Burma Democratic Concern has the firm determination to carry on doing until the democracy restore in Burma.

Saturday, 20 November 2010

Aung San Suu Kyi's Plea for Democracy

November 20, 2010 | 12:00 am
The Burmese dissident on free speech and the hard work of building freedom.



This weekend, after being kept under house arrest on and off for more than 20 years, Burmese dissident Aung San Suu Kyi was released. The Nobel Peace Prize winner was greeted by adoring fans in Burma and a swell of positive media coverage around the world. The repressive junta that rules Burma, meanwhile, has not indicated it is willing to allow Suu Kyi to engage in activism to the extent her supporters might like: Her release has been dubbed a p.r. move, coming just days after a widely criticized, fraudulent national election, and observers expect the junta will not permit the reinstatement of her political party, the National League for Democracy (NLD). Nonetheless, in a speech on Sunday, Suu Kyi called on her supporters to work together—and to have courage and patience—in order to build democracy in Burma. We reprint the speech, slightly condensed, here.

I have to begin by thanking you for your support. We haven’t seen each other for a long time, but I am happy to see that our mutual faith remains strong; it fortifies me. In order to do our work, we must know what the people want—you do know what you want, don’t you? Well, it’s fine to know what you want but you must also know how you are going to achieve what you want. I believe that politics must be learned. I have often said, in my talks with the youth, I don’t believe there is such a thing as good people or bad people, or smart or stupid people; I only believe that there are people who can learn and people who can’t. I believe that we, the people, can learn very well. It’s not enough to know what you want but also to know how to achieve it with integrity. I say this not to patronize, I say from experience that, no matter what the goal, if the path is without integrity, it will lose its way and be destroyed. This is why we must achieve what we want with integrity.

I know you have lots of questions to ask me, and I want to hear the voices of the people, but I can’t hear through the cacophony. I believe that I will now have the chance to listen to the voices of the people. While under restriction, I listened to foreign radio broadcasts to hear what the people are saying. Its very tiresome to listen to the radio for five to six hours a day but I do this out of regard for the people. So I believe that I am, to a degree, aware of the wishes of the people. I don’t believe I know everything. This is not possible. So the people must make their voices heard by us. This will help us help the people. I believe that the people now realize that nothing can be accomplished without the participation of the people. Because nothing can be accomplished without the people’s participation, we would like to create a democracy network across the world, of the people and by the people. It is only when we strive with this mentality [that we can] serenely achieve our democratic goals. In short, it means we have a lot of work to do. You will not get anything without working for it. We Burmese blame it all on luck. But do you know what luck means? Luck means you reap what you sow. So, if there is anything you want, you have to work to achieve it. We cannot simply bribe the people and promise them the impossible. We will try hard and pave the road that the people want. We will pave it together, and we will take that road together. It’s not right that one person paves the road while the other stands idly by. Speaking of paving roads, maybe I picked an inappropriate analogy. It was a slip of the tongue. What I mean is that we will walk the road that leads to the democratic goals. We will walk on it together, we will pave it together. It is only this way, can we reach our goals. Don’t wait for others to do it for you. We will not “force” you to do it. If you do not put your mind and soul into achieving it, otherwise, who knows whether it will end up with the tar being stolen.

I know that your show of support is not without expectation. The burden of these expectations is great and the responsibilities are immense. But I am not one to shy away from responsibility. But I am afraid of not being able to live up to my responsibilities. I will do my utmost to live up to these responsibilities and call on the people to help us, to advise us, to point out our shortcomings. Pointing out shortcomings, if done in sincere goodwill, is very helpful. It will help us help the people achieve their aspirations.

I would like to ask the people to please communicate with us openly and courageously. Please don’t have any qualms about talking to us. We won’t do anything to you. If we are not in agreement, we will let you know. This is the basis of democracy—that of freedom of speech. But freedom to speak is not the same as freedom to be abusive. Well, there may be a bit of admonition. It is very important to be able to achieve mutual understanding. To be able to exchange views. We have to practice this and improve on this.

Upon my release, the main change that I have seen is that there is a proliferation of camera-phones. I see camera-phones all over the place. This shows the development of communication. This development must be used for the good of the majority. Communication brings understanding. Please use communication to foster mutual understanding and unity. Show me your phones; let’s see how many there are. My, there are so many. I used a phone like this for the first time yesterday. Six years ago these did not exist here. I did not even know where to talk into—the phone was so... I will have to put up a sign for those who cannot hear me.

But it is not enough just to say you love me; you have to work. So I thought what love means. Love means the desire for mutual happiness and the implementation of that desire. It is not enough to keep repeating, “I love you.” If you want to give me that bouquet, pass it on. Why are you holding on to it?

I want to ask the people to tell us what’s on your mind. You can deliver the letter here, if you don’t trust the postal service. I want to know what’s on your mind. What has been in your mind over the past six pears, what has changed. I can’t know all of this at once. I have to study it. It’s not feasible to speak to all of you individually. If possible, I’d like to hand over the mike to you and listen to what each of you has to say. It’s not going to end. But I like that. It’s so boring to be the only one to speak. If there is an exchange of dialogue, it creates harmony and is more beneficial. I feel that it is not democratic if one person does all the talking. Let’s try it out. I will simply point to one of you in the crowd and ask you say a few words.

...

As I said just now, there is so much to do so you must save your strength. Well, it’s been twenty years of having a hard life, so you must be used to it. I don’t want you to continue to have a hard life. Having a hard life isn’t the point. The point is that the hard life must be worthwhile, and then one can have endurance. So you must save your strength to make it all worthwhile.

I want to tell you not to be dejected. Sometimes there may be some things in our country that will make you feel dejected. Surely you must feel that we have not gotten anywhere or that there has been no development. But there is no reason to feel dejected. We must strive hard. Perseverance is important. We must continue to persevere from the start to the finish. The work is never done. Even if something is finished, there will be something else. Building a nation is like this, one thing after the other has to be done. There will never be full satisfaction of the people but we must strive to achieve a measure of satisfaction. I cannot promise this, but with the trust, dependence and support of the people, I will be fortified because I cannot do it alone. I don’t want to do it alone. Doing it alone is not democracy. I have no intention to do it alone. I will do it with the majority, with the people of this country, and with the global community that have shown us goodwill and support. We will do it with everybody. We have to keep this firmly in mind.

Courage means is not what some people think, to be up in arms and being a hero. Courage means the resolve to achieve ones goals. We must have this kind of courage. Go to the movies if you want a hero. Courage is a daily task. Don’t we people have to muster the courage to face each day? We have to use this courage beneficially and effectively for our country.

It’s not enough to think only of oneself or one’s own family. I want to reiterate this. Please don’t have the attitude that politics do not concern you. My father has said that before, that you may not be concerned with politics but politics will be concerned with you, you can’t avoid this. Everything is politics. Politics is not just coming here and supporting us. The housewife, who is cooking at home, also has something to do with politics because she is struggling to feed her family with the money she has. Struggling to send children to school is politics. Everything is politics. No one is free of politics. So saying that politics does not concern you and that you do not wish to be involved in politics is a lack of awareness of politics. So I ask the people to try and understand politics and to teach us. We must teach one another. Unless the people teach us what democracy is, we will not make mistakes.

What is important in a democracy is that the people at the back must be able to keep those who are working in the front, under control. This is democracy. The people, who are the majority, must have the right to keep the rulers, who are the minority, under control. This is democracy. So I will accept it if the people keep me under control. But of course, I do not like it if those, who are not of the people, keep me in control. But then, I only say this in passing. During the time of my detention I had a lot of interaction with the people who were in charge of my security. They have been good to me. I have to say what the truth is. Since one must show appreciation to those who are deserving, I say with sincerity that I am grateful to those who were in charge of my security. I want the people to be able to have mutual understanding and gratitude. A revered monk once said when I was young that those who were worthy of gratitude and those who showed gratitude were hard to find. I found the latter hard to accept. I thought that human beings were capable of showing gratitude. But that is not true. There are some who show ingratitude. What does showing gratitude mean? It means just to have mutual recognition.

...

So now I want to know how the people are going to embark on a journey of politics. So if we have to depend on the people, we must have an exchange of views. I will continue to work for national reconciliation among the people, among all of us. There is no one that I cannot work or talk with. If there is a will to work together, it can be done. If there is a will to talk to one another, it can be done. I will take this path. On taking this path, I declare that we need the might of the people. I ask you to support us with the might of the people. Whatever we decide, we will let the people know.

I haven’t finished consulting with the [National League for Democracy (NLD)], but I will not only work with the NLD. I will work with all democratic entities and I would like the people to encompass us. We will tell the people, explain to them what our decisions are. There may be things that we decide which the people may not like. But this is natural. Not everyone can be of the same opinion. Accepting that there can be a difference of opinion is a democratic principle. Why do we do this? We must gain the trust of the people not the votes of the people. We will gain the understanding and support of the people. I apologize that I cannot clarify this further at this stage but it would be reckless of me if I were to start announcing one activity after the other, just after my release.

In the meantime, we would like to hear the voices of the people. We will decide how to proceed after listening to the voices of the people. But as I have said, we will use the might of the people and work with all the democratic forces and we will work for national reconciliation. In doing so, we will do it in a way that would bring the least damage to the people. I can’t guarantee that there will be no damage at all. If I were to do so, it’s another form of bribery to say that by following us, there will be no sacrifice. But we will find the least damaging way. There may be some sacrifice, we have suffered, our colleagues have suffered, so I ask you for a little forbearance if you have to sacrifice anything. You can’t simply want something without sacrifice.

...

It is important to differentiate between right and wrong and to have the courage to stand by what is right, but what is right can be relative to the occasion. My father used to say that he was not afraid to stand before the court of his conscience. Since I have stood before the court, I am not afraid to stand before the court of my conscience every day. I ask the people to stand before the court of their conscience to find the answer as to whether one is undertaking what should be done. If you can do this, your might will increase immensely. Remember if might is not used rightly, it is a menace. Might that is used rightly cannot be overcome by anyone.

Let us now have a little test of your empathy, understanding, and forbearance of one another. The people over there are complaining that they cannot hear. I am about to finish speaking. So can I suggest that the people in front make way for the people on the other side? So now you can hear can’t you? So if one group of people were to always remain in one place—that’s not good. Now that’s fair isn’t it?

So now I would like to thank all of you who took the trouble to come here and to show your support. We have repeatedly said that we depend on the might of the people and we cannot succeed without the might of the people. This might of the people must be used systematically. When the people in front stand up for too long the people in the back get annoyed. The people in the front shouldn’t be standing up for too long. The people in the back should also have a little forbearance if they are standing up for just a while. Well, so what, but it’s different if they are standing up too long of course.

I would like to repeat what I said that we have to work together to achieve success. You will not succeed just by wishing and hoping. You must be able to know how to achieve your aspirations and have the courage and ability to do so. We will find the best way. That is to find a way that avoids bringing suffering to the people as much as possible to achieve these goals. I am a fervent believer in national reconciliation. I believe that this is the path we should take. Let me openly tell the people here that I have no grudge against the people who kept me under restriction. I believe in human rights and the rule of law. I will always strive for this. I don’t harbor hatred of anyone. I have no time for this. I have too much to do to harbor any hatred. The people in charge of keeping me under restriction were good to me. This is the truth and I value this and I am grateful.

Likewise, in every aspect, I would like everyone to have good interaction with one another. How wonderful would it be if the people were also treated as nicely as I was? But, of course, I don’t mean that the people should be put under house arrest. So I would like to plead, “Please don’t put the people under house arrest like I was, but please be nice to the people just as you were nice to me.”

We must value the good things and be grateful things that are worthy of gratitude. Just because one doesn’t like it, it does not mean that everything is bad. There are good things and there are bad things. So don’t be angry if people say you are doing bad things. If you don’t want the people to say this, then just don’t do anything bad. Just as I value what is good and am grateful, I am not hesitant to say so. It’s so rewarding to be able to be able to give recognition to someone worthy of gratitude. I want to do this. I want to be so grateful so just do things that are worthy of gratitude and I will sing your praises all day. So I want to thank each and every one of the people. Of course, I would end up with a sore throat.

So let me say thank you. Keep up your strong resolve. People say that the courage of the Burmese is like straw fire. I don’t like this. This shouldn’t be so. A human being must have all its manifestations and live in human dignity. Do you want human rights? The Universal Declaration of Human Rights begins by saying that everyone is born with inherent dignity. This dignity must be upheld. The dignity commensurate with these rights must be upheld. I don’t wish to make a one-sided statement by repeating what should be done for the people. There are also things that the people must do. Everyone must know his or her responsibility and be able to fulfill them. Only then will our country develop. So it goes without saying that whether or not our country has developed, is something that the people will know more than I do. But rather than blaming who is at fault for this lack of development, I would only like to ask for the opportunities for us to work together hand in hand.

I don’t like the people having to hold out their hands to beg. I shall not hold out my hands to beg and I believe that my people do not wish to hold out their hands to beg. I believe that people want the right to development so we must work to give the people the right to development. There must be opportunities for people to be able to feed themselves to the full.

We shall proceed in consultation with democratic entities and the NLD shall not go it alone but hand in hand with majority. Furthermore, the majority must be encompassed by the people. We cannot do it without the people and we ask for their assistance. I ask for your faith and support. So keep up your strength. I feel bad to ask you to eat up since I hear that you do not have enough to eat. I ask you to keep up your physical and mental strength. It is with this strength we shall work together to reach our goal. I would have to say that there are some of us who have lost sight of that goal. But to have to walk the path to reach this proper goal is priceless. Man is mortal. One day it will all be over, but before it is over, how one has led one’s life is the most important. So I take this opportunity to honor those of our colleagues and comrades who have given their lives to the cause for democracy; to honor our colleagues and comrades who are still in prison. Let us pray that they will be released as soon as possible.

http://www.tnr.com/article/79209/daw-aung-san-suu-kyi%E2%80%99s-public-address?page=0,3

ဘန္ေကာက္ဘုန္းႀကီးေက်ာင္းထဲ ဖ်က္ခ်ထားတဲ့ သေႏၶသားအေလာင္း ၂ ေထာင္ေက်ာ္ေတြ႔

ဘန္ေကာက္ၿမိဳ႕က ဗုဒၶဘာသာဘုန္းႀကီးေက်ာင္း တေက်ာင္းထဲမွာ စြန္႔ပစ္သေႏၶသား ၂ ေထာင္ေက်ာ္ ဖြက္ထားတာကို ရွာေဖြေတြ႔ရွိခဲ့တယ္လို႔ ထိုင္းရဲဌာနက ေျပာပါတယ္။ ဒီစြန္႔ပစ္သေႏၶသားေတြဟာ တရားမ၀င္ သေႏၶဖ်က္ခ်တဲ့ ေဆးခန္းေတြကေန လာတာလို႔ ယူဆေၾကာင္း အာဏာပိုင္ေတြက ေျပာပါတယ္။

ဒီသေႏၶသား အမ်ားစုကို ဘုန္းၾကီးေက်ာင္းရဲ႕ အသုဘခ်ရာ ရုပ္အေလာင္းေတြကို ထားတဲ့ အခန္းကေန ေတြ႔ခဲ့တာပါ။ ဒီတပတ္ထဲ အေစာပိုင္း ရက္ေတြတုန္းကေတာ့ ပလပ္စတစ္အိတ္ေတြနဲ႔ ထုတ္ထားတဲ့ သေႏၶသားအေလာင္း ၃၀၀ ေက်ာ္ကို ရွာေတြ႔ခဲ့ပါေသးတယ္။

ဒီသေႏၶသားေတြကို ခုလို စြန္႔ပစ္ထားတာ တႏွစ္ေက်ာ္ေလာက္ ရွိျပီလို႔ ခန္႔မွန္းေၾကာင္း ရဲခ်ဳပ္က ေျပာပါတယ္။

ဘုန္းၾကီးေက်ာင္းမွာ ေနထိုင္အလုပ္လုပ္ေနၾကသူ အမ်ားအျပားကို ဖမ္းဆီးထားျပီး သုဘရာဇာ တေယာက္ကေတာ့ ခုလို စြန္႔ပစ္သေႏၶသား ရုပ္အေလာင္းေတြကို ထုပ္ပိုးရာမွာ သူ ပါ၀င္ခဲ့တယ္လို႔ ၀န္ခံခဲ့ပါတယ္။

ထိုင္းႏိုင္ငံဟာ တရား၀င္သေႏၶဖ်က္ခ်ခြင့္ကို အကန္႔အသတ္နဲ႔ ခြင့္ျပဳထားတဲ့ တခုတည္းေသာ ႏိုင္ငံျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ က်န္းမာေရး အေျခအေနမေကာင္းတဲ့ မိခင္ရဲ႕ သေႏၶသားနဲ႔ အဓၶမျပဳက်င့္ခံရျပီး ရလာတဲ့ သေႏၶသားေတြကို ဖ်က္ခ်ခြင့္ျပဳထားတာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

**

source: VOA

http://www.voanews.com/burmese/news/Thailand-fetus-11-19-10-109328154.html

၂၁ ရာစု ပင္လံုညီလာခံ က်င္းပေရး ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ကို တာဝန္ေပးအပ္

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Two people were injured in a bomb blast at a temple in Mandalay on Saturday, raising concerns for the safety of recently released pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who was reportedly planning to visit Burma's second-largest city sometime in the near future.

http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=20137

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Burmese pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi says U.S. engagement with Burma is a good thing but says the United States needs to be practical about it.

http://www.voanews.com/english/news/Burmas-Suu-Kyi-Signals-Support-For-US-Engagement-109329774.html

စစ္အစိုးရကို ပကတိအတိုင္း ျမင္ေအာင္ ၾကည့္ၿပီး ေဆြးေႏြးသင့္



အေမရိကန္ ျပည္ေထာင္စုက ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံနဲ႔ ေစ့စပ္ေဆြးေႏြးမႈေတြ လုပ္မယ္ဆိုတာဟာ ေကာင္းမြန္တဲ့ ကိစၥတရပ္ ျဖစ္ေပမယ့္ အေမရိကန္ အစိုးရ တာ၀န္ရွိသူေတြဟာ အေကာင္းေတြကိုသာ ေရြးၾကည့္ၿပီး မေဆြးေႏြးေစခ်င္ဘူးလို႔ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္က ေျပာၾကားလိုက္ပါတယ္။

http://www.rfa.org/burmese/

“If We Want Change, We Have to Make It Happen”

Burma's pro-democracy leader and Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi spoke to Irrawaddy editor Aung Zaw soon after her release from house arrest on Nov. 13. In this exclusive interview, she discussed her position on the military regime, her future political activities and her views on the political situation in Burma after the Nov. 7 election. She also emphasized the need for her supporters to continue working towards the goal of achieving democracy, and urged young Burmese in particular to remain actively engaged in politics.

http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=20136

ဒုတိယပင္လံုညီလာခံက်င္းပေရး ေဒၚစု ဦးေဆာင္မည္

By မိုးေဇာ္စေန, 20 ႏိုဝင္ဘာ 2010


ဒီမုိကေရစီေရးနဲ႔ လူမ်ိဳးတိုင္း တန္းတူညီမွ်ေရးကို အေျခခံမယ့္ ဖယ္ဒရယ္ျပည္ေထာင္စု တည္ေဆာက္ဖို႔အတြက္ ဒုတိယပင္လံုညီလာခံ က်င္းပေရးတာ၀န္ကို ျမန္မာျပည္က ႏိုင္ငံေရးေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြက ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ထံကို ဒီကေန႔ တာ၀န္လဲႊအပ္ လုိက္ပါတယ္။ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္က ဒီလို တာ၀န္လဲႊေျပာင္းေပးအပ္တာကို လက္ခံလိုက္ၿပီး အားလံုးအတူတကြ ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္ဖို႔ ျပန္လည္ ပန္ၾကားခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ဒီသတင္းကိုေတာ့ ထိုင္းအေျခစိုက္ သတင္းေထာက္ ကိုမုိးေဇာ္က တင္ျပထားပါတယ္။

ဒီလို ဒုတိယပင္လံုညီလာခံ ျဖစ္ေျမာက္ အေကာင္အထည္ေဖာ္ေရး တာ၀န္ကို ၀ါရင့္ႏုိင္ငံေရးသမား သခင္သိန္းေဖရဲ႕ေနအိမ္မွာ ဒီကေန႔ မနက္က က်င္းပတဲ့ သက္ႀကီးႏိုင္ငံေရးသမားႀကီးေတြကို ပူေဇာ္တဲ့ပဲြမွာ လဲႊအပ္တာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒီအေၾကာင္းကိုေတာ့ ကိုယ္တိုင္ တာ၀န္လဲႊေျပာင္းေပးအပ္ခဲ့သူ ဇိုမီး အမ်ိဳးသားမ်ား ကြန္ဂရက္ရဲ႕ ဥကၠဌ ပူးက်င္ရွင္းထန္က အခုလုိ ေျပာပါတယ္။

“အဓိက ကေတာ့ေလ ဒီႏိုင္ငံေရးေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြ၊ နည္းနည္းအသက္ႀကီးတဲ့ လူေတြကို ဂါရ၀ျပဳတာ တခုရယ္။ ေနာက္ၿပီးေတာ့ ေအာက္တိုဘာ ၂၄ ရက္ေန႔မွာ ကေလးၿမိဳ႕ ဆံုးျဖတ္ခ်က္ မွတ္တမ္းကို အခု ေဒၚစု လြတ္လာတဲ့အခါမွာ ဒီဥစၥာကို ဆံုးခန္းတုိင္ျဖစ္ဖုိ႔ အမ်ိဳးသားေခါင္းေဆာင္ႀကီး ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္က လုပ္မွျဖစ္မယ္ဆုိၿပီးေတာ့ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔က သူ႔ကို လဲႊအပ္တာ။ ဒီ ၂ ခ်က္ပါပဲ။”

ၿပီးခဲ့တဲ့ ေအာက္တိုဘာ ၂၄ ရက္ေန႔က ကေလးၿမိဳ႕မွာ က်င္းပတဲ့ ဇိုမီးအမ်ိဳးသားမ်ား ကြန္ဂရက္ တည္ေထာင္တာ ၂၂ ႏွစ္ျပည့္တဲ့ အခမ္းအနားမွာ ကေလးၿမိဳ႕ ဆံုးျဖတ္ခ်က္ကို ထုတ္ျပန္ခဲ့တာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

ဒီဆံုးျဖတ္ခ်က္မွာ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ရဲ႕ ဦးေဆာင္မႈနဲ႔ အမ်ိဳးသားျပန္လည္ သင့္ျမတ္ေရးကို ဦးတည္တဲ့ ေတြ႔ဆံုေဆြးေႏြးေရးကို ေဆာင္ရြက္ဖုိ႔နဲ႔ ဒီမုိကေရစီေရးနဲ႔ လူမ်ိဳးတိုင္း တန္းတူညီမွ်ေရးကို အေျခခံမယ့္ ဖက္ဒရယ္ျပည္ေထာင္စု တည္ေဆာက္ဖို႔ အတြက္ ဒုတိယပင္လံုညီလာခံ က်င္းပေရးဆိုတဲ့ အခ်က္ေတြ ပါ၀င္ပါတယ္။

ဒုတိယပင္လံုညီလာခံ အေကာင္အထည္ေဖာ္ ေဆာင္ရြက္ေရးအတြက္ တာ၀န္လဲႊအပ္တာကို ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ကလည္း လက္ခံခဲ့တယ္လို႔ ပူးက်င္ရွင္းထန္က ေျပာပါတယ္။

“က်ေနာ္တုိ႔က တုိင္းျပည္ အေျခအေနၾကည့္ၿပီးေတာ့ ပင္လံုကဲ့သို႔ေသာ ညီလာခံ ဒုတိယပင္လံု လုိအပ္ေနတယ္။ အဲဒါကို လုပ္ရေအာင္ဆုိၿပီးလုပ္ေတာ့ အဖဲြ႔အစည္း ၅၀ ေက်ာ္ကေနၿပီးေတာ့ ဒါ မွန္ကန္တဲ့အေၾကာင္း တံု႔ျပန္ၾကတယ္။ ေနာက္ ကေလးၿမိဳ႕ ဆံုးျဖတ္ခ်က္ကို အားလံုး ဆံုးခန္းတိုင္ အေကာင္အထည္ေဖာ္တဲ့အထိ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ ဆက္လက္ ေဆာင္ရြက္ပါမယ္ ဆုိၿပီးေတာ့ သံႏၷိဌာန္ခ်ၿပီး လက္မွတ္ထုိးတဲ့ လူက ၁၀၉ ေယာက္ေလာက္ ရိွတယ္။ အဲဒါေတြကို အခု ေဒၚစု လြတ္လာတဲ့အတြက္ေၾကာင့္ ဆက္လက္ၿပီးေတာ့မွ ဆံုးခန္းတိုင္ အေကာင္အထည္ေဖာ္ႏိုင္ဖုိ႔ လဲႊအပ္တဲ့အခါမွာ သူက ေျပာတာက ၀မ္းသာစြာ လက္ခံပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ က်မ တေယာက္တည္းေတာ့ ဘယ္ျဖစ္မလဲ။ အားလံုး ဆက္ၿပီးေတာ့ ၀ိုင္းၿပီးေတာ့ ကူညီၾကပါ၊ - ဆိုၿပီးေတာ့ သူက ေျပာပါတယ္။”

ဒီလို လက္မွတ္ေရးထိုးရာမွာ ကရင္၊ ခ်င္း၊ မြန္၊ ရွမ္း စတဲ့ တိုင္းရင္းသားေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြ၊ ၀ါရင့္ႏိုင္ငံေရးသမားႀကီးေတြနဲ႔ အမ်ိဳးသားဒီမုိကေရစီအဖဲြ႔ခ်ဳပ္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြ ပါ၀င္တာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ အခု တာ၀န္လဲႊအပ္တာကလည္း ဒီလို ပါ၀င္လက္မွတ္ ေရးထိုးသူမ်ားကိုယ္စား သူက လဲႊေျပာင္းေပးတာျဖစ္တယ္လို႔ ပူးက်င္ရွင္ထန္းက ေျပာပါတယ္။

ဒီကေန႔ က်င္းပတဲ့အခမ္းအနားမွာေတာ့ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္က အသက္ ၈၀ ေက်ာ္ အရြယ္ရိွ တိုင္းရင္းသားေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြ အပါအ၀င္ ႏိုင္ငံေရး ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ၂၀ ေက်ာ္ကို ဂါရ၀ျပဳ ပူေဇာ္ကန္ေတာ့ခဲ့ပါတယ္။

ဒီပဲြကို ႏိုင္ငံေရးလႈပ္ရွားမႈ အဆက္ဆက္မွာ ပါ၀င္ခဲ့ၾကတဲ့ ေက်ာင္းသားေဟာင္းေတြ၊ တိုင္းရင္းသားလူငယ္ေတြနဲ႔ မ်ိဳးဆက္သစ္ ႏိုင္ငံေရးလႈပ္ရွားသူေတြက ပူးေပါင္း စီစဥ္ခဲ႔တာျဖစ္ၿပီး လူ ၁,၀၀၀ ေက်ာ္ေလာက္ တက္ေရာက္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။

http://www.voanews.com/burmese/news/Burma-DASSK-second-Pinglong-11-20-10-109447379.html

ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ လံုၿခံဳေရး စစ္အစိုးရတာ၀န္

ေသာၾကာ, 19 ႏိုဝင္ဘာ 2010

အေမရိကန္ ႏုိင္ငံျခားေရး၀န္ႀကီး ဟယ္လရီ ကလင္တန္က ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ဆီကုိ ပုဂၢိဳလ္ေရး စာတေစာင္ မၾကာမီ ရက္ေတြအတြင္းက ပို႔ခဲ့တယ္လို႔ အေမရိကန္ ႏုိင္ငံျခားေရး၀န္ႀကီးဌာန ေျပာေရးဆိုခြင့္ရွိသူ ပီေဂ် ခရိုလီ (P.J. Crowley) က ေသာၾကာေန႔က သတင္းစာ ဆရာေတြနဲ႔ ေတြ႕ဆံုရာမွာ ေျပာၾကားပါတယ္။ စာကို အေမရိကန္ သံရံုး ယာယီ တာ၀န္ခံ လယ္ရီ ဒင္းဂါး က ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ကို ေပးခဲ့တာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

တခ်ိန္ခ်ိန္မွာေတာ့ မစၥ ကလင္တန္က ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ကို ဖုန္းေခၚလိမ့္မယ္လို႔ သူ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ေၾကာင္း ခရုိလီက ဆိုပါတယ္။ အခု ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ လြတ္လာၿပီ ျဖစ္တဲ့အတြက္ သူ သင့္မယ္ထင္သလို ဆက္သြယ္ႏုိင္သလို သူ သင့္မယ္ထင္တဲ့ အၾကံေပးသူေတြနဲ႔လည္း ေတြ႔ဆံုႏုိင္ပါတယ္။ သူ သင့္မယ္ထင္သလို ပါတီကို ျပန္လည္ တည္ေဆာက္ႏုိင္ပါတယ္လို႔ မစၥတာ ခရိုလီ က ေျပာပါတယ္။

အဲဒီ အလုပ္ေတြကို လုပ္ေဆာင္တဲ့အခါမွာ သူမရဲ႕ လံုျခံဳေရးအတြက္ ျမန္မာအစိုးရမွာ အထူးတာ၀န္ရွိတယ္လို႔ အေမရိကန္က ယူဆေၾကာင္းလည္း သူက ေျပာၾကားသြားပါတယ္။

ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံဟာ ေနာက္ဆံုးေတာ့ ေျပာင္းလဲရမွာ ျဖစ္ၿပီး ႏိုင္ငံေရး လြတ္လပ္ခြင့္ကို ဖြင့္ေပးၿပီး တိုင္းရင္းသား အုပ္စုေတြနဲ႔ အဓိပၸါယ္ရွိရွိ ေတြ႔ဆံုေဆြးေႏြး ရပါလိမ့္မယ္လို႔ သူက ဆိုပါတယ္။ ဒါဟာ လက္ရွိ အထီးက်န္ဘ၀ကေန ထြက္ႏိုင္မယ့္ တစ္ခုတည္းေသာလမ္း ျဖစ္တယ္လို႔ မစၥတာ ခရိုလီ က ေျပာသြားပါတယ္။

http://www.voanews.com/burmese/news/Burma-DawAungSanSuuKyi_11-19-10-109325649.html

Myo Yan Naung Thein on Democratisation of the Nation

Burma's Myo Yan Naung Thein on Junta's Parliaments

Myo Thein on BBC News Channel on Daw Aung San Suu Kyi Released

Radio Free Asia (RFA): Myo Thein's Perspective on Burma

スー・チーさん「軍事政権との対話望む」(10/11/19)

(SN)

(SN)

Burma's Suu Kyi Signals Support For US Engagement

VOA News19 November 2010

Burmese pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi says U.S. engagement with Burma is a good thing but says the United States needs to be practical about it.

In an interview with CNN television aired Friday, Aung San Suu Kyi said she is not opposed to the United States engaging in diplomacy with Burma's military government. However, she said U.S. officials should not go into talks too optimistic.

Aung San Suu Kyi was released from house arrest one week ago, after spending 15 of the last 21 years under some kind of detention. Since her release, the Nobel Peace Prize winner has called for reconciliation talks with Burma's junta leader, Than Shwe.

Also Friday, the U.S. State Department said U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton sent a personal letter to Aung San Suu Kyi. A spokesman would not discuss its contents.

State Department spokesman P.J. Crowley said the United States places a special responsibility on Burma's government to guarantee Aung San Suu Kyi's safety. He said now that Aung San Suu Kyi has been released, she should be able to reconstitute her party as she sees fit.

Aung San Suu Kyi's release came days after political parties backed by the military swept Burma's first elections in two decades.

Western leaders and human rights activists said the vote was neither fair nor free and an effort by Burma's military to put a civilian face on its continued rule.

The election results show that the military's political party, the Union Solidarity and Development Party, won a large majority of the districts.

Some information for this report provided by AFP.

http://www.voanews.com/english/news/Burmas-Suu-Kyi-Signals-Support-For-US-Engagement-109329774.html

Friday, 19 November 2010

Suu Kyi warns of junta tricks

* Published: 20/11/2010 at 01:44 AM
* Online news:

WASHINGTON: Democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi has called US engagement with Burma a good thing, but urged US officials not to go into talks with the junta wearing "rose-coloured glasses."
"There are a lot of people who say that now that the US has decided to engage with the military regime, they have turned their back on us," Suu Kyi told CNN after being freed from years of house arrest.

"I don't think of it like that. I think engagement is a good thing," she said in the comments broadcast by the American television channel on Friday.

But she cautioned: "I don't want them to go into engagement wearing rose coloured glasses. I would want them to be practical about it."

The administration of US President Barack Obama last year initiated a dialogue with Burma after concluding that the longstanding US policy of isolating the military regime had not borne fruit.

Suu Kyi stressed Washington should be "keeping your eyes open and alert and seeing what is really going on, and where engagement is leading to and what changes really need to be brought about."

Kurt Campbell, the assistant secretary of state for East Asian affairs, has been leading the dialogue, but said in September that he had been disappointed with the results so far.

Washington praised Suu Kyi's release from house arrest last Saturday, with Obama describing his fellow Nobel Peace laureate as "a hero of mine."

But the US administration also renewed its calls for Burmese authorities to release all of the country's estimated 2,100 political prisoners.

A day after her release, Suu Kyi, who had been locked up by the Burmese regime for 15 of the past 21 years, gave her first political speech in seven years, appealing to thousands of her jubilant supporters for unity.

She was released from house arrest less than a week after a controversial election that cemented the junta's decades-long grip on power but was widely criticised by democracy activists and Western leaders as a sham.

Asked by CNN whether she feared being arrested again, Suu Kyi said: "So many people ask me this question and the only thing I can say is I don't know. It's always a possibility. After all they have arrested me several times in the past.

"There's nothing to say that they won't arrest me again," she added. "But you can't keep thinking about that, you just have to keep on with your work."

CNN said it had not been officially given permission to visit Burma during the elections, but its reporter had spent 16 days in the military-run country in what they called a kind of "covert operation."

The images of the brief conversation with Suu Kyi were released on Friday when CNN's correspondent was back in Thailand.

As the daughter of the nation's assassinated independence hero Aung San, the soft-spoken 65-year-old carries a weight of expectation among her followers for a better future after almost half a century of military dictatorship.

The mother of two is also hoping that her youngest son Kim Aris, who lives in Britain, will be able travel to Rangoon.

Aris arrived in the Thai capital ahead of his mother's release but it remains unclear whether he has received a visa to enter Burma.

Suu Kyi's struggle has come at a high personal cost: her British husband died in 1999 and, in the final stages of his battle with cancer, the junta refused him a visa to see his wife. She has never met her grandchildren.

http://www.bangkokpost.com/breakingnews/207269/suu-kyi-warns-of-junta-tricks

Analysis: Suu Kyi release put Myanmar sanctions in spotlight

By Martin Petty

BANGKOK | Fri Nov 19, 2010 3:39pm GMT

BANGKOK (Reuters) - Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi's re-emergence from seven years' incarceration thrusts Western sanctions back onto the agenda in Myanmar, adding a new dimension to the army-ruled country's fast-changing political landscape.

The release of the pro-democracy leader from house arrest on Saturday, six days after a much-criticized election, means she will have no official political role but could serve as a crucial go-between for the West and the country's reclusive military rulers toward reviewing sanctions.

Embargoes by the United States, Australian and European Union, intended to push the generals toward reforms, have been criticized as ineffective as long as neighbors China, Thailand and India pour investment into the country, enriching the regime.

Instead of an entrepreneurial middle class that could help clamor for change, the military and its cronies monopolize every industry, adding to a half-century of economic mismanagement in a country that was once one of Southeast Asia's most promising but where now a third of the people live in poverty, economists say.

Western multinationals sidelined by the sanctions are sizing up the vast potential of the country of 50 million people. The stakes are also high geopolitically for the United States as long as sanctions steer the country closer toward powerhouse China.

"If sanctions were lifted Myanmar would be of interest to mining, natural gas, agribusiness, tourism, financial services and telecommunications. Everything from ports to telecoms," said Douglas Clayton, a former hedge fund manager who is now chief executive and managing partner of Leopard Capital, a private equity fund specializing in frontier markets.

Clayton, who runs a $34 million fund in Cambodia backed by overseas investors, said he would quickly set up a Myanmar fund if sanctions ended and expects the investment scale would be in "billions of dollars rather than millions".

The question now is what exact role Suu Kyi will play.

"Suu Kyi's reappearance is something that will be utilized at a time when the U.S. and EU are looking for some kind of engagement," said Myanmar analyst and retired British diplomat Derek Tonkin.

"There are areas where she can play a considerable role. Suu Kyi could hold consultations with diplomats, even if the regime isn't prepared to talk to them at this stage. There are things she can do with the West that they can't do with the regime."

SANCTIONS U-TURN

Suu Kyi previously called for the sanctions but has changed her stance in recent years. She sent a letter last year to the country's paramount leader, Than Shwe, offering to help lift sanctions, but the junta dismissed her gesture as "insincere".

Speaking to reporters on Sunday, she declined to comment directly on whether she would urge the West to lift sanctions that many say hurt ordinary people by allowing the junta to monopolize the resource-rich economy.

"If people really want sanctions to be lifted, I will consider this," she said.

In secretive Myanmar, also known as Burma, no one knows if the attitude of Than Shwe and his clique of generals toward their arch enemy Suu Kyi has changed to the extent they might now see her as a means to end to their international isolation.

Some experts say sanctions benefit the regime as long as it receives economic and political support from China. Its isolation prevents international interference and investigations into its decades of gross human rights abuses.

Energy-hungry China props up the junta financially and offers it political protection by shooting down any attempts to inflict punitive action in the United Nations Security Council.

But others suggest China's support is not enough and the generals may be wary of becoming almost entirely dependent on their neighbor for their wealth and protection.

The lifelong soldiers are obsessed with security and keen to strengthen their military to fight domestic threats such as ethnic insurgencies or even an invasion by foreign forces. As long as arms embargoes are in place, their access to modern weapons technology is restricted mainly to China and Russia.

The release of the 65-year-old Oxford-educated Suu Kyi after the expiry of her sentence, which the generals described as "a pardon" might be a tactical move to get sanctions on the agenda.

"Being too close to China could be a problem in the long run and sanctions strike at the heart of this regime," said Aung Naing Oo, a Burmese academic and deputy director of the Thailand-based advocacy group, the Vahu Development Institute.

DEAL WITH THE DEVIL?

"They want more investment and a modern military and their chances of this are limited. They know Aung San Suu Kyi wants sanctions lifted and by releasing her, they're hoping she will return the favor."

It is assumed Suu Kyi will pursue some kind of political role outside Myanmar's new political system, which critics say was designed to exclude her, sideline opponents and entrench military rule behind a facade of democracy.

She was conciliatory on Sunday in a speech to supporters. She called for democracy and free speech but said she felt "no antagonism" toward the regime that detained her for 15 of the past 21 years, adding she was willing to work "with anyone".

A concern is the weight of expectation on Suu Kyi and the risk of upsetting her supporters if she is seen to be cooperating with the generals. It is unlikely she can have any impact on the formation of a military-dominated parliament and a government expected to be firmly under the control of the junta.

Analysts say Suu Kyi should try to avoid agitating the generals which could, as before, lead to her re-arrest.

"She will try to play an unofficial stateswoman-like role outside the established power structure and the regime will tolerate that as long as she can help the country and doesn't step out of line," added Aung Naing Oo.

"If she does that, they'll drag her through the mud."

(Additional reporting by Jason Szep) (Editing by Robert Birsel and Miral Fahmy)
http://uk.reuters.com/article/idUSTRE6AE0ZU20101119?pageNumber=2

The Suu Kyi factor

Wednesday, 17 November 2010 23:46 Shwe Shwe

Rangoon (Mizzima) – The most common answer on the streets of Rangoon to the question of how soon the impact of a free Aung San Suu Kyi will be felt is “immediately”. Unfortunately, it is a response likely grounded in a moment of hope and rather irrespective of the current situation inside Burma.

Aung San Suu Kyi addresses thousands outside National League for Democracy headquarters in Rangoon on November 14, 2010. While extensive media presence captured the events of November 13 and 14, ensuing days have seen security tightened and those still lingering in the form of Suu Kyi paparazzi placed under increasing scrutiny. Photo: Mizzima.

With the euphoria surrounding the release on Saturday of Burma’s opposition leader, followed by a gathering well into the thousands to hear her speak the following day, speculation among Rangoon observers was that the regime had possibly miscalculated in releasing the Nobel laureate.

However, the initial stages of the release having passed, the reality of the situation on the ground has readily asserted itself. While an extensive media presence, domestic and international, captured the events of November 13 and 14 – as the regime expected to happen, relaying the message of their “goodwill” to the world – ensuing days have seen security tightened, the media spotlight having moved on and those still lingering in the form of Suu Kyi paparazzi placed under increasing scrutiny.

Moreover, the headquarters of her National League for Democracy (NLD) party – officially a non-existent entity – following the press conference of November 14 has exuded more the air of a provincial Nepalese medical post, with visitors of various origins freely coming and going, milling around and hoping for at least a brief visage of “Aunty” and some kind of remedy to appear from the barren cupboards.

As with the gross disparity in electoral resources witnessed by the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), those of the state dominate resources at the disposal of the NLD; a single phone line, not always operational, services the party’s office needs. Accordingly, though Suu Kyi speaks of the advent of “true” democracy as depending “very much on how much support the people give us”, the elephant in the room clearly remains the Burmese security sector.

Views from the streets

In Rangoon, hardly anyone spoken to approves of the current condition of the country. A pervading apathy regarding politics, and elections specifically, is the order of the day beyond the highly politicised branches of the NLD, its splinter group, the National Democratic Force (NDF), and those basing political allegiance squarely on the dubious shoulders of identity politics.

Hushed voices, and sometimes the not so hushed, everywhere greet the visitor as to the deplorable situation Burma’s citizenry has been exposed to by the diktats of the country’s generals. The overtures can sometimes border on the absurd, such as a comment on the innate beauty of the United States flag compared with the ugly new flag of Burma which one restaurateur claims “nobody in country like”.

The people, comments one politically active professional, are not just excited about Suu Kyi, they are looking to support anything that offers a deviation from the country’s present trajectory. The feeling, he suspects, is a mixture of pro-Suu Kyi and anti-junta.

A non-voter, out of apathy, and non-attendee of Suu Kyi’s public address offers a complemental assessment. According to this businessman, it is not just about getting democracy for Burma.

The problem, he says, is that Burma’s government only looks to itself, whereas other governments, while still looking after their own interests, also look to the needs of the people. “We have no health care, no education, no insurance,” he laments.

“Any government is okay, as long as they do their best. But right now they do not,” he added. Asked if he would support the new parliament as comprised if it showed it looked to “do its best”, the answer came quickly: “Yes, of course.”

It is difficult to judge just how deep such a sentiment lies in the Burmese political body, but for many in Rangoon it remains impossible to see past the monumental personage of Suu Kyi.

An unemployed Muslim who lives near Rangoon University with his wife and four children and who was an eager onlooker during the events of Sunday in which Suu Kyi greeted her faithful, reflects a view of the opposition leader bordering on a sort of civilian messiah.

Why do you like her so much? “Because she is the daughter of our first king,” replied the wiry man with betel-stained teeth, obviously assigning the title of first king to Suu Kyi’s father, independence hero General Aung San.

While Suu Kyi would no doubt cringe at the thought of her father being considered the first monarch of a new Burmese empire, it is not a unique sentiment and an image, speaking of the lineage and not the misappropriated royal title, actively cultivated by “The Lady” and her party.

In a taxi en route to NLD headquarters, the driver inquired if I was aware that her father was a king of Burma. Meanwhile, a giant billboard depicting a portrait of Suu Kyi with her late father in military garb slightly in the background gazed upon all those in attendance on Sunday. And the inner sanctum of the NLD office is adorned with various murals depicting both father and daughter.

An infatuation with revisiting past events, specifically in this case the inauspicious assassination of Aung San and colleagues just prior to independence, continues to weave its way throughout the posturing of Suu Kyi’s party.

Despite unquestioned charisma and oratorical skills, the policies of Suu Kyi have in the past been criticised for being uncompromising to the point of frustrating gradual change. The politically active professional shares the concern, but is yet hopeful that it will not be allowed to obstruct future gains.

“I worry about that too. But, she also says she does not want a Suu Kyi dictatorship,” he affirmed, stressing that any movement forward depends both on Suu Kyi and the military-backed government.

From the streets, people in the wake of Suu Kyi’s release are yet looking … hoping, and generally form a far more politically diversified bloc than might be expected – any broad unification today would have to be said to be grounded in apathy.

By far the most challenging question posed to those consulted regarded the amount of patience people would have for Suu Kyi to demonstrate a tangible gain. That, it was said by virtually all approached, would “depend”.

Looking forward

A major factor in the potential impact of Suu Kyi on the greater Burmese political body will be her ability to travel freely throughout the country. Rangoon, despite heavily censored media, is largely aware of proceedings, but speculation is that most of the country remains largely ignorant. And, if the impact of recent happenings in Rangoon on Burma’s outlying communities is any indication, it is likely an opinion borne of realism.

Those canvassed were unanimous in their expectation that Suu Kyi’s travel beyond Rangoon would be tightly controlled. Even in Rangoon, comments one student, she is not free to do whatever she likes or speak wherever she likes. Freedom, and one look no further than the motley collection of characters at her party’s headquarters, is still a much-qualified term.

Having been largely shut out from her supporters – domestic and foreign, at home and abroad – for the last seven years, it will also be vital for Suu Kyi to recover her own voice and assert control and direction over her party and supporters. A clear and enforced policy platform regarding contentious issues would also aid in determining if dialogue with the country’s generals is possible. The multitude of voices that have insinuated to speak on her behalf must be subsumed within her true aspirations and interpretations.

As for her personal popularity and following, a sizable core of supporters, and not without good reason, can be expected to remain loyal and follow The Lady wherever she may lead. Upon leaving the festivities on Sunday, a boy in a miniature replica of the pale orange jackets worn by NLD central executive committee members walked alongside his father and, camera focused, launched his fist into the air; a clear indication that Suu Kyi, her party and politically faithful are not leaving the Burmese political scene any time soon.

However, true gains respective of Burma’s political landscape will likely only be realised with the advent of visible gains on the ground and in the lives of the Burmese people, who are ready to jump back on the “Suu Kyi bandwagon” but have grown weary of a domestic landscape void of results as epitomised by this month’s much-maligned general election.

http://www.mizzima.com/edop/analysis/4589-the-suu-kyi-factor.html

UN Chief, Aung San Suu Kyi Urge Burma to Release Political Prisoners

Thursday, November 18th, 2010 at 10:15 pm UTC

The United Nations human rights committee has condemned Burma’s recent elections, saying they were not free, fair nor transparent.

The key U.N. committee approved the resolution Thursday by a vote of 96 in favor and 28 against

It also called for Burma’s military government to release all political prisoners.

Earlier Thursday, Burmese pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi , who was released from house arrest Saturday, spoke by phone with U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon. The two urged Burma’s military rulers to release all remaining political prisoners.

A U.N. statement says the two called for the release of political prisoners so all Burmese citizens can contribute to national reconciliation and a transition to democracy in Burma. Mr. Ban also told Aung San Suu Kyi he is encouraged by her appeals to Burma’s government for dialogue and compromise.

Separately, Aung San Suu Kyi said her release from house arrest should not be seen as evidence Burma’s military rulers are softening their policies.

In an interview with The Associated Press, she said her freedom came because her term of house arrest had expired and “there were no immediate means of extending it.”

Since her release, the Nobel Peace Prize winner has called for reconciliation talks with the junta leader, Than Shwe. But she told The Associated Press the government has not contacted her.

Aung San Suu Kyi also said she believes her detention was “illegal” but that she has no regrets about standing up to the junta, even though it meant spending 15 of the last 21 years under some kind of detention.

The 65-year-old democracy activist walked out of her lakeside Rangoon home Saturday at the end of her latest term of house arrest. The release came days after political parties backed by the military swept Burma’s first elections in two decades.

Western leaders and human rights activists said last Sunday’s vote was neither fair nor free and an effort by Burma’s military to put a civilian face on its continued rule.

The election results show that the military’s political party, the Union Solidarity and Development Party, won a large majority of the districts.

Some information in this story was provided by AFP and Reuters.

http://blogs.voanews.com/breaking-news/2010/11/18/un-chief-aung-san-suu-kyi-urge-burma-to-release-political-prisoners-2/

US House denounces Myanmar elections

Thu Nov 18, 3:07 pm ET
AFP/File – Activists hold masks supporting Myanmar democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi during a rally on November 17. …

WASHINGTON (AFP) – The US House of Representatives on Thursday condemned Myanmar's recent elections and said no government there can be legitimate without the participation of Democracy icon AungSan Suu Kyi.

By voice vote, lawmakers approved a symbolic resolution that "denounces the one-sided, undemocratic, and illegitimate actions" of the country's ruling junta and accused them of consolidating their power with a "flawed election."

"No government in Burma can be considered democratic or legitimate without the participation of Aung San Suu Kyi, the National League forDemocracy, and ethnic nationalities," the measure states.

The resolution also demands "the full restoration of democracy, freedom of assembly, freedom of movement, freedom of speech, freedom of the press, and internationally recognized human rights for all Burmese citizens."

The November 7 vote has been widely panned by international observers, and US President Barack Obama said the "bankrupt regime" in the country, generally referred to in Washington as Burma, had stolen the election.

The resolution also called on the junta to "begin an immediate transition" to democratic rule and the "immediate and unconditional release" of all those deemed political prisoners, and pressed the Obamaadministration "to not support or recognize the military regime's elections as legitimate."

And it pressed the administration to fully implement a 2008 US law aimed at stifling Myanmar's trade in precious stones, a key source of foreign currency.

http://news.yahoo.com/s/afp/20101118/pl_afp/usmyanmarpoliticscongress_20101118200712

ျမန္မာ့ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြ ကုလ ႐ႈတ္ခ်

By ဗြီအိုေအ (ျမန္မာဌာန)ၾကာသပေတး, 18 ႏိုဝင္ဘာ 2010

ျမန္မာစစ္အစုိးရက ဒီလဆန္းကပဲ က်င္းပၿပီးစီးသြားတဲ့ ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြဟာ လြတ္လပ္ၿပီး တရားမွ်တမႈ မရွိသလုိ ပြင့္လင္းျမင္သာမႈ မရွိဘူးလုိ႔ ကုလသမဂၢ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရး ေကာ္မတီက ႐ႈတ္ခ်လုိက္ပါတယ္။

လူ႔အခြင့္အေရး ေကာ္မတီက ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံဆုိင္ရာ ဒီအဆုိျပဳခ်က္ကုိေတာ့ ၾကာသပေတးေန႔မွာပဲ ေထာက္ခံမဲ ၉၆ မဲ၊ ကန္႔ကြက္မဲ ၂၈ မဲနဲ႔ ဆုံးျဖတ္ခ်က္ ခ်မွတ္လုိက္တာပါ။

ဆုံးျဖတ္ခ်က္က ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံမွာ ဖမ္းဆီးထားတဲ့ ႏုိင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္းသား ၂,၀၀၀ ေက်ာ္ကုိ ျပန္လႊတ္ေပးဖုိ႔လည္း ေတာင္းဆုိခဲ့ပါတယ္။

ၾကာသပေတးေန႔ကပဲ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံက ေနာက္ဆုံး အေျခအေနေတြနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္လုိ႔ ကုလသမဂၢရဲ႕ လုံၿခံဳေရးေကာင္စီမွာ တံခါးပိတ္ ေဆြးေႏြးမႈေတြ လုပ္ေဆာင္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။

ကုလသမဂၢ အတြင္းေရးမႉးခ်ဳပ္ရဲ႕ အထူး အႀကံေပးပုဂၢိဳလ္ ဘီေဂ်း နမ္ဘီယာက ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံက ေနာက္ဆုံး အေျခအေနေတြကုိ လုံၿခံဳေရးေကာင္စီကုိ တင္ျပၿပီး အဖဲြ႕၀င္ ႏုိင္ငံေတြၾကား ေဆြးေႏြးၾကတာ ျဖစ္ေပမဲ့ အေသးစိတ္ အခ်က္အလက္ေတြေတာ့ တိတိက်က် မသိရပါဘူး။

တခ်ိန္တည္းမွာပဲ ျမန္မာ့ဒီမုိကေရစီ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ရဲ႕ ရဲစြမ္းသတၱိနဲ႔ ဂုဏ္သိကၡာဟာ ကမၻာတ၀န္းမွာရွိတဲ့ လူသန္းေပါင္း မ်ားစြာအတြက္ စိတ္ဓာတ္ခြန္အားေတြ ျဖစ္ေစတဲ့အတြက္ ေလးစားၾကည္ညိဳေၾကာင္း ေျပာဆုိထားတဲ့ ကုလသမဂၢ အတြင္းေရးမႉးခ်ဳပ္ ဘန္ကီမြန္း (Ban Ki-moon) က ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ကုိ ၾကာသပေတးေန႔မွာ တယ္လီဖုန္းကတဆင့္ တုိက္႐ုိက္ စကားေျပာဆုိခဲ့ပါတယ္။

ေႏြးေထြးတဲ့ ေဆြးေႏြးမႈေတြမွာ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံမွာ ရင္ဆုိင္ေနရတဲ့ စိန္ေခၚမႈေတြကုိ အာ႐ုံစုိက္ ေျပာဆုိခဲ့တယ္လုိ႔လည္း အတြင္းေရးမႉးခ်ဳပ္ရဲ႕ ႐ုံးက ေျပာပါတယ္။

http://www.voanews.com/burmese/news/un-myanmar-election-109062434.html

Aung San Suu Kyi: I was both prisoner and maintenance woman

* Jack Davies in Rangoon
* guardian.co.uk, Thursday 18 November 2010 21.19 GMT
* Article history
Burma's pro-democracy leader talks about her life in captivity, her first days of freedom and the fight ahead
Aung San Suu Kyi talks about her years under house arrest and Burma's future at the offices of her National League for Democracy in Rangoon Photograph: AP

Finally free from the clutches of Burma's ruling generals and the lonely life of house arrest they subjected her to, Aung San Suu Kyi now finds she cannot escape from herself.

At the headquarters of her currently-outlawed political party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), images of her are everywhere: on posters, calendars and pamphlets, T-shirts, necklaces and earrings.

As she poses politely for photos, the Guardian asks who the golden bust behind her represents. "It's supposed to be me," she says. "I wish people wouldn't make busts or posters of me, it is a very strange thing to be looking at yourself all the time. It's not like this at my house, I promise you. I have pictures of my children."

The building is filled to overflowing; the noise of a hundred conversations reverberate off the peeling wars and concrete floors. Today, there are more people than chairs, and those left without crouch against walls.

Across the road, perched on conspicuous orange motorbikes, the government's spies are kept busy, watching her party headquarters through camera lenses and binoculars. But Aung San Suu Kyi is unconcerned about the attention from the military's special branch. They will be her companion every day she is free.

"That is for them to worry about. I can only do what I feel I need to do, what I can do for the people of Burma," she says. "They will follow me, I cannot stop that. I cannot worry."

Aung San Suu Kyi is 65, but looks 20 years younger. A hint of grey at her temples is the only physical sign of the strains of two decades spent resisting a brutal military regime. She has a piercing gaze, which rarely moves from her interrogator, and her response is deliberate when pushed about the government's overt, hostile attention. She is not frightened that she could be detained again – a fate that has befallen her for 15 of the last 21 years.

"It is not a fear, it's a possibility that I live with. I understand that is the situation, and I have to accept it. They have done it before, and it is very possible they will do it again, but it is not something I fear every day. It is my situation."

It is nearly a week since military officials came to her door at 54 University Avenue, Rangoon, and told her she was free, noting perversely, her good behaviour.

Since then, she has been almost constantly in meetings of one sort or another. Diplomats and journalists from every corner of the globe have formed a queue at the bottom of the stairs leading to her door. She has taken phone calls from presidents and prime ministers. She has met with NLD party elders to discuss strategy and legal challenges and sanctions policy.

But she has stopped too, amid the throng of admirers, to talk to people on the street, old women who claim kinship, children who have a flower for her.

She has spoken with her sons by phone every day – something she could never do before, though there is no word on when she will be allowed to see them – she has visited the high court to lodge an appeal against her party's disbanding, and visited an HIV/AIDS shelter. Everywhere she goes, she is mobbed.

She is happy, "because now I am free".

She talks candidly about her years under house arrest, saying it was "far, far easier" than the time currently being served by Burma's 2,100 political prisoners. They must be freed before any real progress will be made, she insists.

Reluctantly, she concedes that there were moments of pessimism. "Despair is not the right word, but there were times that I would worry … a lot, not so much for myself, for my situation, but for the future of the country."

But she has little time for introspection and none for self-pity. The overwhelming feeling during the last seven-and-a-half years she spent confined to her damp, two-storey home was, she says, that "there weren't enough hours in the day".

"As unbelievable as it may sound, it's true. When I tell you that I had to listen to the radio for six hours every day, that is a big chunk of time, and that was solid work, just to make sure I caught all of the Burmese programs, just so I could keep up with what was going on. Because if I missed something, there was no one to come around to tell me 'did you hear about'. I needed to keep myself informed."

She says she read, for work and pleasure, biographies and spy novels were favourites at the end of the day, and she meditated regularly. "And then there was the house to run and to maintain, there really was a lot to do."

She laughs at the ridiculous lengths the junta went to in its ad hoc imprisonment. "I was both prisoner and maintenance woman," she says, mimicking a feeble effort with a hammer.

"No one was allowed to come to fix the house. I had to fix everything that went wrong around the place. The two people I was with (her live-in maids, a mother and daughter) were completely non-mechanical and non-electrical, so I had to learn with great difficulty how to do these things."

She was not always successful. For several days following cyclone Nargis in 2008, the trio lived by candlelight.

But she is less interested in reflecting on the years of isolation than on what happens next in her country.

Internationally, Aung San Suu Kyi's release has been described as Burma's "Mandela moment", comparing it to the day in 1990 when Nelson Mandela walked free from prison in South Africa. She hopes it may one day prove so, but is wary of the comparison now.

"I think that our situation is much more difficult than South Africa's. South Africa had already made some movement towards democracy when Mandela was released. Here in Burma, we are nowhere near that. We haven't even begun."

"And I feel our case is a lot more difficult than South Africa."

South Africa's fault line was clear-cut, apartheid was based on race, she says. "Colour is something that everyone can see straight away. Here, it is less obvious who is who, because we are all Burmese. It is Burmese discriminating and oppressing Burmese.

"I have often thought everything would be much easier if all the NLD supporters were coloured purple. Then it would be obvious who is being jailed and who is being discriminated against. And the international community would be angered more easily, they could easily say 'you cannot discriminate against the purples'."

Where Burma goes from here is unclear, she says, "we are a country in limbo".

She realises the power of her freedom to the people of Burma, though she is always conscious that there are many others in her movement, and thousands still in prison. "I don't believe in one person's influence and authority to move a country forward. I am honoured by the trust people have in me, but one person alone can not bring democracy to a country.

"Change is going to come from the people. I want to play my role … I want to work in unison with the people of Burma, but it is they who will change this country."

Jack Davies is a Guardian reporter writing under a pseudonym

http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/nov/18/aung-san-suu-kyi-burma-interview

Thursday, 18 November 2010

“အေျပာင္းအလဲလိုခ်င္ရင္ အေျပာင္းအလဲ ရေအာင္ႀကိဳးစား”

ဧရာဝတီ THURSDAY, 18 NOVEMBER 2010 19:43 အင္တာဗ်ဴး

ျမန္မာ့ ဒီမိုကေရစီ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ႏိုဗဲလ္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးဆုရွင္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္သည္ စစ္အစိုးရ၏ ေနအိမ္ အက်ယ္ခ်ဳပ္မွ ႏိုဝင္ဘာ ၁၃ ရက္ေန႔တြင္ ျပန္လည္ လြတ္ေျမာက္ လာခဲ့သည္။

ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္၏ စစ္အစိုးရအေပၚသေဘာထား၊ ၎ ဆက္လက္ေဆာင္ရြက္မည့္ ႏုိင္ငံေရး ေရွ႕လုပ္ငန္းစဥ္ မ်ားႏွင့္ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲအၿပီး ႏုိင္ငံေရး အခင္းအက်င္းအေပၚ အျမင္ စတာေတြကို ဧရာဝတီမဂၢဇင္း အယ္ဒီတာ ေအာင္ေဇာ္က ဆက္သြယ္ေမးျမန္းထားသည္။
(ဓာတ္ပံု - ဧရာဝတီ)

ေမး။ ။ အခုဆုိရင္ ေနအိမ္မွာ ၇ ႏွစ္ေက်ာ္ အက်ဥ္းက်ခဲ့တာ ျပန္လြတ္လာၿပီ၊ လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ ၂ ရက္ ၃ ရက္အတြင္းမွာ လူထုကုိ စကားေျပာခဲ့တယ္၊ အျပင္ကုိလည္း ထြက္ၾကည့္ခြင့္ရတယ္။ ျမန္မာ လူမ်ဳိးေတြကလည္း အျပင္မွာေရာ အထဲမွာေရာ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ လြတ္လာတာကို ဝမ္းေျမာက္ ဝမ္းသာျဖစ္ၾကတယ္။ ဘာေတြ ေျပာင္း သြားတယ္လုိ႔ ျမင္ပါသလဲ။

ေျဖ။ ။ ပထမ ဦးဆုံးကေတာ့ အန္တီ့ကို လာၿပီး ႀကိဳတဲ့ လူအုပ္စုထဲမွာ လူငယ္ေတြ ပိုမ်ားလာတာေတာ့ သတိ ထားမိတယ္။ ေနာက္ၿပီးေတာ့ cell phone ေလးေတြ သုံးတာေပါ့ေနာ္။ cell phone ေလးေတြနဲ႔၊ hand phone ေလးေတြနဲ႔ ဓာတ္ပုံ႐ုိက္တာေတြ ဘာေတြေပါ့။ အဲဒါေတြက အရင္တုန္းက မႀကံဳဖူးဘူးေလ။ ၁၀ ႏွစ္ ေလာက္က မ႐ွိဘူး။ အဲဒါေတြက ေတာ္ေတာ္မ်ားမ်ား ပ်ံ႕ေနတာဟာ၊ ဘာပဲေျပာေျပာ ဆက္သြယ္ေရး လမ္းေၾကာင္းကေတာ့ အရင္ထက္စာလုိ႔႐ွိရင္ လမ္းေၾကာင္းေတြ ပိုမ်ားလာတယ္လို႔ ျမင္တာေပါ့ေနာ္။ အဲဒါကေတာ့ အေရးႀကီးတဲ့ ကိစၥေပါ့ေနာ္။ ေနာက္ၿပီးေတာ့ ၿမိဳ႕႔ထဲမွာေတာ့ေလ သိပ္ထူးထူးျခားျခား အေျပာင္းအလဲႀကီးေတာ့ မျမင္ဘူး။ တကယ္ေတာ့ အန္တီလည္း ေလွ်ာက္ၿပီး သြားတဲ့လူမဟုတ္ေတာ့ ေနရာမႏွံ႔လုိ႔လားေတာ့မသိဘူး။ သိပ္ၿပီး ထူးထူးျခားျခား ဘာမွေျပာင္းလဲမႈမ႐ွိဘူး။

ေမး။ ။ ျမန္မာလူမ်ဳိးေတြက အရမ္း ႏြမ္းသြားလား။

ေျဖ။ ။ အဲဒီဟာ ၾကည့္ရတာေတာ့ေနာ္ ႏြမ္းပါးေနေပမယ့္။ အန္တ့ီကုိလာႀကိဳတဲ့ လူေတြကေတာ့ အရမ္းကို ၿပံဳးၿပံဳး႐ႊင္႐ြႊင္နဲ႔ အားေပးတာ၊ အဲဒါကိုေတာ့ ေတာ္ေတာ္ေလး ေက်းဇူးလည္း တင္တယ္။ ဒီလုိ သူတို႔ သေဘာထား သိပ္ႀကီးတယ္ေပါ့ေနာ္။ ေႏြးေထြးတယ္။ အဲဒီလိုပဲ ခံစားရတယ္။

ေမး။ ။ အန္တီ အခုလြတ္လာတာကို ေထာင္ေသးေသးထဲကေန ေထာင္ႀကီးႀကီးထဲကို လြတ္လာတာလုိ႔ တခ်ဳိ႕က ေရးၾက သုံးသပ္ၾကတာေတြ ေတြ႔ရတယ္။ အဲဒီလုိမ်ဳိး အန္တီ ခံစားရလား။

ေျဖ။ ။ အန္တီက အဲဒီလုိမျမင္ဘူး။ ေျပာင္းျပန္ျမင္တယ္။ အစတုန္းကလည္း အန္တီက လြတ္လပ္ေနတယ္လုိ႔ အန္တီ့ကုိယ္ အန္တီ သတ္မွတ္တယ္။ ဘာျဖစ္လုိ႔လဲဆုိေတာ့ အန္တီ့ စိတ္လြတ္လပ္တယ္။ အန္တီ့ အေတြးအေခၚနဲ႔၊ အန္တီ့ ယုံၾကည္ခ်က္နဲ႔ အန္တီေရြးတဲ့လမ္း အန္တီေလွ်ာက္ေနတာ။ ၿပီးေတာ့ စိတ္ထဲမွာ မလြတ္လပ္ဘူးလုိ႔ မခံစားရဘူး။ အခု ဒီလုိ ထြက္လာေတာ့လည္း အန္တီ မလြတ္လပ္ဘူးလုိ႔ မခံစားရဘူး။ အခုကေတာ့ ပုိၿပီး အလုပ္မ်ားတာေပါ့ေနာ္။ လက္ေတြ႔က်က် အေျပာင္းအလဲေတြပဲ ျမင္ရတယ္၊ ေတြ႔ရတယ္၊ ခံစားရတယ္။ တကယ္ေတာ့ ကုိယ့္ အတြင္းစိတ္ကေတာ့ ဒီ အတုိင္းပဲ။

ေမး။ ။ ဟုတ္ကဲ့။ တခ်ဳိ႕ ႏုိင္ငံေရး သုံးသပ္သူေတြေပါ့။ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔အပါအဝင္ အျပင္မွာေရာ၊ အထဲမွာေရာ ေျပာၾကတာ၊ ေရးၾကတာ ဘာေတြလဲ ဆုိေတာ့ ျမန္မာ နအဖ စစ္အစိုးရအေနနဲ႔ အန္တီ့ကို ေ႐ြးေကာက္ပြဲၿပီး တပတ္ မွာလႊတ္တာက ေ႐ြးေကာက္ပြဲကုိ အာ႐ုံလႊဲတယ္လုိ႔ပဲ ျမင္ၾကတယ္။ အန္တီ ဘယ္လုိထင္သလဲ။

ေျဖ။ ။ အဲဒါကေတာ့ အန္တီေျပာလုိ႔မရဘူး။ ဟုတ္ရင္လည္း ဟုတ္ႏုိင္တယ္ေလ။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ေ႐ြးေကာက္ပြဲက ၿပီးသြားၿပီဆုိေတာ့လည္း ေ႐ြးေကာက္ပြဲကုိ အာ႐ုံသိပ္ၿပီးျပဳဖုိ႔မလုိေတာ့ အန္တီ့ကို ပုိၿပီးေတာ့ အာ႐ုံစုိက္တာေပါ့ေနာ္။

ေမး။ ။ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ လြတ္လြတ္ျခင္းပဲ စစ္အစုိးရ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြနဲ႔ အန္တီက ေတြ႔ဆုံ စကားေျပာခ်င္တယ္၊ အမ်ိဳးသား ရင္ၾကားေစ့ေရး ျပန္လည္ ေဖာ္ေဆာင္ခ်င္တယ္လို႔ ေျပာတယ္ေလ။ အမ်ားစုက အန္တီ့ အေပၚမွာ သံသယမ႐ွိေပမယ့္ ဟုိဘက္ကေတာ့ ေျပာခ်င္ပုံ မရဘူးေပါ့ေလ။ အန္တီ ႏုိ္င္ငံေရးကို စဝင္ကတည္းက၊ ၁၉၈၈ ကတည္းက၊ ျမန္မာ နအဖ၊ အဲဒီတုန္းက နဝတ ေပါ့ သူတုိ႔ဘက္က ေနၿပီးေတာ့ အန္တီ့ကို မလုိလားဘူးဆုိတဲ့ ဟာကို အႀကိမ္ႀကိမ္ ေျပာခဲ့ၿပီးၿပီျဖစ္တယ္။ ဘာေၾကာင့္ အခုထိ ၂၂ ႏွစ္႐ွိၿပီ၊ အန္တီ့ ဘက္ကေနၿပီးေတာ့ အမ်ဳိးမ်ဳိး ကမ္းလွမ္းခဲ့ေသာ္လည္း ဘာလို႔ သူတုိ႔ဘက္က မေျပာခ်င္တာလဲ၊ ဘာေၾကာင့္လုိ႔ အန္တီထင္သလဲ။

ေျဖ။ ။ စကားေျပာတယ္ ဆုိတဲ့ အဓိက ရည္႐ြယ္ခ်က္အေနနဲ႔ စကားေျပာတဲ့ တကယ့္ အႏွစ္သာရ အဓိပၸာယ္ကို အန္တီတို႔ နားလည္တာျခင္းဟာ မတူဘူးလုိ႔ထင္တယ္။ ဘာျဖစ္လုိ႔လဲဆိုေတာ့ အန္တီ့အျမင္မွာ ဒီလုိ စကား ေျပာတယ္ ဆုိတာဟာ စကားရည္လုပြဲ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ အန္တီ ခဏခဏေျပာတယ္။ တဘက္က ႐ႈံးေစ၊ တဘက္က ႏုိင္ေစ ေျပာတာ မဟုတ္ဘူး။ တဘက္ကလည္း ကိုယ့္ အျမင္ကုိေျပာရမယ္၊ ေနာက္တဘက္ကလည္း ကိုယ့္အျမင္ကို ေျပာမယ္၊ သေဘာမတူတာေတြ ႐ွိရင္လည္း ညႇိယူမယ္ေပါ့ေနာ္။ ၂ ဘက္ စလုံးအတြက္ ေအာင္ႏုိင္မႈ ျဖစ္ရမယ္။ အဲဒါမ်ဳိး ကိုေျပာေပမယ့္လည္းပဲ နည္းနည္းမွ သေဘာမေပါက္ဘူး။ မယုံတာလား၊ သေဘာမေပါက္တာလား။ ဒါမွမဟုတ္ တပ္မေတာ္ အသုိင္းအဝန္းမွာ ဒီလုိေပါ့ေနာ္ … အေျခအတင္ စကားေျပာၿပီးေတာ့ ညႇိႏႈိင္းယူတဲ့ အေလ့ အထ မ႐ွိလုိ႔လား၊ အဲဒါေတြက အမ်ားႀကီးကို စဥ္းစားစရာ ျဖစ္တယ္။

ေမး။ ။ အဲဒီလုိ ဆုိရင္ ၉၄၊ ၉၅ ၿပီးေတာ့ ၂၀၀၀ ဝန္းက်င္မွာ အန္တီနဲ႔ တကယ့္ ထိပ္တန္း ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မႉးႀကီး သန္းေ႐ႊ အပါအဝင္၊ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ခင္ၫြန္႔အပါအဝင္ ေတြ႔ခဲ့တာေတြ႐ွိတယ္။ အဲဒီတုုန္းက ေျပာခဲ့တာ ေတြကေကာ တကယ့္ အႏွစ္သာရ ႐ွိတာေတြလား၊ တကယ့္ အေျခအတင္ ေတြလား။

ေျဖ။ ။ ေတြ႔ၾကတယ္ေပါ့ေနာ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ တကယ္ ေဆြးေႏြးတယ္လုိ႔ ေျပာလုိ႔မရပါဘူး။ တကယ္ ေဆြးေႏြး တယ္လုိ႔ ေျပာလုိ႔ရတာက၊ ဒီပဲယင္းၿပီးေတာ့ ေတြ႔ဆုံခဲ့တဲ့ ဗုိလ္မႉးႀကီးတင္လႈိင္တုိ႔၊ ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေက်ာ္ဝင္းတုိ႔၊ ဗုိလ္မႉးခ်ဳပ္ သန္းထြန္း တုိ႔နဲ႔ ေတြ႔ဆုံၿပီးေတာ့ ေျပာခဲ့တာပဲ၊ အဲဒါေတြကေတာ့ တကယ္ ေဆြးေႏြးခဲ့တာပဲ။ ဒါေပမယ့္ အဲဒါေတြကလည္း တကယ္ေတာ့ အေကာင္အထည္မေဖာ္ခဲ့ဘူး။

ေမး။ ။ သူတုိ႔ေတြလည္း မ႐ွိေတာ့ဘူး။ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီးခင္ၫႊန္႔လည္း မ႐ွိေတာ့ဘူး၊ တခ်ိဳ႕ ႏွစ္ရွည္လမ်ား ေထာင္က် ေနၾကတာ ဆိုေတာ့ သူတုိ႔ အေပၚမွာေရာ အန္တီ ဘယ္လုိျမင္သလဲ။ တကယ္ပဲ အန္တီနဲ႔ တပ္မေတာ္ၾကားထဲမွာ တံတားထုိးေပးႏုိင္မယ့္ သူေတြလုိ႔ အန္တီ ေနာက္ပုိင္းမွာ ယူဆမိတာ ႐ွိလား။ ေနာက္ပိုင္းမွာ ျပန္ေတြ႕ဖို႔ ရွိလား။

ေျဖ။ ။ အန္တီထင္တာကေတာ့ သူေတြကေတာ့ သူတုိ႔ကို တာဝန္ေပးခ်က္အရ လုပ္ေနေပမယ့္ သူတို႔ တတ္ႏုိင္သေလာက္ အေကာင္းဆုံးလုပ္တယ္ လုိ႔ေတာ့ အန္တီက ျမင္တာပဲ။ ဒါေပမယ့္ သူတု႔ိကလည္း ခုိင္းတဲ့ အတုိင္းပဲ လုပ္ရတာေပါ့။ အန္တီက ဒီလုိလူေတြနဲ႔ ေဆြးေႏြး ေျပာဆုိတဲ့ အခါမွာ သူတို႔ရဲ႕ ေကာင္းတဲ့ အခ်က္ ႐ွိတယ္ဆုိတာ အၿမဲ ျမင္ပါတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္မို႔လုိ႔ ကိုယ့္ဘက္ကခ်ည္းပဲ မွန္တယ္လုိ႔လည္း ထင္တာ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။သူတို႔နဲ႔က သူေျပာကိုယ္ေျပာ ေပါ့ေနာ္။ ေနာက္ၿပီးေတာ့လည္း နည္းနည္း ခ်ဥ္သြားတာေပါ့ေနာ္၊ နည္းနည္း ေျပာဟယ္ ဆိုဟယ္ ဆိုေတာ့လည္း ခ်ဥ္သြားတဲ့ ကိစၥေလးေတာ့ ရွိတာေပါ့ေနာ္။ အဲဒါလည္း အန္တီ့ဘက္က ရွိတာေပါ့ေနာ္။ သူတုိ႔ဘက္ကေတာ့ ရွိလား မရွိလားေတာ့ မသိဘူး။

ေမး။ ။ အန္တီ့အေပၚမွာေတာင္ အရမ္း ေလးစားသြားတာေတြ ႐ွိတယ္လုိ႔က်ေနာ္ ၾကားတယ္။ အဲဒီလုိမ်ဳိး ႐ွိလား။

ေျဖ။ ။ အဲဒီေလာက္ေတာ့ မသိဘူး။ ဒါေပမယ့္ အန္တီကိုေတာ့ သူတုိ႔ေကာင္းေကာင္း ဆက္ဆံပါတယ္။ အခုေနာက္ပုိင္းမွာလည္း လုံၿခံဳေရးတာဝန္ယူရတဲ့ အရာ႐ွိေတြကလည္း သူတို႔နဲ႔ေတြ႔တဲ့အခါ၊ ဆက္ဆံရတဲ့အခါ ေကာင္းေကာင္း မြန္မြန္ပါပဲ။ အန္တီကလည္း သူတို႔အေပၚမွာ ခင္ခ်င္တဲ့ စိတ္႐ွိပါတယ္။ သူတုိ႔ အတြင္းစိတ္က ဘယ္လုိ႐ွိလဲ ဆုိတာေတာ့ ေျပာလုိ႔မရဘူး။ အန္တီ့ ဘက္ကပဲ အန္တီေျပာႏုိင္တာ သူတုိ႔ေကာင္းေကာင္းမြန္မြန္ပဲ ဆက္ဆံတာကို အန္တီက ေက်းဇူးလည္း တင္တယ္၊ သူတို႔အေပၚမွာ ခင္မင္ရင္းႏွီးခ်င္တဲ့ စိတ္လည္း ႐ွိတယ္။ ေနာက္ တနဂၤေႏြ ေန႔တုန္းကလုိ ေပါ့ေလ။ ႐ုံးအေ႐ွ႕မွာ ေျပာသလုိေပါ့ေလ။ ျပည္သူအားလုံးကို သူတုိ႔ ဒီလုိပဲဆက္ဆံ ေစခ်င္တယ္။

ေမး။ ။ အန္တီ တခါတေလမ်ား သိပ္မေဝးေတာ့တဲ့ ကာလတခုမွာ ေနျပည္ေတာ္ကို သြားၿပီးေတာ့ ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္မႉးႀကီးနဲ႔ ေတြ႔လို႔ရမယ့္ အစီအစဥ္မ်ား ႐ွိမယ္လုိ႔ ထင္မိသလား။ ယုံၾကည္သလား။

ေျဖ။ ။ အန္တီကေတာ့ အဲဒီလုိမစဥ္းစားဘူး။ အန္တီကေတာ့ ဘယ္လုိျဖစ္ေအာင္ လုပ္ရမလဲေပါ့ေနာ္။ ကိုေအာင္ေဇာ္တို႔ ၾကားဖူးမလားေတာ့ မသိဘူး။ ဂႏၶီႀကီးက ဟိႏၵဴဘာသာဝင္ ဆုိေပမယ့္ ခရစ္ယာန္ ဓမၼသီခ်င္းတပုဒ္ကို သိပ္ၿပီးေတာ့ သေဘာက်တယ္ ဆုိတာေလ။ အဲဒီ သီခ်င္းဟာ Lead Kindly Light ဆိုတာ သူေျပာထားတာေတာ့ အရွည္ အေဝးႀကီး မဟုတ္ဘူးေပါ့ေနာ္။ တလွမ္းခ်င္း တလွမ္းခ်င္းသာ ျမင္ခြင့္ေပးပါဆုိတာ၊ အဲဒါကို ဂႏၶီႀကီးက ယုံသလုိ အဲဒီဟာကို အန္တီလည္းယုံတယ္။ တလွမ္းခ်င္း တလွမ္းခ်င္းသာ မွန္ေအာင္ လွမ္းႏိုင္ေအာင္လုိ႔ ကိုယ့္ကိုကုိယ္ ႀကိဳးစားၿပီးသြားမယ္၊ တလွမ္းခ်င္း တလွမ္းခ်င္းသာမွန္လို႔႐ွိရင္ေတာ့ လမ္းမွန္ေပၚကေန ေနရာမွန္ကို ေရာက္မွာ ေပါ့ေလ။ အေဝးႀကီး စိတ္ကူးမယဥ္ေစခ်င္ဘူး။ ေနာက္ၿပီးေတာ့ အန္တီက စိိတ္ကူးယဥ္ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ခ်က္ကို သိပ္ အယုံအၾကည္မ႐ွိဘူး။ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ခ်က္ဆုိတာ ႀကိဳးစားခ်င္မႈ။ ကိုယ္ႀကိဳးစား သေလာက္ပဲ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ပုိင္ခြင့္ ႐ွိတယ္လို႔ အဲဒီလုိပဲ အယုံအၾကည္ ႐ွိ႐ွိနဲ႔ ႀကိဳးစားသြားမွာပဲ။

ေမး။ ။ အဲဒီလုိမ်ဳိး အန္တီနဲ႔ တပ္မေတာ္ ထိပ္တန္းေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြၾကားမွာ အဲဒီလုိမ်ဳိး တကယ့္ကို ေစ့စပ္ ေဆြးေႏြးဖုိ႔ အလားအလာ ေရာက္ေတာ့မယ္ဆုိၿပီးေတာ့ စိတ္ကူးယဥ္ၿပီးေတာ့ ေျပာတာေတြ ေရးတာေတြ အျပင္မွာ ေရာ၊ အထဲမွာေရာ၊ ကုလသမဂၢဆုိရင္ ေျပာခဲ့ဖူးတာ ေတြလည္း ႐ွိခဲ့ဖူးေတာ့ အန္တီ ဘယ္လုိျမင္သလဲ။

ေျဖ။ ။ အဲဒီလုိ ေမွ်ာ္မွန္းၾကည့္တာေတာ့ မမွားပါဘူး။ အန္တီတုိ႔လည္း ေမွ်ာ္မွန္းၾကည့္တာပါပဲ။ တကယ္လို႔ ေတြ႔ခဲ့ရင္ ဘယ္လုိ ဘာေျပာခ်င္လဲဆိုတာ စဥ္းစားၾကည့္တယ္။ တခါတခါေတာ့ စဥ္းစားၾကည့္တာေပါ့။ ခဏခဏေတာ့ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ ကိုယ့္ဘက္ကေတာ့ အဆင္သင့္ ႐ိွရမယ္ေလ။ ဘာလဲဆုိေတာ့ ဟုိ တဘက္ကေန စကားေျပာပါ၊ စကားေျပာပါဆိုၿပီး ကဲ လာ ေျပာေတာ့ဆုိရင္ ဘာေျပာရမွန္း မသိဘူးဆုိရင္ နည္းနည္း မေကာင္းဘူးေပါ့ေလ။ အဲဒီေတာ့ အျပင္ကလူေတြကလည္း ဒီလုိ ခန္႔မွန္းၾကည့္တဲ့ဟာကို ဘာမွ အျပစ္မျမင္ပါဘူး။ တခါတေလေတာ့ နည္းနည္း ရယ္ခ်င္တယ္။ သူတုိ႔ခန္႔မွန္းခ်က္ေတြက ရယ္စရာေလးေတြပဲ၊ ဟုတ္တယ္ ဟာသလုိပဲ။

ေမး။ ။ အန္တီမွတ္မိလား ဘယ္ဟာလဲ၊ ဘယ္အခ်က္ကို ရယ္ခ်င္တာလဲ။

ေျဖ။ ။ မေျပာေတာ့ပါဘူး။ ဒါေပမယ့္ တခ်ဳိ႕လူေတြရဲ႕ ခန္႔မွန္းခ်က္ေတြ ကေတာ့ နည္းနည္းေလး ဟာသ ဆန္တာေပါ့။ နည္းနည္းေလး စိတ္ကူးယဥ္လြန္းအား ႀကီးလြန္းတယ္ေပ့ါ။ ဒါေပမယ့္ အဲဒါကို အျပစ္ႀကီးလုိ႔ မျမင္ပါဘူး။ တခ်ဳိ႕ကလည္း အေကာင္း ျဖစ္ေစခ်င္လုိ႔ေပါ့။ တခ်ဳိ႕ကလည္း အေကာင္းျမင္ဝါဒ မဟုတ္ဘူး။ ေျပာင္းျပန္ေပါ့၊ အဆုိးျမင္ဝါဒလည္း ႐ွိပါတယ္။ အဲဒါေတြကလည္း နည္းနည္း အစြန္းေရာက္တဲ့ အဆုိးျမင္ဝါဒေတြ ႐ွိတယ္။ ဘယ္လုိမွ မေကာင္းႏုိင္ဘူးေပါ့။ ဘယ္လုိမွ မျဖစ္ႏုိင္ဘူးေပါ့။ အဲဒါေတာ့ အစြန္း ႏွစ္ဘက္ေပါ့။ ဒါက တကယ္ေတာ့လည္း တဘက္က လုပ္ခ်င္သည္ ျဖစ္ေစ၊ မလုပ္ခ်င္သည္ျဖစ္ေစ အေျခအေနေတြက ခန္႔မွန္းတဲ့အတုိင္း ျဖစ္တာ မဟုတ္ဘူး။ ဗုဒၶဘာသာ စကားနဲ႔ ေျပာရရင္ အနတၱေပါ့ေနာ္။ အစုိးမရျခင္းေပါ့။ ကိုယ္မွန္းသလုိလည္း ျဖစ္တာမဟုတ္ဘူး၊ သူ မွန္းသလိုလည္း အၿမဲျဖစ္တာ မဟုတ္ဘူး။ အၿမဲတမ္းေတာ့ ကုိယ္က အဆင္သင့္ ႐ွိေနရမွာေပါ့။ ကိုယ့္ကုိယ္ကိုယ္ ျပင္ဆင္ထားရမွာေပါ့။

ေမး။ ။ အဲဒီလို ျပင္ဆင္ထားတယ္ဆုိရင္ တကယ္လို႔မ်ား ေနာက္တေခါက္ ထပ္ၿပီးေတြ႔ၾကၿပီး ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မႉးႀကီးနဲ႔ ေတြ႔ၾကၿပီဆုိရင္ အန္တီ ဘာေတြ ေျပာခ်င္လဲ။

ေျဖ။ ။ အေျခအေနေပၚမွာ တည္တယ္ေလ။ ဘယ္လုိ အေျခအေနမ်ဳိးမွာ ေတြ႔ၾကမွာလဲ။ ဘာေၾကာင့္ ေတြ႔ၾက မွာလဲ။ အဲဒီေတာ့ အဲဒါေတြအေပၚမွာ အေျခခံၿပီးေတာ့ ေျပာရမွာေပါ့ေနာ္။

ေမး။ ။ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံမွာ စစ္တပ္ဟာ ႏိုင္ငံေရးက ဖယ္ထုတ္လုိ႔မရဘူးလုိ႔ တခ်ဳိ႕က ျမင္ၾက ေရးၾက ေျပာၾကတယ္။ အေျခခံ ဥပေဒသစ္မွာ ဆုိလည္း တပ္မေတာ္က ႏိုင္ငံေရးအခန္း က႑မွာဆက္ၿပီး႐ွိမယ္၊ သြားမယ္၊ ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ ထားမယ္ ဆုိၿပီးေတာ့ သိရပါတယ္။ စစ္တပ္နဲ႔ ႏုိင္ငံေရး အခန္းက႑ကို အန္တီ ဘယ္လိုျမင္သလဲ။

ေျဖ။ ။ ႏုိင္ငံေရးဆိုတာ ဘယ္သူ႔ဆီက ဘယ္အသုိင္းအဝန္းကမွ ဖယ္ထုတ္လုိ႔မရဘူး။ ႏုိင္ငံေရးကို ဖယ္ထုတ္လို႔ မရဘူး။ အားလုံးက ႏုိင္ငံေရးနဲ႔ပဲ ဆက္စပ္ ေနတာပဲ။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ဒီ ဆက္စပ္မႈဟာ မွန္ကန္တဲ့ ဆက္စပ္မႈေတာ့ ျဖစ္ဖုိ႔ အေရးႀကီးတာေပါ့။

ေမး။ ။ တပ္မေတာ္ထဲမွာ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္နဲ႔ ဒီမိုကေရစီ ေရးကို လုိလားတဲ့လူေတြ ႐ွိတယ္လုိ႔ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ သိရပါတယ္။ တကယ္လည္း ႐ွိတယ္လုိ႔ က်ေနာ္တို႔ ယုံၾကည္ပါတယ္။ အန္ကယ္လ္ ဦးတင္ဦးကို ၾကည့္မယ္ ဆုိရင္ လည္း အန္တီနဲ႔ ေနာက္ကေန အၿမဲတမ္း ပါဝင္တဲ့၊ တုိက္ပြဲဝင္ခဲ့တဲ့ လူထဲမွာ ပါပါတယ္။ ဆုိေတာ့ တပ္မေတာ္ထဲက အရာ႐ွိေတြရယ္၊ မိသားစုေတြရယ္၊ အေျပာင္းအလဲ ျမင္ခ်င္ လိုခ်င္ၾကတဲ့ လူေတြကို အန္တီေျပာခ်င္တဲ့ သတင္းစကားက ဘာလဲ။

ေျဖ။ ။ အေျပာင္းအလဲလုိခ်င္ရင္ေတာ့ အေျပာင္းအလဲ ျဖစ္ေအာင္လုိ႔ လုပ္ရမွာေပါ့။ အန္တီက ေစာစာက ေျပာသလုိေပါ့။ အန္တီက ဒီလုိပဲ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ေနတဲ့ ဟာမ်ဳိးကို အယုံအၾကည္ မ႐ွိဘူး။ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္တယ္ ဆုိရင္ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္တဲ့ဟာကို ရဖို႔ ႀကိဳးစားမႈ ထုတ္ရမယ္။

ေမး။ ။ ေ႐ြးေကာက္ပြဲလည္း က်င္းပၿပီးၿပီ အန္တီရယ္။ Free and Fair မျဖစ္ဘူး၊ ျပည္ခုိင္ၿဖိဳး ပါတီကႏုိင္တာကို ေတြ႕ရတယ္။ တရားဝင္ ေၾကညာတာေတာ့ မ႐ွိေသးဘူး ေပါ့ေနာ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ေလာေလာဆယ္ လကၡဏာေတ ြၾကည့္မယ္ဆုိရင္ သူတုိ႔ႏုိင္တယ္ ဆိုတာ အေသအခ်ာပဲေပါ့ေလ။ မၾကာခင္မွာ ပါလီမန္ လႊတ္ေတာ္ ေခၚမယ္ အစိုးရ ဖြဲ႔မယ္။ ဒါကို အခင္းအက်င္း အသစ္လုိ႔ ႏုိင္ငံတကာက ျမင္တယ္၊ ေျပာၾကတယ္ေပါ့ေလ။ အဲဒီေတာ့ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္း စုၾကည္က ဒီအခင္းအက်င္း သစ္ကို ဘယ္လုိ ရင္ဆုိင္မလဲ။

ေျဖ။ ။ တကယ္ပဲ အခင္းအက်င္းအသစ္လား။ အဲဒါက အန္တီက ေမးပိုင္ခြင့္ ႐ွိတယ္ေလ။

ေမး။ ။ အဲဒါေၾကာင့္ က်ေနာ္ေမးတာ၊ အခင္းအက်င္းသစ္လား၊ အဲဒီ အခင္းအက်င္းသစ္ ဆုိရင္ေကာ အန္တီ ဘယ္လုိ ရင္ဆိုင္မလဲ။ ဘယ္လုိ ျဖတ္ေက်ာ္မလဲ။

ေျဖ။ ။ အခုဟာကေလ အခင္းအက်င္းသစ္ဆုိတာ ဘာကိုေျပာမွန္းကို မသိဘူး။ ပါလီမန္ ႐ွိတာကို ေျပာတာလား။ ပါလီမန္႐ွိတာပဲ ေျပာတာဆုိလုိ႔႐ွိရင္ေတာ့ ႏုိင္ငံေရးဆုိတာ ပါလီမန္ အတြင္း ႏုိင္ငံေရး၊ ပါလီမန္အျပင္ ႏုိင္ငံေရး ဆုိတာ အၿမဲ႐ွိတာခ်ည္းပဲ။ အဲဒီေတာ့ အန္တီတုိ႔က ပါလီမန္အျပင္ ႏုိင္ငံေရး လုပ္တဲ့လူေတြ ျဖစ္မွာေပါ့။ အဲဒီေတာ့ အန္တီတုိ႔ ပါလီမန္ ႏိုင္ငံေရး အျပင္ဘက္မွာ လုပ္တဲ့လူေတြ ဆုိတာလည္း အန္တီတုိ႔က သူတို႔ ႏုိင္ငံေရး လုပ္ပုံလုပ္နည္းေတြ အမ်ဳိးမ်ဳိးနဲ႔ ရင္ဆုိင္ခဲ့ရၿပီ ဆုိေတာ့ ပုံစံအမ်ဳိးမ်ဳိးနဲ႔ ဆက္လုပ္သြားမွာပဲ။

ေမး။ ။ ႏုိင္ငံတကာက ဆုိရင္လည္း ေ႐ြးေကာက္ပြဲ မတုိင္ခင္မွာ အျမင္ အမ်ဳိးမ်ဳိး႐ွိတယ္။ တခ်ဳိ႕က ေ႐ြးစရာ လမ္းမ႐ွိေတာ့ဘူးလို႔ ေျပာၾကတယ္။ ဥေရာပ ႏုိင္ငံတခ်ဳိ႕ ဆုိရင္လည္း ေထာက္ခံတဲ့ ပုံစံမ်ဳိးေတြ ေျပာၾကတာေတြ႔တယ္။ အထဲနဲ႔ အျပင္နဲ႔ သေဘာထား ကြဲတဲ့ ပုံစံေတြ ျဖစ္ကုန္တယ္။ အန္တီ ဘီဘီစီမွာလည္း ေျဖသြားတာ ၾကားပါတယ္။ ဆုိေတာ့ အခု ေ႐ြးေကာက္ပြဲ ၿပီးသြားၿပီ။ တခ်ိဳ႕လည္း မ်က္စိမ်က္ႏွာ ပ်က္သြားၾကတယ္။ အ႐ွက္ေတြ ကြဲၾကတယ္။ သူတုိ႔ ထင္သလို မွန္းခ်က္နဲ႔ ႏွမ္းထြက္ မကိုက္ဘူး ေပါ့ေလ။ အန္တီ ဘာေျပာခ်င္လဲ သူတုိ႔ကို။

ေျဖ။ ။ အဲဒါကို ေကာင္းေကာင္းေလး သင္ခန္းစာ ယူပါလုိ႔ ေျပာခ်င္တယ္။

ေမး။ ။ ႏုိင္ငံတကာက ေဒၚစု လြတ္လာတာ ႀကိဳဆိုတယ္၊ ဝမ္းသာတယ္ေပါ့ေလ။ စီးပြားေရး ပိတ္ဆို႔မႈေတြ ဆက္လုပ္မယ္လုိ႔ ေျပာတယ္။ အေမရိကန္ကလည္း တုိက္႐ုိက္ သေဘာ ဆက္ဆံမယ္ ေျပာတယ္၊ ေပၚလစီ ဆက္ထားမယ္လုိ႔ေျပာတယ္။ မၾကာခင္မွာ Meeting ေတြလုပ္ဦးမယ္လုိ႔ ေျပာတယ္။ အဲဒီေတာ့ ႏုိင္ငံတကာက ဘယ္လုိ ဖိအားေပးမႈေတြ၊ လက္ေတြ႔က်က် ဆက္ဆံမႈေတြ၊ အျပဳသေဘာေဆာင္တာေတြ လုပ္ေစခ်င္သလဲ။ ေနာက္တခုက အာဆီယံနဲ႔ တရုတ္ အေပၚမွာေရာ အန္တီဘာေျပာခ်င္လဲ။

ေျဖ။ ။ အာဆီယံနဲ႔ တရုတ္တုိ႔ကို နီးနီးကပ္ကပ္ ဆက္ဆံေစခ်င္တယ္။ အန္တီတို႔နဲ႔ ဆက္ဆံေစခ်င္တယ္။ အန္တီတုိ႔က မဆက္ဆံသင့္တဲ့ လူမ်ဳိးမ်ားမဟုတ္ပါဘူးဆိုတာကို ေသေသခ်ာခ်ာ သိေစခ်င္တယ္။ ၿပီးေတာ့ ခုနက ေျပာသလုိ ပိတ္ဆို႔မႈေတြ ဘာေတြ အဲဒါေတြလည္း မျဖဳတ္ေသးဘူး ဘာဘူးလုိ႔ေျပာတာဟာလည္း ခုနက ကုိေအာင္ေဇာ္ ေျပာတာနဲ႔ ဆက္စပ္ ေနတာေပါ့ေလ။ တကယ္ပဲ အခင္းအက်င္းသစ္ ဟုတ္လုိ႔လား။ ဒါလည္း သူတို႔က ၾကည့္ေနတယ္လို႔ ထင္တယ္။

ေမး။ ။ အျပင္မွာ ဆိုရင္လည္း Exile Community အႀကီးႀကီးျဖစ္ေနၿပီး Illegal ေရႊ႕ေျပာင္း ထြက္လာၾကတာ ေတြလည္း အမ်ားႀကီးပဲ၊ သိန္းနဲ႔ သန္းနဲ႔ခ်ီၿပီး ထြက္လာၾကတာ လူငယ္ေတြက အမ်ားႀကီးပဲ။ အန္တီကလည္း လူငယ္နဲ႔ ပညာေရးကို အရမ္းကို ဦးစားေပး ေျပာေလ့႐ွိတယ္။ အျပင္က လူငယ္ေတြ၊ အထဲက လူငယ္ေတြ။ ပညာေရး ကိစၥေတြ အန္တီ ဘာေတြ လုပ္မလဲ၊ ဘာေတြစီစဥ္ထားလဲ။ အန္တီ ဘာေတြေျပာခ်င္သလဲ၊ ဘာမက္ေဆ့ခ်္ေတြ ေပးခ်င္လဲ။

ေျဖ။ ။ အန္တီက အျပင္က လူငယ္ေတြနဲ႔ အဆက္အသြယ္႐ွိခ်င္တယ္ ဆုိတာ အဲဒါေတြေၾကာင့္။ အထူးသျဖင့္ အေနာက္ ႏုိင္ငံေတြမွာ ေရာက္သြားတဲ့ လူငယ္ေတြ ဆိုရင္ ပညာေရးနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္လုိ႔ အမ်ားႀကီး အခြင့္အေရး ရတယ္။ အန္တီတုိ႔ ျပည္တြင္းထဲက လူငယ္ေတြထက္ေပါ့။ ဒါေၾကာင့္မုိ႔လို႔ အန္တီက ျပည္တြင္းက လူငယ္ေတြနဲ႔ ျပည္ပက လူငယ္ေတြကို ဆက္စပ္မႈ ႐ွိေစခ်င္တယ္။ ျပည္ပ ေရာက္သြားတဲ့ လူငယ္ေတြက ျပည္တြင္းမွာ က်န္ခဲ့တဲ့ ကိုယ့္ရဲ႕ လုပ္ေဖာ္ကုိင္ဖက္ေတြ၊ ကိုယ့္ရဲ႕သက္တူ ႐ြယ္တူေတြကုိ မေမ့ေစခ်င္ဘူး။ ေမ့လည္းမေမ့ဘူးလို႔ အန္တီထင္တယ္။ အခု ေတာ္ေတာ္မ်ားမ်ားက ဘေလာဂ့္ဆုိက္ေတြ လုပ္တာတုိ႔၊ အင္တာနက္မွာ ဆက္ႏႊယ္တာတို႔ ဘာတုိ႔ လုပ္ေနတယ္ ဆုိေတာ့ ျပည္တြင္းကုိ မေမ့ဘူးလုိ႔ ထင္တယ္။ အဲဒါကို အင္အား တခုအေနနဲ႔ ယုံယုံၾကည္ၾကည္နဲ႔ ဆက္ၿပီးေတာ့ ရပ္တည္ေပးမယ္လို႔ ထင္တယ္။

ေမး။ ။ အရင္ကနဲ႔မတူဘူး အန္တီ၊ အရင္တုန္းက လြတ္တုန္းက ဆိုရင္ တုိင္းရင္းသားေတြက ၿငိမ္ေနတယ္။ အခု အန္တီ့ကို အရမ္းကို ေထာက္ခံတာေတြ ေတြ႔ရတယ္။ အန္တီကလည္း ဒုတိယ ပင္လုံညီလာခံ လုပ္မယ္ဆုိေတာ့ အန္တီ ဘယ္ေလာက္အားရလဲ။

ေျဖ။ ။ အားရပါတယ္။ အားရတယ္ ဆုိတာေလ။ အန္တီ ညီၫြတ္မႈကို အားရတာပါ။ အန္တီ့ကို ေထာက္ခံလုိ႔ရယ္ မဟုတ္ဘူး။ ဒီလုိ ညီၫြတ္မႈကို ဦးတည္လာတဲ့ လကၡဏျဖစ္လုိ႔ အားရတာပါ။ ။

http://www.irrawaddy.org/bur/index.php/interview/4-interview/4926-2010-11-18-12-58-29

Suu Kyi defends election boycott

Myanmar's pro-democracy leader tells Al Jazeera people have to stand up for themselves if they want change

Suu Kyi told her supporters to stand up for their rights if they want to she change in their country [AFP]

Myanmar's pro-democracy campaigner Aung San Suu Kyi says she has no regrets over her party's decision to boycott the general election held on November 7.

In an interview to Al Jazeera, the 65-year-old Nobel Prize laureate said the decision to withdraw her National League for Democracy (NLD) was the right one, even though some of her supporters believed it was a mistake.

Suu Kyi said that the people of Myanmar have to stand up for themselves if they want to see change in their country.

"The people have to want it, and they have to be united," she said.

In the interview, Suu Kyi was careful not to verbally challenge the current military leadership of Myanmar. However, she was defiant over her seven-year period of house arrest, which she termed "illegal".

She also said the military leadership of Myanmar was not softening its stance.

Al Jazeera's special correspondent, reporting from Yangon, Myanmar's main city, said Suu Kyi's release encouraged her further to fight for democracy, "because her following has grown significantly during her detention".

"A lot of those supporters are younger then when she campaigned for democracy in the past," our correspondent said.

"She believes her party is getting through to the younger generation and she is getting more confident that this is the key to change here [in Myanmar]."

Little choice

International monitors of the elections and some of her local following had criticised Suu Kyi's decision to boycott the national vote because it left people with little choice.

"Boycotting the elections was the only decision to make because they [the NLD] didn't believe in the election rules," our correspondent said.

"Standing up for democracy can be a very dangerous occupation in Myanmar, but she [Suu Kyi] believes the more people do that, the more perhaps the current rulers of this country will start to take notice, and will start to change."

Counting for the November 7 vote has reportedly been finalised, with the main military-backed party scoring a comprehensive victory.

Myanmar's election commission announced on Thursday that the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) of Thein Sein, the current prime minister, won three-quarters of the seats in the national and regional assemblies that were up for grabs.

http://english.aljazeera.net/news/asia-pacific/2010/11/20101118101724623904.html

NLD ႏွင္႕ေပါင္းရခက္ၾကီး

ကိုဝိုင္း | ဗုဒၶဟူးေန႔၊ ႏုိဝင္ဘာလ ၁၇ ရက္ ၂၀၁၀ ခုႏွစ္ ၂၂ နာရီ ၂၂ မိနစ္

ခ်င္းမိုင္ (မဇၥ်ိမ) ။ ။ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲသပိတ္ေမွာက္ထားၿပီး မွတ္ပံု ထပ္မတင္သည့္ NLD ႏွင့္ ပါတီခ်င္း ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္ရန္ “တည္ဆဲဥပေဒ” မ်ားက အတားအဆီးျဖစ္ေနသည္ဟု ျပည္ေထာင္စု ဒီမိုကေရစီပါတီ UDP ကေျပာသည္။NLD ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ မသမာမႈ အေထာက္အထားစုေဆာင္းေရး အဖြဲ႔ဝင္ ၁၉၉ဝ လပြတၱာအမတ္ ဦးၾကည္ဝင္းကုိ မဇၥ်ိမ ေမးျမန္းစဥ္က သူက အျခားပါတီမ်ားကိုလည္း ၾကိဳဆိုေၾကာင္းေျပာခဲ့သည္။

“NLD လုပ္တာကို မူအားျဖင့္ ေလးစားပါတယ္။ လက္တြဲလုပ္ဖို႔က်ေတာ့ တည္ဆဲဥပေဒေဘာင္ထဲမွာ စဥ္းစားရတယ္။ အဲဒိအတြက္ စီအီးစီ ဆံုးျဖတ္ခ်က္ မရွိေသးလို႔ ေျပာဖို႔ ေစာေသးတယ္” ဟု UDP ဒုဥကၠ႒ ဦးေဌးက မဇၥ်ိမကို ေျပာသည္။

၃ ဦး ဝင္ၿပိဳင္ခဲ့ေသာ္လည္း တဦးမွမႏိုင္သည့္ UDP က ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ တရားမွ်တမႈမရွိသျဖင့္ ရလဒ္ကို အသိအမွတ္မျပဳေၾကာင္း မေန႔က ေၾကညာခဲ့သည္။အျခားေရြးေကာက္ပြဲဝင္ပါတီမ်ားႏွင့္ စုစည္းၿပီး သေဘာထား တရပ္ထုတ္ျပန္ႏိုင္ရန္ၾကိဳးစားေနေၾကာင္းလည္း ဆိုသည္။ မြန္ျပည္နယ္အတြင္း လႊတ္ေတာ္ ၃ ရပ္လံုးအတြက္ ၃၄ ေနရာဝင္ၿပိဳင္ၿပီး ၁၆ ေနရာ ႏိုင္ခဲ့သည့္ မြန္ေဒသလံုးဆိုင္ရာဒီမိုကေရစီပါတီ AMRDP ကလည္း NLD ေဆာင္ရြက္ခ်က္ ကို မဆန္႔က်င္ေၾကာင္း ေျပာသည္။

AMRDP ဥကၠ႒ ႏိုင္ေငြသိန္းက “ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္ဖို႔ကေတာ့ ေကာ္မတီထိုင္ၿပီးေတာ့မွ စဥ္းစားမွာေပါ့ေနာ္” ဟု မဇၥ်ိမကို ေျပာသည္။ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ မသမာေၾကာင္း တပါတီခ်င္းသာ ေျပာဆိုထုတ္ျပန္ေနၾကၿပီး ကန္႔ကြက္လႊာတင္၍ တရားမစြဲလုိသည္ကလည္း တူညီၾကျပန္သည္။AMRDP မွ က်ဳိက္မေရာၿမိဳ႕နယ္ ျပည္သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္ႏွင့္ အမ်ဳိးသားလႊတ္ေတာ္တို႔အတြက္ ဝင္ၿပိဳင္သည့္ ဥကၠ႒ႏိုင္ေငြသိန္း၊ ဒုဥကၠ႒ ႏိုင္လွေအာင္တို႔က ၎တို႔ မဲဆႏၵနယ္မွ မဲမ်ားကို အမ်ားေရွ႕တြင္ ျပန္ေရတြက္လိုေၾကာင္း ျပည္နယ္ေကာ္မရွင္သို႔ တင္ျပထားေသာ္လည္း အေရးမစိုက္ပဲ အႏိုင္ရစာရင္းမ်ား ေၾကညာသြားသည္ဟု ဆုိသည္။ ႏွစ္ဦးလံုး ႐ႈံးခဲ့သည္။“ၾကိဳတင္မဲေၾကာင့္ ခံရတယ္ဆိုတာေတာ့ ေျပာခ်င္တာေပါ့။ ေထာက္ျပစရာေတာ့ ရွိတာေပါ့ေနာ္။ တရားေတာ့ မစြဲႏိုင္ဘူးေလ။ ပိုက္ဆံ ဒီေလာက္ကုန္တာ” ဟု ႏိုင္ေငြသိန္းက ေျပာသည္။

UDP ဒုဥကၠ႒ ဦးေဌးကမူ “တရား႐ုံးလဲ စဥ္းစားလို႔မရဘူး။ ေကာ္မရွင္ဆိုတာလဲ သူတို႔ကခန္႔ထားတာ။ ေကာ္မရွင္ရဲ႕ေဆာင္ရြက္ခ်က္ေတြကို မေက်နပ္လို႔တင္တာ ဒီေကာ္မရွင္ကပဲ ဆံုးျဖတ္မွာ ဆိုေတာ့ က်ေနာ္တို႔က ဥပေဒအရ မသြားေတာ့ဘူး” ဟု ေျပာသည္။

ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ၌ ရယကမ်ားႏွင့္ ၾကံ႕ဖြံ႔ပါတီဝင္မ်ား ပူးေပါင္းၿပီး ၾကိဳတင္မဲ၊ ပယ္မဲစသည့္ နည္းမ်ဳိးစံုျဖင့္ လိမ္လည္ခဲ့ေၾကာင္း ပါတီမ်ား ေျပာဆိုေနၾကသည္မွာ “ဥပေဒမဲ့” ျဖစ္ၿပီး ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲဥပေဒ ပုဒ္မ ၆၄ ႏွင့္ ၿငိစြန္းေနေၾကာင္း စစ္အစိုးရက ယေန႔သတိေပးသည္။ယင္းဥပေဒတြင္ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ ျပစ္မႈမ်ားႏွင့္စပ္လ်ဥ္း၍ လိမ္လည္စြပ္စြဲတိုင္တန္းေၾကာင္း ထင္ရွားပါက ေထာင္ဒဏ္ ၃ ႏွစ္ထက္မပိုေသာ ျပစ္ဒဏ္ျဖစ္ေစ၊ ေငြ ၃ သိန္းထက္မပိုေသာျပစ္ဒဏ္ျဖစ္ေစ၊ ႏွစ္ရပ္လံုးျဖစ္ေစ ခ်မွတ္ခံရမည္ဟု ဖြင့္ဆိုထားသည္။

ကန္႔ကြက္လႊာမ်ားကို ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲဥပေဒပုဒ္မ ၆၇၊ ၆၈ ႏွင့္ နည္းဥပေဒ ၈၇ တို႔အရ တင္သြင္း ေဆာင္ရြက္ရမည္ဟုလည္း သတင္းစာက ေရးသည္။ ယင္းဥပေဒမ်ားအရ တင္ရမည့္ အမႈစရိတ္ တဦးလွ်င္ ေငြ ၁ဝ သိန္းမွာလည္း ျပန္ရမည္ မဟုတ္သည့္အျပင္ ေရြးခ်ယ္ခံအမတ္စာရင္းကုိ တိုင္းေဒသၾကီး သို႔မဟုတ္ ျပည္နယ္ေကာ္မရွင္အဖြဲ႔ခြဲက ေၾကညာသည့္ေန႔မွစ၍ ရက္ ၆ဝ အတြင္း တင္သြင္းရမည္ ျဖစ္သည္။

NLD ကလည္း မဲမသမာမႈမ်ားကို ႏိုင္ငံတကာသိေစရန္သာ ေဆာင္ရြက္သြားမည္ျဖစ္ၿပီး တရားစြဲမည္ မဟုတ္ေၾကာင္း မေန႔က မဇၥ်ိမကို ေျပာထားသည္။ ထို႔ျပင္ တရားဆိုင္ေနဆဲ ျဖစ္ေသာေၾကာင့္ NLD ကုိ တရားမဝင္ပါတီဟု သတ္မွတ္ေျပာဆို၍ မရေၾကာင္းလည္း ေခ်ပသြားသည္။

နအဖ သတင္းစာ စြပ္စြဲခ်က္ မမွန္ကန္ေၾကာင္း ပါတီမ်ားတုံ႔ျပန္

ခင္ဦးသာ Wednesday, 17 November 2010 19:02

ႏို၀င္ဘာလ ၇ ရက္ေန႔တြင္ က်င္းပခဲ့သည့္ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ ရလဒ္ႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ အႏိုင္မရခဲ့ေသာ ႏိုင္ငံေရး ပါတီမ်ားသည္ ဥပေဒမဲ့ ေျပာဆိုမႈမ်ား၊ ေရးသားမႈမ်ား လုပ္ေဆာင္ေန ၾကသည္ဟု စစ္အစုိးရ မီဒီယာမ်ားက စြပ္စြဲျခင္းမွာ မွန္ကန္မႈမရွိေၾကာင္း ႏိုင္ငံေရးပါတီ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားက တုံ႔ျပန္ ေျပာဆိုလိုက္သည္။

“က်ေနာ္တို႔ ေျပာဆိုေနတာေတြ၊ ေထာက္ျပ ေနတာေတြဟာ ဥပေဒ ေဘာင္အတြင္းက လုပ္ေဆာင္ေနတာပါ။ မဟုတ္တာ ေတြကို လုပ္ႀကံေျပာဆိုတာ မရွိပါဘူး။ ေကာ္မရွင္က သတိေပးတာေတြ လုပ္ေပမယ့္ လုပ္စရာရွိတာေတြကို ဥပေဒ ေဘာင္အတြင္းက ဆက္လက္ လုပ္ေဆာင္သြားမွာပါ” ဟု အမ်ဳိးသားဒီမို ကေရစီ အင္အားစု (NDF) ေခါင္းေဆာင္ တဦးျဖစ္သူ ဦးခင္ေမာင္ေဆြက ဧရာ၀တီကို ေျပာသည္။

ႏိုင္ငံေရး ပါတီတခ်ဳိ႕သည္ မိမိတို႔၏ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္မ်ား အႏိုင္မရျခင္းကို အေၾကာင္းျပဳ၍ ျပည္ပအသံလႊင့္ဌာနမ်ား၊ ဂ်ာနယ္၊ စာေစာင္မ်ား၌ ဥပေဒမဲ့ ေျပာဆို ေရးသားေနသည္ကို ေတြ႔ရေၾကာင္း၊ ထိုလုပ္ရပ္သည္ သက္ဆိုင္ရာ လႊတ္ေတာ္ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲဥပေဒ ပုဒ္မ ၆၄ ႏွင့္ၿငိစြန္းေနေၾကာင္း ယေန႔ထုတ္ ေၾကးမံု သတင္းစာတြင္ ေရးသားထားသည္။

ႏိုဝင္ဘာ ၁၃ ရက္ေန႔က ႏွစ္ရွည္ ေနအိမ္အက်ယ္ခ်ဳပ္ က်ခံေနရာမွ ျပန္လည္ လြတ္ေျမာက္လာေသာ ျမန္မာ့ဒီမိုကေရစီ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္က ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ ရလဒ္မ်ားႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ ေကာ္မတီ တရပ္ ဖြဲ႔၍ စုံစမ္း ေဖာ္ထုတ္ သြားမည္ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ေျပာဆိုခဲ့ၿပီးေနာက္ ယခုကဲ့သို႔ အစိုးရပိုင္ သတင္းစာမ်ားတြင္ ေရးသားလာျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္ဟု ပါတီေခါင္းေဆာင္ မ်ားက ေျပာသည္။

ဒီမိုကရက္တစ္ပါတီ (ျမန္မာ) ၏ ဥကၠ႒ ဦးသုေ၀ ကလည္း တရားမွ်တမႈ မရွိသည့္ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲဆိုသည္ကို လူတိုင္းက သိေနၾကေၾကာင္း၊ ၎တို႔ အေနျဖင့္ အမွန္တကယ္ ႀကဳံေတြ႕ခဲ့ရသည့္ ကိစၥမ်ားကိုသာ ေျပာေနျခင္း ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ရွင္းျပသည္။

“က်ေနာ္တို႔ပါတီ အေနနဲ႔ေတာ့ တိုင္တာေတာတာေတြ မလုပ္ေတာ့ဘူး။ တိုင္ရင္ ပိုက္ဆံလည္း က်ပ္ ၁၀ သိန္းေပးရဦးမယ္။ ဆုံးျဖတ္ခ်က္ေပးမွာလည္း သူတို႔ပဲ ဆိုေတာ့ ဘာမွ ထူးမွာ မဟုတ္ဘူး။ မတရားတာေတြကိုေတာ့ ေဖာ္ထုတ္ၿပီး ျပည္သူေတြကို အသိေပးသြားမယ္၊ မီဒီယာေတြကို ေျပာသြားမယ္။ ေနာင္လာမယ့္ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲေတြမွာ အခုလိုမ်ဳိး မျဖစ္ေအာင္ေပါ့” ဟု ဦးသုေ၀က ေျပာသည္။

မြန္ေဒသလုံးဆိုင္ရာ ဒီမိုကေရစီပါတီ၏ ဥကၠ႒ ဦးႏိုင္ေငြသိန္းက “လူတုိင္းႀကံဳေနရတဲ့ ကိစၥပဲ။ ေျပာမွာေပါ့။ ဥပေဒမဲ့ ေျပာေနၾကတာမွ မဟုတ္ဘဲ။ ဥပေဒမဲ့ ေျပာဆိုေနတာ၊ ေရးသား ေနတာေတြက သူတို႔ပဲ လုပ္ေနတာပါ” ဟု ဆိုသည္။

“က်ေနာ္တို႔ ပါတီ၀င္ေတြဆိုရင္ အစပိုင္းမွာ အမ်ားစုက အႏိုင္ရေနတာ၊ ေနာက္တေန႔မွာ အိတ္လိုက္ ေရာက္လာတဲ့ ႀကိဳတင္မဲေတြေၾကာင့္ မႏိုင္ေတာ့ျပန္ဘူး။ ျပည္နယ္ ေကာ္မရွင္ကို ေျပာဆို တင္ျပတာလည္း ဘာမွမလုပ္ေပးဘူး။ ထပ္တိုင္ ျပန္ရင္လည္း သူတို႔ကို မတရား စြပ္စြဲတယ္ ဆိုၿပီး ကိုယ့္ကို ျပန္ၿပီးေတာ့ ေထာင္ခ်မယ္ လုပ္ဦးမယ္။ ဘယ္လိုလုပ္ရမွန္းေတာင္ မသိေတာ့ပါဘူး” ဟု ၎က ဆက္ေျပာသည္။

မြန္ျပည္နယ္၏ မဲဆႏၵနယ္ အမ်ားစုတြင္ တရားမ၀င္ေသာ ႀကိဳတင္မဲမ်ားကို ေထာင္၊ ေသာင္းခ်ီ၍ အိတ္ႀကီး၊ အိတ္ငယ္မ်ားျဖင့္ ေဆာင္ထားကာ ျပည္ေထာင္စုႀက့ံခိုင္ေရးႏွင့္ ဖြံ႔ၿဖိဳးေရးပါတီ(ႀက့ံဖြံ႔ပါတီ) အတြက္ သက္ဆိုင္ရာ ေကာ္မရွင္က ျဖည့္ေပးၾကေၾကာင္း သတင္းရရွိသည္။

“က်ေနာ္ဆိုလည္း အစပိုင္းမွာ ႏိုင္ေနတယ္၊ ေနာက္တေန႔က်ေတာ့ ခင္ဗ်ား႐ွႈံးတယ္ေျပာတယ္။ ဘာေၾကာင့္လဲ ေမးေတာ့ ဒီအိတ္ထဲမွာ ႀကိဳတင္မဲ ၅၀၀၀ ရွိတဲ့ အတြက္ဆိုၿပီး ေျပာတယ္။ ၾကည့္ရေအာင္ ျပပါ ဆိုေတာ့လည္း မျပဘူး။ အဲဒီလိုပဲ ဘယ္ကမွန္းမသိတဲ့ ႀကိဳတင္မဲေတြက အမ်ားႀကီး ေတြ႔ေနရတယ္” ဟု ႏိုင္ေငြသိန္းက ရွင္းျပသည္။

အထက္ပါ ျဖစ္ရပ္မ်ိဳးကို တႏိုင္ငံလုံးမွ ႀက့ံဖြံ႔ပါတီ၀င္ မဟုတ္ေသာ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္မ်ားအားလံုး ခံစားခဲ့ၾကရေၾကာင္း၊ ထိုေျပာဆိုမႈသည္ ဥပေဒမဲ့ ေျပာဆိုျခင္း မဟုတ္ဘဲ ကိုယ္ေတြ႔ ျဖစ္ရပ္မ်ား ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္းလည္း သူက ဆက္ေျပာသည္။

ေရြးေကာက္ တင္ေျမႇာက္ျခင္းႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ ကန္႔ကြက္မည္ဆိုပါက ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ ဥပေဒ၊ အခန္း (၁၅)၊ ပုဒ္မ ၇၁ တြင္ ေဖာ္ျပထားခ်က္အရ အေထာက္အထား ခိုင္လုံစြာျဖင့္ ကန္႔ကြက္ တိုင္ၾကားႏိုင္ေၾကာင္း NDF ပါတီ ကို္ယ္စားလွယ္ တဦးျဖစ္သူ ေရွ႕ေန ဦးသိန္းညြန္႔က ေျပာသည္။

“တိုင္မယ္၊ ကန္႔ကြက္မယ္ဆိုရင္ ကိုယ့္ဘက္က အေထာက္အထား ခိုင္လုံေအာင္ အရင္လုပ္ၿပီးမွ တိုင္ၾကပါ။ အေထာက္အထား ခိုင္လုံမႈ မရွိရင္ေတာ့ ၃ ႏွစ္ထက္ မပိုတဲ့ ေထာင္ဒဏ္၊ က်ပ္ ၃ သိန္းထက္မပိုတဲ့ ေငြဒဏ္ဆိုတာ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ ဥပေဒမွာပါၿပီးသား။ ဒီေရြးေကာက္ပြဲမွာက မဲမသမာမႈေတြမွာ ခိုင္လုံတဲ့ အေထာက္အထားေတြ အမ်ားႀကီးရွိပါတယ္” ဟု သူက ဆိုသည္။

ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ၌ အႏိုင္ရ လႊတ္ေတာ္ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ ေလာင္းသည္ ၎အေပၚမတရား အႏိုင္ယူသြားျခင္းႏွင့္ မဲဆႏၵနယ္ တခုခုတြင္ မတရားသည့္ ကိစၥမ်ား ရွိပါက ကန္႔ကြက္ တိုင္ၾကားႏိုင္ေၾကာင္း ဦးသိန္းညြန္႔က ဆက္ေျပာသည္။

ႏိုင္ငံေရးပါတီမ်ား အေနျဖင့္ စြပ္စြဲေျပာဆိုျခင္း၊ ေ၀ဖန္ေရးသားျခင္း စသည္တို႔ကို လုပ္ေဆာင္ပါက ေထာင္ဒဏ္ ၃ ႏွစ္ သို႔မဟုတ္ က်ပ္ေငြ ၃ သိန္းအျပင္ ေထာင္ဒဏ္၊ ေငြဒဏ္ ႏွစ္ရပ္လံုး ျပစ္ဒဏ္ ေပးသြားမည္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ျပည္ေထာင္စု ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ ေကာ္မရွင္က သတိေပး ေျပာဆိုထားသည္ဟု သိရသည္။

ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲရလဒ္ႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ မတရား အႏိုင္ယူသြားေသာ ျပည္ေထာင္စုႀက့ံခိုင္ေရးႏွင့္ ဖြံ႔ၿဖိဳးေရးပါတီ (ႀက့ံဖြံ႔ပါတီ) အားမေက်နပ္မႈမ်ား၊ တိုင္တန္းမႈမ်ား၊ ကန္႔ကြက္မႈမ်ား က်ယ္က်ယ္ျပန္႔ျပန္႔ ထြက္ေပၚေန ခ်ိန္တြင္ ထိုသို႔ထုတ္ျပန္ေၾကညာလိုက္ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။

စစ္အစိုးရ ဦးေဆာင္က်င္းပခဲ့ေသာ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ၌ ႀက့ံဖြံ႔ပါတီသည္ သက္ဆိုင္ရာ ေကာ္မရွင္မ်ားႏွင့္ပူးေပါင္း၍ နည္းလမ္းစုံျဖင့္ အႏိုင္ယူခဲ့ၿပီး မဲဆႏၵနယ္ အားလုံး၏ ၈၀ ရာခိုင္ႏွႈန္းေက်ာ္အား အႏိုင္ယူသြား ေၾကာင္းသိရသည္။

ျမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရ၏ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ ရလဒ္ႏွင့္ပတ္သက္၍ ျမန္မာ့အေရး ေဆာင္ရြက္ေနေသာ အာဆီယံလႊတ္ေတာ္ အမတ္မ်ားအဖဲြ႔၀င္ တဦးျဖစ္သူ အင္ဒိုနီးရွားႏိုင္ငံမွ လႊတ္ေတာ္အမတ္ ဘူဒီမန္ ဆတ္ဂ်ာမီကိုဟာက ႏို၀င္ဘာ ၁၅ ရက္ေန႔တြင္ အင္ဒိုနီးရွား ပါလီမန္၌ တင္ျပခဲ့ေၾကာင္း၊ အင္ဒိုနီးရွားႏိုင္ငံသည္ ၂၀၁၁ တြင္ အာဆီယံ အဖြဲ႔၏ အလွည့္က် ဥကၠ႒ တာ၀န္ယူရမည္ ျဖစ္၍ ျမန္မာ့အေရးကို အေလးထား ေဆာင္ရြက္ရန္ အင္ဒုိနီးရွား အစုိးရအား တိုက္တြန္း ေျပာဆိုခဲ့ေၾကာင္း ျပည္ပမီဒီယာ တခ်ဳိ႕တြင္ ေရးသားထားသည္။

စစ္ေတြ-မင္းဘူး ရထားလမ္းစီမံကိန္း RNDP ကန္႔ကြက္

သိန္းေဇာ္ | ဗုဒၶဟူးေန႔၊ ႏုိဝင္ဘာလ ၁၇ ရက္ ၂၀၁၀ ခုႏွစ္ ၂၂ နာရီ ၂၅ မိနစ္

နယူးေဒလီ (မဇၥ်ိမ) ။ ။ ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္ ေျမာက္ဦးၿမိဳ႕ရွိ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈ အေမြအႏွစ္မ်ား ပ်က္စီးေစသည့္ ရထားလမ္း ေဖာက္လုပ္မႈကို လက္မခံဟု ေျမာက္ဦးၿမိဳ႕ ေရွးေဟာင္းပညာရွင္ႏွင့္ ရခိုင္တုိင္းရင္းသားမ်ား တိုးတက္ေရးပါတီ RNDP က ေျပာဆိုသည္။

၁ဝ ႏွစ္ေက်ာ္ၾကာ ေဖာက္လုပ္ေနဆဲျဖစ္ေသာ ၁၅၇ မုိင္ရွည္ စစ္ေတြ-အမ္း-မင္းဘူး ရထားလမ္း စီမံကိန္းတြင္ အစိတ္အပိုင္းတခုျဖစ္သည့္ ေရွးေဟာင္းၿမိဳ႕ေတာ္ ေျမာက္ဦးၿမိဳ႕တြင္းပိုင္းကို ယခုလ ၇ ရက္ေန႔တြင္ စတင္ေဖာက္လုပ္ရာ လမ္းတေလွ်ာက္ ေရွးေဟာင္းေစတီပုထုိး ႐ုပ္လုံး႐ုပ္ၾကြမ်ား ပ်က္စီးလိ္္မ့္မည္ဟု ဆိုသည္။

ရန္ကုန္တိုင္းမ္ဂ်ာနယ္အဆိုအရ ရထားလမ္းစီမံကိန္းမွာ ၉ဝ ရာခိုင္ႏႈန္းခန္႔ ၿပီးစီးၿပီဟု သိရသည္။ ေျမာက္ဦးမွသည္ အမ္းဘက္ကို ေဖာက္လုပ္ရန္ က်န္ရွိေနသည္။

”ဘုရားပုထုိး က်ဳံးၿမိဳ႕႐ုိးတံတုိင္း စတာေတြ အမ်ားၾကီး ရွိပါတယ္။ ဒါေတြအားလုံး ပ်က္စီးသြားမွာ’’ ဟု ေျမာက္ဦး ေရွးေဟာင္းသုေတသန ဌာနခဲြတြင္ ႏွစ္ေပါင္း ၂ဝ ေက်ာ္ လုပ္ကုိင္ခဲ့သည့္ ဒုတိယ ညႊန္ၾကားေရးမႉးေဟာင္း ဦးေက်ာ္ထြန္းေအာင္ (အၿငိမ္းစား) က မဇၥ်ိမကုိ ေျပာသည္။

လမ္းေဖာက္လုပ္စ လက္ရွိအခ်ိန္တြင္ ရခုိင္သမုိင္းအတြက္ တန္ဖုိးရွိသည့္ ၿမိဳ႕႐ုိးတံတုိင္း၊ ခံတပ္ အပါအဝင္ သမုိင္းဝင္ ေရွးေဟာင္း႐ုပ္ၾကြမ်ား ေစတီပုထုိးမ်ား ပ်က္စီးကာ၊ အထြဋ္အျမတ္ ကုိးေသာင္း ပုထုိးေတာ္ၾကီး ပ်က္စီးႏုိင္သည္ဟု သူက ဆိုသည္။

RNDP ဥကၠ႒ ေဒါက္တာ ေအးေမာင္ကလည္း ’’သာသနိက အေဆာက္အဦးေတြကုိ ေက႔ြၿ႔ပီး သြားရမွာ။ ဒါမွ ႏွစ္ဦးႏွစ္ဖက္ အက်ဳိးရွိမွာ။ ရထားလမ္း ေဖာက္ျခင္းျဖင့္ တဖက္က သာသနိက အေဆာက္အဦးေတြ မပ်က္စီးရေအာင္၊ ရထားနဲ႔သြားတဲ့ ခရီးသည္ေတြ ဖူးေမွ်ာ္ႏုိင္ေအာင္ လမ္းေတြကုိ ေရြးခ်ယ္ဖုိ႔ လုိတယ္။ အခ်က္အလက္ေတြ စုေဆာင္းၿပီးေတာ့ ဥပေဒေဘာင္အတြင္းက အမ်ားသိေအာင္ လုပ္မယ္’’ ဟု မဇၥ်ိမကို ေျပာသည္။

ယခုလ ၁၄ ရက္ေန႔တြင္ ေျမာက္ဦးၿမိဳ႕ ေရွးေဟာင္းသုေတသနဌာနခဲြ တာဝန္ခံ ဗုိလ္မႉးခ်စ္ဦးက ရထားလမ္း ေဖာက္သူမ်ားကို တားျမစ္ခဲ့သလို၊ စစ္ေတြခ႐ိုင္ ေရွးေဟာင္းသုေတသနဌာနသို႔ပါ ရပ္တန္႔ေပးရန္ စာတင္သျဖင့္ ေနာက္ရက္တြင္ စစ္ေတြမွ ဒုတိယညႊန္ၾကားေရးမႉး ဦးေစာလြင္ လာေရာက္ေဆြးေႏြးခဲ့သည္။ သို႔ေသာ္ ယမန္ေန႔တြင္မူ ဆက္လက္၍ ေဖာက္လုပ္လာျပန္သည္။

ရခုိင္ျပည္နယ္ ေနရာအႏွံ႔ ေရွးေဟာင္းအေမြအႏွစ္မ်ား ရွိေသာ္လည္း ေျမာက္ဦးၿမိဳ႕ေတာ္သည္ ရခုိင္ဘုရင္ အဆက္ဆက္ နန္းစုိက္ခဲ့ရာ ၿမိဳ႕ျဖစ္ၿပီး၊ ေရွးေဟာင္းယဥ္ေက်းမႈ အေမြအႏွစ္မ်ား မေပ်ာက္ပ်က္ေအာင္ ထိန္းသိမ္းရာ ၿမိဳ႕လည္း ျဖစ္သည္။ ေအဒီ ၁၇၈၅ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ ရခုိင့္ေနာက္ဆုံးဘုရင္ မဟာသမၼတ မင္းနန္းစုိက္ခဲ့ၿပီး၊ ရခုိင္တုိ႔၏ ေနာက္ဆုံး ယဥ္ေက်းမႈ အေမြအႏွစ္မ်ား တည္ရွိရာ ေဒသျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ရမ္းၿဗဲ ေတာင္ေက်ာင္းဆရာေတာ္ ျပဳစုေရးသားခဲ့သည့္ ရခိုင္ရာဇဝင္ သိုက္က်မ္းမ်ားတြင္ ဆိုထားသည္။ ၿမိဳ႕ေတာ္ေဟာင္းေနရာ အက်ယ္အဝန္းမွာ ၁ဝ မုိင္ဝန္းက်င္ ရွိသည္။

ရခုိင္ျပည္နယ္ရွိ ျပတုိက္မ်ားတြင္ ေရွးေဟာင္း အေမြအႏွစ္မ်ား တစထက္တစ နည္းပါးလာသလုိ၊ လက္ရွိ ေရွးေဟာင္း သုေတသန ဌာနကလည္း စနစ္တက် မျပဳျပင္သျဖင့္ ယုိယြင္းပ်က္စီးမႈႏွင့္ ေပ်ာက္ရွမႈမ်ား ရွိေနသည္ဟု ကန္႔ကြက္သူမ်ားက ဆိုၾကသည္။

ဦးေက်ာ္ထြန္းေအာင္က ’’အရင္ကဆုိရင္ လမ္းေတြဘာေတြ ေဖာက္လုပ္တဲ့အခါမွာ ေရွးေဟာင္း အေဆာက္အဦးေတြ ေတြ႔ခဲ့ရင္ ခ်က္ခ်င္းရပ္ၿပီး၊ အဲဒီေရွးေဟာင္းပစၥည္းေတြကုိ အရင္မူလအတုိင္း ျပဳျပင္ခဲ့တာေတြ ရွိတယ္။ အဲဒီေနရာမွာလည္း လမ္းဆက္မေဖာက္ေတာ့ဘူး။ အခုလမ္းေဖာက္တဲ့အခါ ေရွးေဟာင္း အေမြအႏွစ္ေတြ ေတြ႔ရင္လည္း မရပ္မနားဘဲ ဆက္ေဖာက္ဆုိတဲ့ဟာက ေတာ္ေတာ့ကုိ အ႐ုပ္ဆုိးပါတယ္’’ ဟု ေျပာသည္။

၁၉၅ဝ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္က ေျမာက္ဦးၿမိဳ႕၌ ေရွးေဟာင္းသုေတသန ဌာနခဲြကို စတင္ထားရွိခဲ့ျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္။