Secretary-General's statement to the media on the High-Level Meeting of the Group of Friends on Myanmar [read by Mr. Ibrahim Gambari, Special Adviser

Secretary-General's statement to the media on the High-Level Meeting of the Group of Friends on Myanmar [read by Mr. Ibrahim Gambari, Special Adviser to the Secretary-General]
New York, 23 September 2009
Today I convened the second meeting of the Group of Friends on Myanmar at the level of Foreign Ministers. The high turnout demonstrates the strong collective interest of all the Friends in the future of Myanmar, and re-affirms the broad support for my good offices.
The year 2010 will be a critical year for Myanmar. The first planned election in twenty years must be held in an inclusive and credible manner to advance prospects for stability, democracy and national development.
As I said today in my address to the General Assembly, we will work hard for democracy, national reconciliation and human rights in Myanmar. The release of some political prisoners last week is a step in the right direction, but it falls short of our expectations. All political prisoners must be released -- including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
Our meeting today has given the Group of Friends an opportunity to consolidate unity of purpose and action in three important respects, and I call on the Friends, especially Myanmar's friends and neighbours, to do more in the best interests of Myanmar and its people.
First, to urge Myanmar to work with the United Nations to ensure an inclusive process of dialogue and create the necessary conditions for credible elections consistent with the five-point agenda that the Group of Friends has endorsed, and with the proposals that I left with Myanmar's senior leadership during my recent visit.
Second, to uphold the role of the United Nations with regard to Myanmar's immediate and long-term challenges. The UN has invaluable experience in fostering national reconciliation, promoting respect for human rights, supporting sustainable development and helping countries make the transition to democracy.
Third, to signal the international community's willingness to help the people of Myanmar address the political, humanitarian and development challenges they face, in parallel and with equal attention, and in particular to advance the Millennium Development Goals. But, Myanmar needs to help us to help them.
I am encouraged by the constructive spirit of the discussions so far. I welcome the willingness of the Friends to make joint efforts towards national reconciliation, a democratic transition and genuine respect for human rights in Myanmar.
Thank you.


Remarks at United Nations After P-5+1 Meeting
Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary of State
United Nations
New York City
September 23, 2009
SECRETARY CLINTON: (In progress) to give you brief readouts on two meetings this afternoon. The first was a meeting I participated in called by Security Council Ban Ki-moon about the policies and approaches toward Burma. A number of countries were represented, and I reported that our policy process, which has been underway for some time now, is almost complete, and I gave a preview.
I had announced this review back in February, and the major messages are as follows. First, the basic objectives are not changed. We want credible, democratic reform; a government that respond to the needs of the Burmese people; immediate, unconditional release of political prisoners, including Aung San Suu Kyi; serious dialogue with the opposition and minority ethnic groups. We believe that sanctions remain important as part of our policy, but by themselves, they have not produced the results that had been hoped for on behalf of the people of Burma.
Engagement versus sanctions is a false choice, in our opinion. So going forward, we will be employing both of those tools, pursuing our same goals. And to help achieve democratic reform, we will be engaging directly with Burmese authorities. This is a policy that has broad consensus across our government, and there will be more to report as we go forward.
Secondly, most of you were here when Foreign Minister Miliband read out the statement that has been negotiated among the United States, United Kingdom, France, Germany, China, Russia, and of course, the European Union as represented by the High Representative Javier Solana. Let me just make four points about this statement, which I hope you will get a copy of and peruse, because I think it’s a very powerful statement that expresses these specific agreements.
First, the group remains united in pressing Iran to comply with its international obligations on its nuclear program, and it has serious concerns about Iran’s lack of compliance to date, particularly on the unanswered questions about the possible military dimensions of Iran’s nuclear program.
Secondly, the countries remain united in support of a dual track of engagement and pressure as a means of persuading Iran to comply with its obligations.
Thirdly, the ministers expressed a clear expectation that Iran should come to the talks on October 1st, ready to engage in serious and substantive discussions with a sense of urgency and a review of the practical steps that need to be taken on the nuclear issue, and that we will decide next steps on the basis of the meeting’s outcome.
And finally, we are committed to this dual-track policy. No one should underestimate our intention to follow through on either or both of these tracks. It depends on Iran’s response. And some of you have heard me say this numerous times – this process is now firmly up to Iran. It is Iran’s choice as to how they choose to proceed. And we are looking to the meeting on October 1st to get a clear indication of their intentions.
So those are the two meetings that I know have particular interest to a number of you, that I wanted to give you quick readout.
QUESTION: Secretary Clinton, did you discuss in any detail enhanced sanctions, and did you sound out the Chinese and the Russians as to their willingness to join, if necessary, the first part if your dual strategy doesn’t produce results?
SECRETARY CLINTON: Well, Mark, we have agreed among us that we’re not going to go beyond what is in this statement, because the statement represents a very significant level of agreement among all of us. It clearly references the dual-track policy, and it clearly references consequences. So I think that we will now await the results of the October 1st meeting and take stock at that time.
QUESTION: How exactly do you intend to engage directly with the Burmese authorities?
SECRETARY CLINTON: Well, again, we will be offering more specifics about that. But I wanted to preview this policy for our partners in the Friends of Burma group, and also to signal that the United States will be moving in a direction of both engagement and continued sanctions, to be sure that the Burmese leaders – some of whom, as you know, are in our country or about to come to our country – understand where we are in our policy review process.
QUESTION: Secretary Clinton, what specifically do you need to see from Iran after this talk for them to avoid consequences? When you say you want a clear indication of their intentions, what do you need to see?
SECRETARY CLINTON: Well, I will speak for myself and for our Administration. As we have said consistently, we want to see a serious effort by Iran to discuss the nuclear issue, which we are putting on the table, as we have made clear in this statement. And we are also looking for Iran to recognize that they are at a turning point. They have a choice to make. We have consistently said that Iran is entitled to peaceful nuclear power. They are not entitled to a nuclear weapons program. They do have rights, which we are willing to respect and recognize. But they also have responsibilities.

And as we set forth in this agreement, the serious concerns of the international community have been set out in five separate Security Council resolutions. So it is time for Iran to engage with the international community – this process is set up to do that – and for them to accept the opinion of the international community as referenced in this statement that they need to make clear their nuclear program, invite the IAEA in to see everything, and work toward peaceful nuclear energy that can be verified and completely accepted by the international community. Thank you.

Ban calls for international action to help ensure credible elections
23 September 2009 – Myanmar’s friends and neighbours must “do more in the best interests of Myanmar and its people” by persuading the Government to hold credible elections next year, Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon said today.
“We will work hard for democracy, national reconciliation and human rights in Myanmar,” Mr. Ban said as he convened a meeting of the Group of Friends on Myanmar, comprising 14 countries and one regional bloc.
“The year 2010 will be a critical year for Myanmar. The first planned election in 20 years must be held in an inclusive and credible manner to advance prospects for stability, democracy and national development,” he added in a statement read to the media by his Special Adviser, Ibrahim Gambari.
Mr. Ban cited three important aspects for action by the Friends. First, they should urge Myanmar to work with the UN to ensure an inclusive process of dialogue and create the necessary conditions for credible elections.
Second, they should uphold the UN role with regard to Myanmar’s immediate and long-term challenges since the Organization has invaluable experience in fostering national reconciliation, promoting respect for human rights, supporting sustainable development and helping countries make the transition to democracy.
Finally, they should signal the international community’s willingness to help the people of Myanmar address the political, humanitarian and development challenges they face.
As he did last week, Mr. Ban called the recent release of some political prisoners a step in the right direction, but one that did not go far enough. All political prisoners must be released, including democracy leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, he said.
The Group of Friends, founded in December 2007, represents a balanced range of views on Myanmar and was established to hold informal discussions and develop shared approaches to support UN efforts. Its members are Australia, China, the European Union, France, India, Indonesia, Japan, Norway, Russia, Singapore, the Republic of Korea, Thailand, the United Kingdom, the United States and Viet Nam.






Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon
General Assembly
23 September 2009
Report to the United Nations - "Now Is Our Time"
Mr. President,
Distinguished Heads of State and Government,
Distinguished Delegates,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Mr. President, let me express my heartfelt congratulations on your assumption of the presidency. I wish you every success and assure you of my full support.
Excellencies,
Ladies and Gentlemen:
We gather each and every September in a solemn rite. We come to reaffirm our founding Charter — our faith in fundamental principles of peace, justice, human rights and equal opportunity for all. We assess the state of the world, engage on the key issues of the day, lay out our vision for the way ahead.
This year the opening of the General Debate of the 64th session of the General Assembly asks us to rise to an exceptional moment. Amid many crises -- food, energy, recession and pandemic flu, hitting all at once -- the world looks to us for answers.
If ever there were a time to act in a spirit of renewed multilateralism -- a moment to create a United Nations of genuine collective action -- it is now.
Excellencies,
Distinguished Delegates,
Now is our time. A time to put the “united” back into the United Nations. United in purpose. United in action.
First — let us make this a year that we, united nations, rise to the greatest challenge we face as a human family: the threat of catastrophic climate change. Yesterday, 100 heads of state and government set out the next steps toward Copenhagen . They recognized the need for an agreement all nations can embrace, in line with their capabilities -- consistent with what science requires -- grounded in “green jobs” and “green growth,” the lifeline of the 21 st century. Our road to Copenhagen requires us to bridge our differences. I firmly believe we can.
Second — let this be the year that nations united to free our world of nuclear weapons. For too long, this great cause has lain dormant. That is why, last October, I proposed a 5-point plan for putting disarmament back on the global agenda. And now, the international climate is changing. The Russian Federation and the United States have pledged to cut their nuclear arsenals. This coming May, at the United Nations Review Conference on the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, we have an opportunity to push for real progress.
Tomorrow's historic Security Council summit — chaired by the President of the United States, with us for the first time — offers a fresh start. With action now, we can get the ratifications to bring the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty into force. Together, let us make this the year we agreed to banish the bomb.
Third — in our fight against world poverty, let this be the year we focus on those left behind. Some speak of “green shoots of recovery,” but we see red flags of warning. Our recent report, “Voices of the Vulnerable,” highlights a new crisis. The near-poor are becoming the new poor. An estimated 100 million people could fall below the poverty line this year. Markets may be bouncing back, but incomes and jobs are not.
People are angry. They believe the global economy is stacked against them. That is why we have put forward a Global Jobs Pact for balanced and sustainable growth. That is why we are creating a new Global Impact Vulnerability Alert System, giving us real-time data and analysis on the socio-economic picture around the world. We need to know who is being hurt, and where, so we can best respond.
That is also why, next year at this time, we will convene a special summit on the Millennium Development Goals. With only five years to go, we must mount a final push toward 2015. Rightly, we put women and children at the fore. UNICEF reports a 28 percent decline in child mortality over the past two decades. We can hope for similar progress on maternal health and mortality.
The prevention of sexual violence against women must be a top priority. Let us agree: these acts are an abomination. Leaders of every nation are personally accountable when such crimes are committed within their borders. When women die in childbirth, when they are raped as a weapon of war and have nowhere to turn, we of the United Nations cannot look the other way. And that is why, just recently, you agreed to create a single agency to address women's issues. We have never been more empowered to empower women.
Excellencies,
This Assembly also reaffirmed the responsibility to protect. In our modern era, no nation, large or small, can violate the human rights of its citizens with impunity. Where conflicts arise, justice and accountability should follow.
That is why the work of the International Criminal Court is so vital. We look to the review conference in Kampala , next May, as an opportunity to strengthen its mandate.
We can achieve none of our noble goals without peace, security and justice. In Darfur , that means consolidating recent progress and delivering on our mandate. We will be 90 percent deployed by year's end. Yet we still lack critical assets, particularly transport and helicopters. Meanwhile, we must continue to work, urgently, for the broader stability of Sudan and the region and shore up the comprehensive peace with South Sudan .
Somalia continues to demand attention whether to support African peacekeepers and the government or international anti-piracy efforts.
We will continue to press for resettlement, reconciliation and accountability in Sri Lanka . We welcome the government's commitment to allow all displaced persons to return to their homes by the end of January — as reaffirmed last week to my envoy.
We will work hard for freedom and democracy in Myanmar . The release of some political prisoners last week falls short of what is needed. We call on Myanmar 's friends and neighbors to do more, much more, in the best interests of Myanmar and its people. If next year's elections are to be accepted as credible and inclusive, all political prisoners must be released -- including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
We worked to stop the bloodshed in Gaza . Yet people continue to suffer. Issues of justice and accountability need to be addressed. We must revive negotiations toward a two-state solution and a comprehensive peace in the Middle East . We support President Obama's efforts for a resumption of peace talks and will work with the Quartet to that end.
In Afghanistan , we face a difficult environment. Recent elections revealed serious defects. Yet we should not forget the progress made -- progress we can build on. We are committed to seeing the Afghans through their long night. We will stay with them. We pledge to stand, as well, with the people of Pakistan .
We have made significant progress in Timor Leste, Haiti , Sierra Leone and Nepal . We see quiet progress in Iraq -- and fresh opportunities in Cyprus . Now is the time to take stock and move forward.
Excellencies, Distinguished Heads of State and Government, Ladies and Gentlemen,
Let me close by inviting you to look around you. By the end of this General Assembly, our Secretariat building will be empty. Our staff will have dispersed across the city. Our United Nations will be completely renovated. Our common ambition is to make this outward renovation the symbol of our inward renewal .
That is why we have placed such emphasis on building a stronger United Nations for a better world. We have made progress in Delivering as One UN. We have made strides in getting “peace-building” right, so that societies emerging from war do not slide back into conflict. We have sharpened our tools of mediation and diplomacy so that we can stop crises from escalating into broader and more costly tragedies. We created the Department of Field Support, and we are developing the “New Horizons” strategy to make peacekeeping more agile and effective.
In this, we need the strong support of Member States, just as we do to secure the safety of our brave staff serving in dangerous places, too many of whom have lost their lives in the causes we all serve.
Excellencies, Distinguished Delegates, Heads of State and Government, Ladies and Gentlemen,
This year, I have traveled from the ice rim of the Arctic to the steppes of Mongolia . I have seen, first-hand, the effects of climate change on our planet and its people.
In the Democratic Republic of the Congo , I met an 18-year-old girl raped by soldiers. Her hope for a new life is the United Nations.
At summits from Trinidad and Tobago , London to L'Aquila , I have spoken out on one point above all others.
We of the United Nations are the voice of the voiceless, the defenders of the defenseless.
If we are to offer genuine hope to the hopeless, if we are to truly turn the corner to economic recovery, then we must do so for all nations and for all people. So much is possible if we work together. Together, we are here to take risks, to assume the burden of responsibility, to rise to an exceptional moment, to make history. This year, of all years, asks no less.
Because we are the United Nations. We are the best hope for humankind. And now is our time.
Thank you very much for your leadership and commitment. Thank you.