္ပါတယ္။

- အခ်ဳပ္အားျဖင့္ ၂၀၁၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ၊ စစ္ဘက္ အရပ္ဘက္ အာဏာခြဲေ၀တဲ့ပြဲမွာ NLD က ေဘးထုိင္ၿပီး ဒုိင္လူႀကီး လုပ္လုိက္ျခင္းအားျဖင့္ ၂၀၁၀လြန္ ကာလ ၂၀၀၈ အေျခခံဥပေဒ အထုိင္ခ်တဲ့ လြတ္ေတာ္တြင္း လႊတ္ေတာပ ႏုိင္ငံေရး အားၿပိဳင္မွဳေတြမွာ လူထု အက်ဳိးစီးပြား တခုတည္း လက္ကုိင္ထားၿပီး ရပ္တည္လာႏုိင္မွာ ျဖစ္တဲ့အတြက္ ျမန္မာ့ႏုိင္ငံေရးမွာ ပုိမုိ အင္အားႀကီးမားတဲ့ ပါတီႀကီးတရပ္ အျဖစ္ ဆက္ရပ္တည္သြားႏုိင္လိမ့္မယ္လုိ႔ ယုံၾကည္ပါေၾကာင္း။
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ခင္မင္းေဇာ္ khinminzaw.blogspot.com

၁) မ၀င္သင့္ပါ။ ဘာ့ေၾကာင့္ဆို ၁၉၉၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ ရလဒ္ကို ကုိယ့္ဖာသာ ဖ်က္သိမ္းသလို ျဖစ္သြားမွာ ျဖစ္လို႕ပါ။ ၁၉၉၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲကို အမ်ားႀကီး ရင္းႏွီးထားရတာ ျဖစ္သလို အဲဒီတုန္းက ျပည္သူေတြရဲ႕ ဆႏၵေတြကို လ်စ္လ်ဴရႈရာ ေရာက္ပါလိမ့္မယ္။ နအဖရဲ႕ အတုအေယာင္ ဒီမိုကေရစီ ေဖာ္ေဆာင္ေရးမွာ ၀င္ေရာက္ မပူးေပါင္းဘူး ဆိုတာကို ဒီနည္းနဲ႕ ျပသရပါမယ္။ ၂၀၀၈ ဖြဲ႕စည္းပံုကို ျပင္လုိ႕ ရႏုိင္မယ္ဆုိတဲ့ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ခ်က္ဟာ ေလထဲမွာပဲ ရွိႏုိင္မယ္။ ဒါ့ေၾကာင့္ ဒီေရြးေကာက္ပြဲကို တပ္ဦး ပါတီအေနနဲ႕ ဦးေဆာင္ၿပီး သပိတ္ေမွာက္သင့္တယ္။

၂) ပါတီဆက္လက္ ရပ္တည္ခြင့္ရေအာင္ ဆိုတဲ့ အခ်က္နဲ႕လည္း ၀င္ၿပိဳင္ဖို႕ မသင့္ပါဘူး။ ၂၀၀၈ အေျခခံဥပေဒကို အသက္သြင္းမယ့္ ဒီေရြးေကာက္ပြဲကို သပိတ္ေမွာက္ရမွာမိုို႕ ပါတီကို နအဖက ဖ်က္သိမ္းမယ္ ဆိုလဲ ရင္ဆုိင္ရပါလိမ့္မယ္။ ဒါမွသာ ႏိုင္ငံတကာနဲ႕ လူထုရဲ႕ NLD အေပၚ ယံုၾကည္္မႈ ရႏိုင္မယ္။ တိုင္းျပည္အတြက္ လိုအပ္ရင္ ပါတီကို ဖ်က္သိမ္းေပးႏုိင္တယ္လို႕ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ ေျပာခဲ့သလိုပဲ နအဖရဲ႕ မတရားတဲ့ ၂၀၀၈ ဖဲြ႕စည္းပံုကို ေနာက္ဆံုးအဆင့္ထိ တုိက္ပြဲ၀င္ရလိမ့္မယ္။ ေရႊဂံုတုိင္ ေၾကညာစာတမ္းကို တင္သြင္းခဲ့တဲ့ NLD ပါတီအေနနဲ႕ အဲဒီ ရပ္တည္ခ်က္အတိုင္း ခိုင္ခုိင္မာမာ ရပ္တည္ျပသင့္တယ္။
http://moemaka.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=5713&Itemid=1

Burma Black Markets

Oway Hein

ပည္သူ႕တပ္မေတာ္သားမ်ားသို႔ ပန္ၾကားလႊာ

ပည္သူ႕တပ္မေတာ္သားမ်ားသို႔ ပန္ၾကားလႊာ
-WFWW-
၀၁-၁၅.၂၀၁၀-

ၿမန္မာၿပည္လြတ္ေၿမာက္ေရးအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္မွ ျပည္သူ႔တပ္မေတာ္သားမ်ားထံသို႔ ပန္ၾကားလႊာ ကုိ ဇန္န၀ါရီလ (၁၄) ရက္ေန႔စြဲၿဖင့္ ထုတ္ၿပန္ေၾကညာခဲ့ၿပီး၊ ယင္းေၾကညာခ်က္ မိတၱဴအေစာင္ ၁၀၀၀၀ ကုိ ၿမန္မာႏုိင္ငံအတြင္းရွိ တပ္တြင္းအိမ္ယာမ်ား၊တပ္အမ်ားစု အေၿခစုိက္ထားသည့္ၿမိဳ႕နယ္မ်ားသုိ႔ ၿဖန္႔ခ်ီသြားမွာၿဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ၾကားသိရပါသည္။ ၿမန္မာၿပည္လြတ္ေၿမာက္ေရးအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္ ၿပည္တြင္း သတင္းၿဖန္႔ခ်ီေရးနက္၀ပ္ အင္အားစုမ်ား မွ ပဲခူးတိုင္း၊ မႏၱေလးတုိင္း၊ ဧရာ၀တီတိုင္း၊ ရွမ္းၿပည္နယ္၊ ကရင္ျပည္နယ္၊ မြန္ျပည္နယ္ ေဒသတစ္၀ိုက္ရွိ တပ္မ်ားမွ ျပည္သူ႔တပ္မေတာ္သားမ်ားထံသို႔ ေပးပုိ႔ေသာ ပန္ၾကားလႊာ အလြယ္တကူ ေရာက္ရွိေအာင္ စီစဥ္ေဆာင္ရြက္ လုပ္ေဆာင္သြားၾကလိမ့္မယ္လုိ႔ သိရွိရပါသည္။ တခ်ိဳ႕ တပ္စခန္းမ်ားရွိရာ ၿမိဳ႕မ်ား၌ ၿဖန္႔ခ်ီသြားၿပီးၿဖစ္ေၾကာင္းလည္းသိရွိရပါသည္။

ရန္ကုန္တုိင္းအတြင္းရွိ ေဘာက္ေထာ္တပ္တြင္းအိမ္ယာမ်ား၊ သနက ၄ တပ္တြင္းအိမ္ရာမ်ား၊မဂၤလာဒုံ ႏွင့္ ေမွာ္ဘီတပ္တြင္းရွိ အိမ္ယာမ်ား၊ ၿပည္ၿမိဳ႕ ရွိ တပ္မ ၆၆ လက္ေအာက္ခံတပ္ရင္းမ်ား၏ တပ္တြင္းအိမ္ယာမ်ား၊ အုပ္ဖို၊ အင္းမ ရွိ တပ္တြင္းအိမ္ယာမ်ား၊ မိတၱီလာ ရွိ တပ္မ ၉၉ လက္ေအာက္ခံ တပ္တြင္းအိမ္ယာမ်ား၊ ကရင္ၿပည္နယ္ရွိ တပ္မ ၄၄၊ တပ္မ ၂၂ လက္ေအာက္ခံတပ္ရင္းမ်ား၏ တပ္တြင္းအိမ္ယာမ်ား၊ ရွမ္းၿပည္နယ္ သီေပါ၊ ေက်ာက္မဲ ခလရ ၂၂၊ ခလရ ၂၃ တပ္တြင္းအိမ္ယာမ်ား၊အပါအ၀င္ တပ္စခန္းမ်ားရွိရာ ၿမိဳ႕မ်ား၌ ၿဖန္႔ခ်ီသြားမွာၿဖစ္ၿပီး၊ ၿပည္နယ္ ႏွင့္တုိင္းအသီးသီးရွိ စစ္ရုံးမ်ားသုိ႔လည္း စာတုိက္မွၿဖစ္ေစ၊ အီးေမးမွတဆင့္ၿဖစ္ေစ ေပးပုိ႔သြားမွာၿဖစ္ေၾကာင္း သိရွိရပါသည္။

ပန္းၾကားလႊာ ကုိ တပ္မေတာ္သားမ်ား၊ တပ္တြင္းအရာရွိမ်ားအားလုံး ဖတ္ရွဳ႕ႏုိင္ရန္ စာတုိက္မ်ားမွတဆင့္ ေသာ္လည္းေကာင္း၊ အီးေမးမ်ားမွတဆင့္ေသာ္လည္းေကာင္း လက္ဆင့္ကမ္း စာေပးပုိ႔သြားၾကဖုိ႔ ၿပည္သူထူထုတရပ္လုံးအား တုိက္တြန္းႏွဳိးေဆာ္ ထားေၾကာင္းသိရွိရပါသည္။
Statement by Free Burma Federation (14.1.2010)