Thursday, 1 January 2009
အမိေျမသို႔
အမိေျမသို႔
မာမာေအး
အို … အမိေျမ
လြမ္းေနသူ မယ့္အား၊ ခြင့္သနားတာျဖင့္
ေလွ်ာက္ၾကားသည့္အေရး၊ နားလည္ေပးေနာ္။
ထြန္းေပၚေနထြက္၊ ေရတက္ဖြားမွာ
ေက်ာသား ရင္သား၊ မျခား ၾကည္ျဖဴ
ေတးၾကဴခ်ဳိေအး၊ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ခ်စ္၊
ျပည္သူ႔ ခ်စ္ခဲ့။
ရွင္ခ်စ္သာသနာ၊ ယဥ္ေက်းရာႏွင့္
စာေပျမွင့္တိုး၊ ထမ္းပိုးလက္ကမ္း
ကိုယ္စြမ္းသေလာက္၊ လမ္းေဖာက္ပါလည္း
ငရဲလမ္းျပ၊ လူ႔အႏၶတို႔
ပိတ္ၾက တားၾက၊ ပညာျပလို႔
ျပန္ရေသးဘူး …
ေက်းဇူးသစၥာ၊ အမိျမန္မာကို
ေစာင့္မွာစိတ္ခ် ေဒါင္းမမ။ ။
စာေပျမွင့္တိုး၊ ထမ္းပိုးလက္ကမ္း
ကိုယ္စြမ္းသေလာက္၊ လမ္းေဖာက္ပါလည္း
ငရဲလမ္းျပ၊ လူ႔အႏၶတို႔
ပိတ္ၾက တားၾက၊ ပညာျပလို႔
ျပန္ရေသးဘူး …
ေက်းဇူးသစၥာ၊ အမိျမန္မာကို
ေစာင့္မွာစိတ္ခ် ေဒါင္းမမ။ ။
ျမန္မာ့ႏုိင္ငံေရး ညီၫြတ္ၾကရန္ ေရႊက်င္ဂုိဏ္းခ်ဳပ္ ဆရာေတာ္ႀကီး သတိေပး
ယေန႔ ျမန္မာ့ႏုိင္ငံေရးကုိၾကည့္လွ်င္ မိမိ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံထြက္ မုန္႔ျပားသလက္ေလးကုိပင္ ညီညီၫြတ္ၫြတ္ တစားပြဲတည္းထုိင္ၿပီး အတူမစားႏုိင္သည့္အျဖစ္ ေရာက္ေနသည္မွာ ၀မ္းနည္းစရာေကာင္းသည္ဟု သက္ေတာ္ (၉၀) ေက်ာ္ မႏၲေလးၿမိဳ႕ ေရႊက်င္သာသနာပုိင္ခ်ဳပ္ ဆရာေတာ္ဘုရားႀကီး ဦးအဂၢိယက ေခတ္ၿပိဳင္သို႔ အမိန္႔ရွိသည္။
ျမန္မာျပည္သူမ်ားအတြက္ ၂၀၀၉ ႏွစ္ဆန္း ၾသ၀ါဒကထာႃမြက္ၾကားပါရန္ ေခတ္ၿပိဳင္မွ ေလွ်ာက္ထားရာ ဆရာေတာ္ဘုရားႀကီး ဦးအဂၢိယက ယခုကဲ့သိ္ု႔ မိန္႔ၾကားျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။
ပရိတ္ႀကီးနိဒါန္းလာ သမဂၢါ ဆုိသည့္အတုိင္း ညီညီၫြတ္ၫြတ္ရွိၾကရန္ ဆရာေတာ္ဘုရားႀကီးက တုိက္တြန္းလုိက္သည္။ ယင္းသို႔ ညီၫြတ္ေရး ဆုံးမျခင္းကုိပင္ အခ်ဳိ႕က ႏုိင္ငံေရးလုပ္သည္ဟု ဆရာေတာ္ႀကီးအေပၚ အထင္မွားေနေၾကာင္းကုိလည္း ယခုကဲ့သို႔ မိန္႔ၾကားသည္။
“ဒါေၾကာင့္ ဘုန္းႀကီးကေတာ့ မႏၱေလးမွာ တခါတခါ ေျပာပါတယ္။ တုိ႔က ညီၫြတ္ေရးေျပာေဟာ မင္းတုိ႔ အဲဒါ ႏုိင္ငံေရးထင္ေန ခက္တယ္ကြလုိ႔။ ဘယ္သူ႔ရယ္လုိ႔မဟုတ္ဘူး အဲဒါေတြ တခါတခါ ထည့္ေျပာဖူးတယ္။ ညီၫြတ္ေရးလုပ္တယ္ဆုိတာ ႏုိင္ငံေရးလုပ္တာမဟုတ္ဘူး။ ႏုိင္ငံေရးလုပ္ခ်င္ရင္ လူထြက္ၿပီးေတာ့ ႏုိင္ငံေရးလုပ္မွာေပါ့ကြလုိ႔။ ႐ုံးေတြဘာေတြ ထုိင္ရေအာင္ လုပ္မွာေပါ့ကြလုိ႔။ လူထြက္ၿပီးေတာ့လည္း ႏုိင္ငံေရးမလုပ္ပါဘူးလုိ႔။ သကၤန္း၀တ္နဲ႔လည္း ႏုိ္င္ငံေရးလုပ္တာမႈတ္ဘူး။ ညီၫြတ္ေရးေျပာတာကြလုိ႔။ ညီၫြတ္ေရးနဲ႔ ႏုိင္ငံေရးနဲ႔ ကြဲျပားဖုိ႔ အေရးႀကီးတယ္လုိ႔။ အေမအေဖနဲ႔ သားသမီးတည့္ေအာင္ေျပာေနတာ မဂၤလာတရားနဲ႔ ႏုိင္ငံေရးတရားနဲ႔ မတူဘူးကြလုိ႔။ တုိ႔ကေတာ့ ဘယ္ပါတီ ေကာင္းစားပါေစ၊ ဘယ္သူကေတာ့ တက္ပါေစ၊ ဘယ္သူက ထိပ္တန္းက်ပါေစ။ တုိ႔ကေတာ့ မွ်တတယ္ကြလုိ႔” ဟု ဆရာေတာ္ႀကီးက မိန္႔ၾကားသည္။
သို႔ေသာ္ ျမန္မာ့ႏုိင္ငံေရးမွာ စစ္အစိုးရႏွင့္ အတုိက္အခံ ယခုထိ ညီၫြတ္ပုံမရဟု ဆရာေတာ္ႀကီးက ယူဆသည္။ စားပြဲထုိင္ၿပီး မေဆြးေႏြးႏုိင္ျဖစ္ေနသည့္ ျမန္မာ့ႏုိင္ငံေရးအေျခအေနကုိ ရည္ၫႊန္းၿပီး “အကုန္လုံး ညီညီၫြတ္ၫြတ္နဲ႔ စားပြဲႀကီးတခုေပၚမွာ ႏွစ္ဘက္က တက္ရင္ ဟုိဘက္ (၄) ေယာက္ ဒီဘက္က (၄) ေယာက္ လက္ဖက္ရည္ေသာက္ေနတာ၊ ေပါင္မုန္႔အတူစားေနတာ တုိ႔က ႀကိဳက္တာပါ။ မုန္႔ျပားသလက္ အတူတူစားေနတာ ႀကိဳက္တာပါ။ ခုေတာ့ ကုိယ့္ႏုိင္ငံကထြက္တဲ့ မုန္႔ျပားသလက္ေလးကုိ လူ (၈) ေယာက္ (၉) ေယာက္ ၀ုိင္းမစားႏုိင္တဲ့အျဖစ္ေရာက္ေနရတာ အဲဒါ၀မ္းနည္းတာပါကြလုိ႔။ ကုိယ့္ႏုိင္ငံကထြက္တဲ့ မုန္႔ျပားသလက္ေလးကုိ စားၾကည့္စမ္းပါ ညီညီၫြတ္ၫြတ္နဲ႔။ အခ်င္းခ်င္းကြာ” ဟု ေရႊက်င္သာသနာပုိင္ခ်ဳပ္ ဆရာေတာ္ႀကီးက တုိက္တြန္းလုိက္သည္။
မႏၱေလးၿမိဳ႕ ဘုန္းႀကီးေက်ာင္းမ်ားမွ လုိင္စင္မဲ့ကားမ်ား သိမ္းသည့္အခ်ိန္တြင္ ေရႊက်င္သာသနာပုိင္ခ်ဳပ္ ဆရာေတာ္ဘုရားႀကီး ဦးအဂၢိယေက်ာင္းမွ ကားမ်ားကုိလည္း စစ္အစိုးရ သိမ္းယူထားရာ ယခုထိ ျပန္မေပးေသးေၾကာင္း ဆရာေတာ္က အမိန္႔ရွိသည္။ ႏုိင္ငံျခားေရဒီယုိအခ်ဳိ႕ႏွင့္ ဆရာေတာ္ႀကီး တခ်ိန္က ေမးျမန္းေလွ်ာက္ထားခ်က္အခ်ဳိ႕ႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္ၿပီး စစ္အစိုးရကုိ ပုတ္ခတ္သည္ဟု အစြပ္စြဲခံရမႈမ်ားႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍လည္း “မင္းကုိ တုိ႔က ပုတ္ခတ္တာမဟုတ္ဘူး။ အစုိးရကုိ ပုတ္ခတ္တာမဟုတ္ပါဘူး၊ အစုိးရကုိ တုိ႔က ျမႇင့္တင္တာပါ။ အစုိးရကုိ တုိ႔က ဂုဏ္ျပဳတာ။ ကံနဲ႔ေတာင္တူတဲ့မင္း။ မင္းနဲ႔တူတဲ့ကံ။ ကံမင္းျပဳက ခံရရွာသည္။ အဲေတာ့ ကံက မင္းနဲ႔တူလုိက္၊ ဆရာနဲ႔တူလုိက္၊ အေဖနဲ႔တူလုိက္၊ အေမနဲ႔တူလုိက္၊ ဘာနဲ႔တူလုိက္၊ ညာနဲ႔တူလုိက္နဲ႔။ ဒီလုိဆုိရင္ ကံက ဘယ္ကစျဖစ္တာလဲ။ ကံဘယ္က စေပၚတာလဲ။ ကံမင္းျပဳတာ ခံရရွာသည္။ ကံဟာ ဘယ္ကျဖစ္ကုန္ၾကဟု ေတြးဆေသာခါ ကံျဖစ္ရာသည္ ကုိယ္သာျပဳသည့္အမႈတည္း--တဲ့” ဟု ဆရာေတာ္က ရွင္းျပသည္။
သတင္း-ေခတ္ျပိဳင္
Junta Determined to 'Guide' 2010 Polls
BANGKOK, Dec 31 (IPS) - Burma’s military regime ended 2008 with greater resolve to steamroll over opposition voices in order to pave the way for a junta-friendly government when the country holds general elections in 2010.
On Dec. 30, nine supporters of pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi were arrested when they staged a protest in Rangoon, the former capital, calling for her release. Some of the protesters were wearing the colours of the National League for Democracy (NLD), the party that she heads.
The risk these activists took in placing their lives on the side of political freedom has been heightened in the wake of harsh judgements delivered against leading voices of the country’s struggling democracy movement in November. Some of them were given long jail terms and Min Ko Naing, a widely respected former university student leader, was put away for 65 years.
The November verdicts, which saw 215 political activists sentenced, were largely linked to the peaceful, pro-democracy street protests, led by thousands of Buddhist monks, held in September 2007.
Buddhist monks who were in the vanguard of the protests, which was crushed by the junta, were not spared. U Gambria, a leader of the All Burma Monks’ Alliance, was sentenced to 68 years in jail.
The verdicts delivered by a military-controlled court inside Rangoon’s notorious Insein prison were as harsh on Burmese who led a humanitarian effort to aid the victims of the powerful Cyclone Nargis, which tore through the country’s Irrawaddy Delta in early May, killing tens of thousands and affecting millions.
Zarganar, a well-known comedian who was arrested for leading a team of entertainers to help the cyclone victims, was slapped with a 59-year sentence.
‘’This is all part of an aggressive campaign to jail good, pro-democracy activists who could run in the 2010 elections,’’ says Debbie Stothard of ALTSEAN, a regional human rights group monitoring abuse in Burma. ‘’Anybody who could be a viable opposition figure has been locked up. There are no signs of the regime easing up.’’
Even token pressure from marginal voices in the country is being stifled, she revealed in an IPS interview. ‘’The New Year will see more arrests. They are creating another Zimbabwe.’’
Such ability to crush an already beleaguered people has become possible given the ease with which the junta succeeded in bullying and bluffing the United Nations through the year.
Other members of the international community, including giants China and Russia, also played their part to help the Burmese military dictatorship impose its roadmap for a ‘’discipline flourishing democracy.’’
The junta’s success at reducing the world body to a minor irritant became more evident after U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon cancelled plans to visit Burma, or Myanmar, in December. That the junta was in no mood for Ban -- or for a push by his office for concrete issues to be discussed during such a visit -- was hardly a surprise.
Ban’s predicament highlighted a defining feature of how the Burmese regime was responding to international pressure. In May, Ban became the first U.N. chief to visit Burma following the devastating Cyclone Nargis. But all the assurances he got from the military regime for more openness to enable humanitarian assistance to the victims amounted to little.
The U.N. received another embarrassing snub from the junta in August, when Ibrahim Gambari, the world body’s special envoy to Burma, was treated like an unwelcome guest and relegated to meeting minor officials during a visit aimed to prod the regime towards democratic reform. Earlier in 2008, Gambari had received a tongue-lashing from Burma’s information minister, removing all doubt about the contempt with which the junta views the Nigerian diplomat.
Yet at the same time, sections of the international community still place faith in the U.N. to deliver. In early December, for instance, a group of more than 100 former heads of governments and states wrote a letter to Ban, asking him to travel to Burma to secure the release of Suu Kyi and the over 2,100 political prisoners by Dec. 31.
‘’It is important that Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon travel to the country himself and engage in serious dialogue with the military regime and impress on them the calls by leaders and lawmakers from Asia and around the world for the release of all political prisoners,’’ Kraisak Choonhavan, a Thai parliamentarian, said at the time.
Among the leaders who signed this unprecedented petition were former U.S. presidents George H. W. Bush and Jimmy Carter, former Australian prime minister John Howard, former Japanese prime minister Junichiro Koizumi and former Philippines president Corazon Aquino.
The petition to Ban drew attention to developments in the U.N. Security Council in October 2007, when a presidential statement had urged the prompt release of all political prisoners in Burma.
Yet what has prevailed since that rare pressure on the junta from the U.N.’s most powerful body illustrates the aggressive and defiant position Burma’s military regime is pursuing. In mid-2007, the number of political prisoners stood at 1,200; now it has nearly doubled to over 2,100.
The military regime ‘’will stop at nothing to prevent people from joining demonstrations or be influenced by the voices of the democracy activists,’’ says Bo Kyi, a former political prisoner who heads the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners in Burma, a human rights group based on the Thai-Burma border. ‘’They want to create a greater climate of fear among the general public.’’
It is all part of the junta’s plan to be certain of victory at the 2010 polls ‘’even before the elections,’’ Bo Kyi explained in an interview. ‘’They want to avoid a repeat of the 1990 elections.’’
At that poll, held after the regime brutally crushed a pro-democracy uprising in 1988, where close to 3,000 activists were shot to death, the NLD trounced the junta-backed National Unity Party with a thumping majority. But the regime refused to recognise the results and began targeting the elected parliamentarians.
Burmese political activists like Bo Kyi believe that only the international community in 2009 can stall the junta’s plans to hijack the 2010 polls. ‘’The international community needs to exert real pressure that they will not accept the results of the 2010 elections without the release of all political prisoners and a free environment for the polls.’’
News- IPS
On Dec. 30, nine supporters of pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi were arrested when they staged a protest in Rangoon, the former capital, calling for her release. Some of the protesters were wearing the colours of the National League for Democracy (NLD), the party that she heads.
The risk these activists took in placing their lives on the side of political freedom has been heightened in the wake of harsh judgements delivered against leading voices of the country’s struggling democracy movement in November. Some of them were given long jail terms and Min Ko Naing, a widely respected former university student leader, was put away for 65 years.
The November verdicts, which saw 215 political activists sentenced, were largely linked to the peaceful, pro-democracy street protests, led by thousands of Buddhist monks, held in September 2007.
Buddhist monks who were in the vanguard of the protests, which was crushed by the junta, were not spared. U Gambria, a leader of the All Burma Monks’ Alliance, was sentenced to 68 years in jail.
The verdicts delivered by a military-controlled court inside Rangoon’s notorious Insein prison were as harsh on Burmese who led a humanitarian effort to aid the victims of the powerful Cyclone Nargis, which tore through the country’s Irrawaddy Delta in early May, killing tens of thousands and affecting millions.
Zarganar, a well-known comedian who was arrested for leading a team of entertainers to help the cyclone victims, was slapped with a 59-year sentence.
‘’This is all part of an aggressive campaign to jail good, pro-democracy activists who could run in the 2010 elections,’’ says Debbie Stothard of ALTSEAN, a regional human rights group monitoring abuse in Burma. ‘’Anybody who could be a viable opposition figure has been locked up. There are no signs of the regime easing up.’’
Even token pressure from marginal voices in the country is being stifled, she revealed in an IPS interview. ‘’The New Year will see more arrests. They are creating another Zimbabwe.’’
Such ability to crush an already beleaguered people has become possible given the ease with which the junta succeeded in bullying and bluffing the United Nations through the year.
Other members of the international community, including giants China and Russia, also played their part to help the Burmese military dictatorship impose its roadmap for a ‘’discipline flourishing democracy.’’
The junta’s success at reducing the world body to a minor irritant became more evident after U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon cancelled plans to visit Burma, or Myanmar, in December. That the junta was in no mood for Ban -- or for a push by his office for concrete issues to be discussed during such a visit -- was hardly a surprise.
Ban’s predicament highlighted a defining feature of how the Burmese regime was responding to international pressure. In May, Ban became the first U.N. chief to visit Burma following the devastating Cyclone Nargis. But all the assurances he got from the military regime for more openness to enable humanitarian assistance to the victims amounted to little.
The U.N. received another embarrassing snub from the junta in August, when Ibrahim Gambari, the world body’s special envoy to Burma, was treated like an unwelcome guest and relegated to meeting minor officials during a visit aimed to prod the regime towards democratic reform. Earlier in 2008, Gambari had received a tongue-lashing from Burma’s information minister, removing all doubt about the contempt with which the junta views the Nigerian diplomat.
Yet at the same time, sections of the international community still place faith in the U.N. to deliver. In early December, for instance, a group of more than 100 former heads of governments and states wrote a letter to Ban, asking him to travel to Burma to secure the release of Suu Kyi and the over 2,100 political prisoners by Dec. 31.
‘’It is important that Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon travel to the country himself and engage in serious dialogue with the military regime and impress on them the calls by leaders and lawmakers from Asia and around the world for the release of all political prisoners,’’ Kraisak Choonhavan, a Thai parliamentarian, said at the time.
Among the leaders who signed this unprecedented petition were former U.S. presidents George H. W. Bush and Jimmy Carter, former Australian prime minister John Howard, former Japanese prime minister Junichiro Koizumi and former Philippines president Corazon Aquino.
The petition to Ban drew attention to developments in the U.N. Security Council in October 2007, when a presidential statement had urged the prompt release of all political prisoners in Burma.
Yet what has prevailed since that rare pressure on the junta from the U.N.’s most powerful body illustrates the aggressive and defiant position Burma’s military regime is pursuing. In mid-2007, the number of political prisoners stood at 1,200; now it has nearly doubled to over 2,100.
The military regime ‘’will stop at nothing to prevent people from joining demonstrations or be influenced by the voices of the democracy activists,’’ says Bo Kyi, a former political prisoner who heads the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners in Burma, a human rights group based on the Thai-Burma border. ‘’They want to create a greater climate of fear among the general public.’’
It is all part of the junta’s plan to be certain of victory at the 2010 polls ‘’even before the elections,’’ Bo Kyi explained in an interview. ‘’They want to avoid a repeat of the 1990 elections.’’
At that poll, held after the regime brutally crushed a pro-democracy uprising in 1988, where close to 3,000 activists were shot to death, the NLD trounced the junta-backed National Unity Party with a thumping majority. But the regime refused to recognise the results and began targeting the elected parliamentarians.
Burmese political activists like Bo Kyi believe that only the international community in 2009 can stall the junta’s plans to hijack the 2010 polls. ‘’The international community needs to exert real pressure that they will not accept the results of the 2010 elections without the release of all political prisoners and a free environment for the polls.’’
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