Thursday, 18 March 2010
CHAIRMAN OF THE PARLIAMENTARY FRIENDS OF BURMA SENT THE LETTER TO CHAIRMAN OF SPDC
CHAIRMAN OF THE PARLIAMENTARY FRIENDS OF BURMA SENT THE LETTER TO CHAIRMAN OF SPDC
Wednesday, March 17, 2010
Today, Chairman of the Parliamentary Friends of Burma (PFOB) sent the letter to Chairman of SPDC Senior General Than Shwe and its Foreign Minister regarding electoral laws.
PFOB consists of Members and Senators from all parties of the Canadian Parliament.
Senior General Than Shwe
Chairman, State Peace and Development Council
Nay Pyi Taw
Myanmar
U Nyan Win
Minister, Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Nay Pyi Taw
Union of Myanmar
Embassy of the Union of Myanmar
Sandringham Bldg
85 Range Rd, SUITE 902-903
Ottawa, ON
KIN 8J6
Dear Senior General Than Shwe,
The Parliamentary Friends of Burma (PFOB) has noticed the announcement by the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) of new electoral laws in preparation for the planned elections this year.
We are very disappointed with the electoral laws, which exclude Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and more than 2,100 political prisoners from political participation. The law may also prohibit Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and political prisoners from being a member in political parties. This is clearly another step in the wrong direction taken by the SPDC. It leads us to believe that the political party registration law makes a mockery of the democratic process, and ensures that the upcoming elections will be devoid of credibility.
PFOB is increasingly concerned that the SPDC continues to ignore calls by Canada and the international community, including members of ASEAN, to show concrete commitments to political reforms. We reiterate our call for SPDC to engage an inclusive political process leading to fair, transparent, and credible elections in which all citizens of Burma / Myanmar, including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, can freely participate. We believe that a tripartite dialogue remains the best viable means towards achieving national reconciliation, long-lasting peace, and prosperity in Burma.
The Parliamentary Friends of Burma (PFOB) calls on the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) to overturn the law that bars political prisoners, including Nobel Peace Prize winner Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, from participating in the political process. PFOB also calls on the authorities in Naypyidaw, Burma (Myanmar) to amend the 2008 constitution to ensure a genuine, all inclusive, democratic, political process in Burma.
Sincerely,
Hon. Larry Bagnell M.P.
Chair Parliamentary Friends of Burma (PFOB)
Copy from http://www.yeyintnge.com/2010/03/chairman-of-parliamentary-friends-of.html
Wednesday, March 17, 2010
Today, Chairman of the Parliamentary Friends of Burma (PFOB) sent the letter to Chairman of SPDC Senior General Than Shwe and its Foreign Minister regarding electoral laws.
PFOB consists of Members and Senators from all parties of the Canadian Parliament.
Senior General Than Shwe
Chairman, State Peace and Development Council
Nay Pyi Taw
Myanmar
U Nyan Win
Minister, Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Nay Pyi Taw
Union of Myanmar
Embassy of the Union of Myanmar
Sandringham Bldg
85 Range Rd, SUITE 902-903
Ottawa, ON
KIN 8J6
Dear Senior General Than Shwe,
The Parliamentary Friends of Burma (PFOB) has noticed the announcement by the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) of new electoral laws in preparation for the planned elections this year.
We are very disappointed with the electoral laws, which exclude Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and more than 2,100 political prisoners from political participation. The law may also prohibit Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and political prisoners from being a member in political parties. This is clearly another step in the wrong direction taken by the SPDC. It leads us to believe that the political party registration law makes a mockery of the democratic process, and ensures that the upcoming elections will be devoid of credibility.
PFOB is increasingly concerned that the SPDC continues to ignore calls by Canada and the international community, including members of ASEAN, to show concrete commitments to political reforms. We reiterate our call for SPDC to engage an inclusive political process leading to fair, transparent, and credible elections in which all citizens of Burma / Myanmar, including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, can freely participate. We believe that a tripartite dialogue remains the best viable means towards achieving national reconciliation, long-lasting peace, and prosperity in Burma.
The Parliamentary Friends of Burma (PFOB) calls on the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) to overturn the law that bars political prisoners, including Nobel Peace Prize winner Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, from participating in the political process. PFOB also calls on the authorities in Naypyidaw, Burma (Myanmar) to amend the 2008 constitution to ensure a genuine, all inclusive, democratic, political process in Burma.
Sincerely,
Hon. Larry Bagnell M.P.
Chair Parliamentary Friends of Burma (PFOB)
Copy from http://www.yeyintnge.com/2010/03/chairman-of-parliamentary-friends-of.html
"The idea of human rights begins with a fundamental commitment to the dignity that is the birthright of every man, woman and child," said U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton while introducing the annual Human Rights Report:
"Progress in advancing human rights begins with the facts. And for the last 34 years, the United States has produced the Country Reports on Human Rights Practices, providing the most comprehensive record available of the condition of human rights around the world."
The Report raised grave concerns about the human rights situation in Burma. Burma is ruled by a military regime dominated by the majority ethnic Burman group. The State Peace and Development Council, which is headed by Senior General Than Shwe [Tawn Shway], has assumed the duties of the government, and at all levels of the government, ultimate authority rests with military officers. The government also controls the security forces without civilian oversight.
The Report states that in 2009, the government of Burma "continued its egregious human rights violations and abuses. . . . including increased military attacks in ethnic minority regions, such as in the Karen and Shan state."
The Human Rights Report also states that "the regime continued to abridge the right of citizens to change their government and committed other severe human rights abuses."
There were reports of unlawful and arbitrary killings by security forces; of deaths of people held in government custody; of disappearances, rape and torture. The government frequently detained civic activists without charges. Citizens were imprisoned for political motives, and prisoners and detainees were held in harsh and life-threatening conditions.
In short, the government of Burma kept a tight leash on possible criticism of, or activism against, its policies by restricting its citizens' privacy, freedom of speech, press, assembly, association, religion, and movement. At the same time, it allowed violent treatment and discrimination against women, recruitment of child soldiers, discrimination against ethnic minorities, and trafficking in persons. The government took no significant actions to prosecute or punish those responsible for human rights abuses.
"The principle that each person possesses equal moral value is a simple, self-evident truth," said Secretary of State Clinton. ” With the facts in hand and the goals clear in our heads and our hearts, we recommit ourselves to continue the hard work of making human rights a human reality."
Burma at 'Critical Moment' as Elections Loom
Burma will go to the polls this year for the first time in 20 years, however controversial election laws will mean that the country's most prominent democracy activist will be banned from taking part.
The Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been in some form of detention for the last 14 years, will be banned from taking part in the poll.
In the last election in 1990, the country's military junta was shocked after Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy (NLD) won a landslide victory. The win came despite the fact that Suu Kyi was under house arrest and the country was under martial law. This time, the ruling generals are taking no chances.
Last week, the country released new electoral directives that will mean that anyone declared a “criminal” under the country's constitution will be barred from standing in the poll. Moreover, no members of political parties are allowed to stand as candidates.
On Monday, Tomas Ojea Quintana, U.N. special rapporteur on human rights in Burma (renamed Myanmar by the junta) said that the rules will stifle democracy. "Under these current conditions, elections in Burma cannot be considered credible," he told a news conference after presenting a report to the U.N. Human Rights Council.
No formal date has been set for the elections, although the favored day for superstitious senior general Than Shwe is believed to be Oct. 10, 2010 (10/10/10). It is also a month before Suu Kyi is due to be released from house arrest. Suu Kyi’s party, allowed to re-open regional offices that have been closed for seven years, is considering whether or not to boycott the election.
Burma has 2,100 prisoners of conscience in jail, among them 11 members of the NLD. Hundreds more have been jailed since a 2007 popular uprising that was led by monks. Quintana said that there was "no indication" that Burma was intending to release these political prisoners, and submitted a report urging a full inquiry into the regime's alleged abuses.
In his report, Quintana said, "The possibility exists that some of these human rights violations may entail categories of crimes against humanity, or war crimes under the terms of the statute of the International Criminal Court." Speaking to the Human Rights Council on Monday, Quintana noted that with elections being held this year, "Burma is at a critical moment in its history."
However, the country's ambassador to the U.N. Wunna Maung Lwin, said that the report was full of inaccuracies and "violates the right of a sovereign state." "We strongly condemn and reject these recommendations and the report as a whole," said the ambassador.
"My government has clearly stated that there are no prisoners of conscience and that those who are serving prison terms are (those) who offended the existing laws and regulations," he told the council. The issue was raised again on Wednesday, by Philippine Foreign Secretary Alberto Romulo in a meeting with his Burmese counterpart, Nyan Win.
Romulo told reporters afterward that he was not satisfied with the conversation and would urge the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)— to which both Burma and the Philippines belong—to call for a reversal of the election decree, at the bloc's annual summit in Vietnam next month.
http://www.theepochtimes.com/n2/content/view/31586/
The Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been in some form of detention for the last 14 years, will be banned from taking part in the poll.
In the last election in 1990, the country's military junta was shocked after Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy (NLD) won a landslide victory. The win came despite the fact that Suu Kyi was under house arrest and the country was under martial law. This time, the ruling generals are taking no chances.
Last week, the country released new electoral directives that will mean that anyone declared a “criminal” under the country's constitution will be barred from standing in the poll. Moreover, no members of political parties are allowed to stand as candidates.
On Monday, Tomas Ojea Quintana, U.N. special rapporteur on human rights in Burma (renamed Myanmar by the junta) said that the rules will stifle democracy. "Under these current conditions, elections in Burma cannot be considered credible," he told a news conference after presenting a report to the U.N. Human Rights Council.
No formal date has been set for the elections, although the favored day for superstitious senior general Than Shwe is believed to be Oct. 10, 2010 (10/10/10). It is also a month before Suu Kyi is due to be released from house arrest. Suu Kyi’s party, allowed to re-open regional offices that have been closed for seven years, is considering whether or not to boycott the election.
Burma has 2,100 prisoners of conscience in jail, among them 11 members of the NLD. Hundreds more have been jailed since a 2007 popular uprising that was led by monks. Quintana said that there was "no indication" that Burma was intending to release these political prisoners, and submitted a report urging a full inquiry into the regime's alleged abuses.
In his report, Quintana said, "The possibility exists that some of these human rights violations may entail categories of crimes against humanity, or war crimes under the terms of the statute of the International Criminal Court." Speaking to the Human Rights Council on Monday, Quintana noted that with elections being held this year, "Burma is at a critical moment in its history."
However, the country's ambassador to the U.N. Wunna Maung Lwin, said that the report was full of inaccuracies and "violates the right of a sovereign state." "We strongly condemn and reject these recommendations and the report as a whole," said the ambassador.
"My government has clearly stated that there are no prisoners of conscience and that those who are serving prison terms are (those) who offended the existing laws and regulations," he told the council. The issue was raised again on Wednesday, by Philippine Foreign Secretary Alberto Romulo in a meeting with his Burmese counterpart, Nyan Win.
Romulo told reporters afterward that he was not satisfied with the conversation and would urge the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)— to which both Burma and the Philippines belong—to call for a reversal of the election decree, at the bloc's annual summit in Vietnam next month.
http://www.theepochtimes.com/n2/content/view/31586/
Wednesday, 17 March 2010
၂၂ ႏွစ္ေျမာက္ ဖုန္းေမာ္ေန႕ ဆံုးျဖတ္ခ်က္မ်ား
၂၂ ႏွစ္ေျမာက္ ဖုန္းေမာ္ေန႕ ဆံုးျဖတ္ခ်က္မ်ား
13 .3.2010
ရန္ကုန္ စက္မႈတကၠသိုလ္ ေက်ာင္းသားမ်ားမွ ဦးေဆာင္၍ ထုိင္းျမန္မာ နယ္စပ္တေနရာတြင္ ၁၉၈၈ ခုႏွစ္ မတ္လ ၁၃ ရက္ေန႕ ရန္ကုန္စက္မႈတကၠသုိလ္တြင္ မဆလ တပါတီအစိုးရ၏ အၾကမ္းဖက္ ပစ္ခတ္သတ္ျဖတ္မႈေၾကာင့္ က်ဆံုးခဲ့သည့္ ကိုဖုန္းေမာ္ႏွင့္ ကိုစိုးႏုိင္တုိ႕အတြက္ ၂၂ ႏွစ္ေျမာက္ ဖုန္းေမာ္ေန႕ ဆြမ္းေကၽြးတရားနာ အခမ္းအနားႏွင့္ အမွတ္တရ ႏုိင္ငံေရး ေဆြးေႏြးပြဲကို က်င္းပခဲ့ၾကပါသည္။ ဤအစည္းအေ၀းသို႕ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းအသီးသီးမွ ႏုိင္ငံေရးေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား ၊ ေက်ာင္းသားေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား ၊ သံဃာေတာ္မ်ား ၊ စာနယ္ဇင္းသမားမ်ား ၊ ပညာေရး ႏွင့္ အလုပ္သမားအဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ား စုစုေပါင္း အေယာက္ ၆၀ ခန္႕ တက္ေရာက္လာပါသည္။ အစည္းအေ၀းတြင္ လတ္တေလာ ျမန္မာျပည္ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအေျခအေန အရပ္ရပ္ကို သံုးသပ္၍ ေအာက္ပါဆံုးျဖတ္ခ်က္မ်ားကို ခ်မွတ္ႏုိင္ခဲ့ပါသည္။
၁) စစ္အာဏာရွင္စနစ္သက္ဆုိးရွည္ေရးအတြက္ ေရးဆြဲထားသည့္ ၂၀၀၈ ဖြဲ႕စည္းပံုအေျခခံဥပေဒႏွင့္ ထို အေျခခံဥပေဒကို အသက္သြင္းမည့္ ၂၀၁၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ ကို နည္းလမ္းေပါင္းစံုျဖင့္ ဆန္႕က်င္ကန္႕ကြက္ သပိတ္ေမွာက္မည္။
၂) အမ်ိဳးသားေခါင္းေဆာင္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ႏွင့္ အမ်ိဳးသားဒီမုိကေရစီအဖြဲ႕ခ်ဳပ္အား ေထာက္ခံ ၀ိုင္းရံပံ့ပိုးသြားမည္။
၃) အမ်ိဳးသားဒီမုိကေရစီအဖဲြ ့ခ်ဳပ္ အေနျဖင့္ ေရႊဂုံတုိင္ ေၾကျငာခ်က္ကို ဆက္လက္ကိုင္စဲြ၍ နအဖ စစ္အုပ္စု၏ ၂၀၁၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြကို ဆန္ ့က်င္သြားရန္ တုိက္တြန္းအပ္ပါသည္။
၄) နအဖ စစ္အစိုးရျပဳလုပ္မည့္ ၂၀၁၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲတြင္ ႏုိင္ငံေရးပါတီမ်ားအေနျဖင့္ ေရြး ေကာက္ ပြဲ၀င္ေရာက္ျခင္း မျပဳရန္ အျပင္းအထန္ တုိက္တြန္း အပ္ပါသည္။
၅) ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕တြင္ ျဖစ္ေပၚေနသည့္ အလုပ္သမားသပိတ္မ်ားကို ၀ိုင္း၀န္းေထာက္ခံပံ့ပိုးရန္ႏွင့္ အျခားေသာ လူထုလူတန္းစားသပိတ္တုိက္ပြဲမ်ား ဆက္လက္ေပၚေပါက္ၿပီး အေထြေထြ လူထု သပိတ္ႀကီး ျဖစ္ေပၚလာသည္ထိ ေဖာ္ေဆာင္ တိုက္ပြဲ၀င္ၾကမည္။
၆) ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ႏွင့္တကြ ႏုိင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားအားလုံး အျမန္ဆုံး လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရး မွာ ျမန္မာျပည္ နုိင္ငံေရးျဖစ္ေပၚေျပာင္းလဲမႈတြင္ အလြန္အေရးၾကီး္သည္။
၇) အမ်ိဳးသားဒီမိုကေရစီအဖြဲ႕ခ်ဳပ္အပါအ၀င္ ၁၉၉၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲအႏုိင္ရ တုိင္းရင္းသား ပါတီမ်ားႏွင့္ ဖြဲ႕စည္းထားေသာ ျပည္သူ႕လႊတ္ေတာ္ကိုယ္စားျပဳ ေကာ္မတီက ေသာ္လည္းေကာင္း၊ တာ၀န္သိသိ တာ၀န္ရွိရွိျဖင့္ ျပည္သူ႕လႊတ္ေတာ္ကိုယ္စားလွယ္မ်ားက ေသာ္လည္းေကာင္း ျပည္သူ႕အစိုးရကို အျမန္ဆံုး ဦးေဆာင္ဖြဲ႕စည္းရန္ႏွင့္ ေပၚေပါက္လာမည္႕ ျပည္သူ ့အစိုးရကို အျပည့္အ၀ ေထာက္ခံသြားမည္။
၂၂ႏွစ္ေျမာက္ ဖုန္းေမာ္ေန ့ေဆြးေႏြးပဲြ
ထုိင္း - ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္
Contact – Than Doke -0861198091, Min Zaw -0857351457 ,
၂၂ ႏွစ္ေျမာက္ ဖုန္းေမာ္ေန႕ ဆံုးျဖတ္ခ်က္မ်ား
13 .3.2010
ရန္ကုန္ စက္မႈတကၠသိုလ္ ေက်ာင္းသားမ်ားမွ ဦးေဆာင္၍ ထုိင္းျမန္မာ နယ္စပ္တေနရာတြင္ ၁၉၈၈ ခုႏွစ္ မတ္လ ၁၃ ရက္ေန႕ ရန္ကုန္စက္မႈတကၠသုိလ္တြင္ မဆလ တပါတီအစိုးရ၏ အၾကမ္းဖက္ ပစ္ခတ္သတ္ျဖတ္မႈေၾကာင့္ က်ဆံုးခဲ့သည့္ ကိုဖုန္းေမာ္ႏွင့္ ကိုစိုးႏုိင္တုိ႕အတြက္ ၂၂ ႏွစ္ေျမာက္ ဖုန္းေမာ္ေန႕ ဆြမ္းေကၽြးတရားနာ အခမ္းအနားႏွင့္ အမွတ္တရ ႏုိင္ငံေရး ေဆြးေႏြးပြဲကို က်င္းပခဲ့ၾကပါသည္။ ဤအစည္းအေ၀းသို႕ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းအသီးသီးမွ ႏုိင္ငံေရးေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား ၊ ေက်ာင္းသားေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား ၊ သံဃာေတာ္မ်ား ၊ စာနယ္ဇင္းသမားမ်ား ၊ ပညာေရး ႏွင့္ အလုပ္သမားအဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ား စုစုေပါင္း အေယာက္ ၆၀ ခန္႕ တက္ေရာက္လာပါသည္။ အစည္းအေ၀းတြင္ လတ္တေလာ ျမန္မာျပည္ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအေျခအေန အရပ္ရပ္ကို သံုးသပ္၍ ေအာက္ပါဆံုးျဖတ္ခ်က္မ်ားကို ခ်မွတ္ႏုိင္ခဲ့ပါသည္။
၁) စစ္အာဏာရွင္စနစ္သက္ဆုိးရွည္ေရးအတြက္ ေရးဆြဲထားသည့္ ၂၀၀၈ ဖြဲ႕စည္းပံုအေျခခံဥပေဒႏွင့္ ထို အေျခခံဥပေဒကို အသက္သြင္းမည့္ ၂၀၁၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ ကို နည္းလမ္းေပါင္းစံုျဖင့္ ဆန္႕က်င္ကန္႕ကြက္ သပိတ္ေမွာက္မည္။
၂) အမ်ိဳးသားေခါင္းေဆာင္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ႏွင့္ အမ်ိဳးသားဒီမုိကေရစီအဖြဲ႕ခ်ဳပ္အား ေထာက္ခံ ၀ိုင္းရံပံ့ပိုးသြားမည္။
၃) အမ်ိဳးသားဒီမုိကေရစီအဖဲြ ့ခ်ဳပ္ အေနျဖင့္ ေရႊဂုံတုိင္ ေၾကျငာခ်က္ကို ဆက္လက္ကိုင္စဲြ၍ နအဖ စစ္အုပ္စု၏ ၂၀၁၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြကို ဆန္ ့က်င္သြားရန္ တုိက္တြန္းအပ္ပါသည္။
၄) နအဖ စစ္အစိုးရျပဳလုပ္မည့္ ၂၀၁၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲတြင္ ႏုိင္ငံေရးပါတီမ်ားအေနျဖင့္ ေရြး ေကာက္ ပြဲ၀င္ေရာက္ျခင္း မျပဳရန္ အျပင္းအထန္ တုိက္တြန္း အပ္ပါသည္။
၅) ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕တြင္ ျဖစ္ေပၚေနသည့္ အလုပ္သမားသပိတ္မ်ားကို ၀ိုင္း၀န္းေထာက္ခံပံ့ပိုးရန္ႏွင့္ အျခားေသာ လူထုလူတန္းစားသပိတ္တုိက္ပြဲမ်ား ဆက္လက္ေပၚေပါက္ၿပီး အေထြေထြ လူထု သပိတ္ႀကီး ျဖစ္ေပၚလာသည္ထိ ေဖာ္ေဆာင္ တိုက္ပြဲ၀င္ၾကမည္။
၆) ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ႏွင့္တကြ ႏုိင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားအားလုံး အျမန္ဆုံး လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရး မွာ ျမန္မာျပည္ နုိင္ငံေရးျဖစ္ေပၚေျပာင္းလဲမႈတြင္ အလြန္အေရးၾကီး္သည္။
၇) အမ်ိဳးသားဒီမိုကေရစီအဖြဲ႕ခ်ဳပ္အပါအ၀င္ ၁၉၉၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲအႏုိင္ရ တုိင္းရင္းသား ပါတီမ်ားႏွင့္ ဖြဲ႕စည္းထားေသာ ျပည္သူ႕လႊတ္ေတာ္ကိုယ္စားျပဳ ေကာ္မတီက ေသာ္လည္းေကာင္း၊ တာ၀န္သိသိ တာ၀န္ရွိရွိျဖင့္ ျပည္သူ႕လႊတ္ေတာ္ကိုယ္စားလွယ္မ်ားက ေသာ္လည္းေကာင္း ျပည္သူ႕အစိုးရကို အျမန္ဆံုး ဦးေဆာင္ဖြဲ႕စည္းရန္ႏွင့္ ေပၚေပါက္လာမည္႕ ျပည္သူ ့အစိုးရကို အျပည့္အ၀ ေထာက္ခံသြားမည္။
၂၂ႏွစ္ေျမာက္ ဖုန္းေမာ္ေန ့ေဆြးေႏြးပဲြ
ထုိင္း - ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္
Contact – Than Doke -0861198091, Min Zaw -0857351457 ,
Where is Mr Ban Ki Moon?
The Prime Minister has called the terms of the Burmese election laws “restrictive and unfair” and called for an urgent meeting at the UN in New York to discuss these developments.
http://ping.fm/qVcPT
The Prime Minister has called the terms of the Burmese election laws “restrictive and unfair” and called for an urgent meeting at the UN in New York to discuss these developments.
http://ping.fm/qVcPT
Prime Minister calls Burmese electoral changes targeting Aung San Suu Kyi ‘vindictive and callous’ (15/03/2010)
The Electoral Commission Law and Political Parties Registration Law announced by the Burmese regime last week contain provisions preventing those currently serving a prison sentence from being a member of a political party. The move appears to be directed towards detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and other political prisoners, barring them from full engagement in the political process.
Commenting on the election laws published by the Burmese regime, the Prime Minister said:
"Burma has ignored the demands of the UN Security Council, the UN Secretary General, the US, EU and its own neighbours by imposing restrictive and unfair terms on elections. The targeting of Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD is particularly vindictive and callous. I have today written to the UN Secretary General to call for an urgent meeting in New York to discuss these developments. We will also seek international support to impose an arms embargo against Burma. Burma's people are demanding political and economic freedom, and the international community must stand with them".
On 11 March 2010, Foreign Office Minister Ivan Lewis voiced his concern at the move, stating:
“We are concerned at the implications of the laws we've seen so far, and regret that they are not based on genuine and inclusive dialogue between the regime, opposition and ethnic groups.
“Our position remains that elections in Burma will not be credible unless such dialogue takes place, and all political prisoners, including Aung San Suu Kyi, are released and allowed to participate fully in the political process.”
http://ping.fm/erkSZ
The Electoral Commission Law and Political Parties Registration Law announced by the Burmese regime last week contain provisions preventing those currently serving a prison sentence from being a member of a political party. The move appears to be directed towards detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and other political prisoners, barring them from full engagement in the political process.
Commenting on the election laws published by the Burmese regime, the Prime Minister said:
"Burma has ignored the demands of the UN Security Council, the UN Secretary General, the US, EU and its own neighbours by imposing restrictive and unfair terms on elections. The targeting of Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD is particularly vindictive and callous. I have today written to the UN Secretary General to call for an urgent meeting in New York to discuss these developments. We will also seek international support to impose an arms embargo against Burma. Burma's people are demanding political and economic freedom, and the international community must stand with them".
On 11 March 2010, Foreign Office Minister Ivan Lewis voiced his concern at the move, stating:
“We are concerned at the implications of the laws we've seen so far, and regret that they are not based on genuine and inclusive dialogue between the regime, opposition and ethnic groups.
“Our position remains that elections in Burma will not be credible unless such dialogue takes place, and all political prisoners, including Aung San Suu Kyi, are released and allowed to participate fully in the political process.”
http://ping.fm/erkSZ
Tuesday, 16 March 2010
Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) warmly welcomes PM Gordon Brown calls for an urgent UN meeting.
16 March 2010
Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) warmly welcomes PM Gordon Brown calls for an urgent UN meeting.
The PM said: “Burma has ignored the demands of the UN Security Council, the UN Secretary General, the US, EU and its own neighbours by imposing restrictive and unfair terms on elections. The targeting of Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD is particularly vindictive and callous. I have today written to the UN Secretary General to call for an urgent meeting in New York to discuss these developments”.
Myo Thein, the Director at the Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) said “We are very encouraged to learn Prime Minister Gordon Brown’s support for democratization of Burma. He plays leading role in supporting Burma democracy movement. Mr Brown takes timely action calling for the UN urgent meeting; I hope it will send the clear message to repressive regime in Burma that the world is ready to stand by with oppressed people of Burma and (Daw) Aung San Suu Kyi. Mr Brown is the hero for democratization of Burma”.
The PM calls for the urgent UN meeting follows after Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) on 11 March 2010 calls for United Nations Security Council to convene emergency meeting. You can see the PM statement at http://www.number10.gov.uk/Page22826 and Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) press statement at http://bdcburma.org/Statements.asp?Id=78
The recent so-called electoral laws show clearly that ruling junta doesn’t have the will to see national reconciliation in Burma. UNSC must take pro-active action decisively and collectively in order to intervene Burma crisis so as to avoid total devastating in Burma. Now Burma democratic and ethnics’ leaders are calling for to form “Interim Government” led by Aung San Suu Kyi and elected MPs of 1990 election.
“If should Aung San Suu Kyi led “Interim Government” be formed the world must be ready to recognize them as the legitimate government of Burma”, added Myo Thein.
For more information please contact Myo Thein, the Director at the Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) on 00-44-78 7788 2386 or 00-44-20 8493 9137.
http://bdcburma.org/NewsDetails.asp?id=584
Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) warmly welcomes PM Gordon Brown calls for an urgent UN meeting.
The PM said: “Burma has ignored the demands of the UN Security Council, the UN Secretary General, the US, EU and its own neighbours by imposing restrictive and unfair terms on elections. The targeting of Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD is particularly vindictive and callous. I have today written to the UN Secretary General to call for an urgent meeting in New York to discuss these developments”.
Myo Thein, the Director at the Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) said “We are very encouraged to learn Prime Minister Gordon Brown’s support for democratization of Burma. He plays leading role in supporting Burma democracy movement. Mr Brown takes timely action calling for the UN urgent meeting; I hope it will send the clear message to repressive regime in Burma that the world is ready to stand by with oppressed people of Burma and (Daw) Aung San Suu Kyi. Mr Brown is the hero for democratization of Burma”.
The PM calls for the urgent UN meeting follows after Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) on 11 March 2010 calls for United Nations Security Council to convene emergency meeting. You can see the PM statement at http://www.number10.gov.uk/Page22826 and Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) press statement at http://bdcburma.org/Statements.asp?Id=78
The recent so-called electoral laws show clearly that ruling junta doesn’t have the will to see national reconciliation in Burma. UNSC must take pro-active action decisively and collectively in order to intervene Burma crisis so as to avoid total devastating in Burma. Now Burma democratic and ethnics’ leaders are calling for to form “Interim Government” led by Aung San Suu Kyi and elected MPs of 1990 election.
“If should Aung San Suu Kyi led “Interim Government” be formed the world must be ready to recognize them as the legitimate government of Burma”, added Myo Thein.
For more information please contact Myo Thein, the Director at the Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) on 00-44-78 7788 2386 or 00-44-20 8493 9137.
http://bdcburma.org/NewsDetails.asp?id=584
Myo Thein, the Director at the Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) said “We are very encouraged to learn Prime Minister Gordon Brown’s support for democratization of Burma. He plays leading role in supporting Burma democracy movement. Mr Brown takes timely action calling for the UN urgent meeting; I hope it will send the clear message to repressive regime in Burma that the world is ready to stand by with oppressed people of Burma and (Daw) Aung San Suu Kyi. Mr Brown is the hero for democratization of Burma”.
The PM calls for the urgent UN meeting follows after Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) on 11 March 2010 calls for United Nations Security Council to convene emergency meeting. You can see the PM statement at http://ping.fm/J6Tke and Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) press statement at http://ping.fm/ryKC8
The PM calls for the urgent UN meeting follows after Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) on 11 March 2010 calls for United Nations Security Council to convene emergency meeting. You can see the PM statement at http://ping.fm/J6Tke and Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) press statement at http://ping.fm/ryKC8
Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) warmly welcomes PM Gordon Brown calls for an urgent UN meeting.
The PM said: “Burma has ignored the demands of the UN Security Council, the UN Secretary General, the US, EU and its own neighbours by imposing restrictive and unfair terms on elections. The targeting of Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD is particularly vindictive and callous. I have today written to the UN Secretary General to call for an urgent meeting in New York to discuss these developments”.
http://ping.fm/d8w0Q
The PM said: “Burma has ignored the demands of the UN Security Council, the UN Secretary General, the US, EU and its own neighbours by imposing restrictive and unfair terms on elections. The targeting of Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD is particularly vindictive and callous. I have today written to the UN Secretary General to call for an urgent meeting in New York to discuss these developments”.
http://ping.fm/d8w0Q
Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) warmly welcomes PM Gordon Brown calls for an urgent UN meeting
16 March 2010
Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) warmly welcomes PM Gordon Brown calls for an urgent UN meeting.
The PM said: “Burma has ignored the demands of the UN Security Council, the UN Secretary General, the US, EU and its own neighbours by imposing restrictive and unfair terms on elections. The targeting of Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD is particularly vindictive and callous. I have today written to the UN Secretary General to call for an urgent meeting in New York to discuss these developments”.
Myo Thein, the Director at the Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) said “We are very encouraged to learn Prime Minister Gordon Brown’s support for democratization of Burma. He plays leading role in supporting Burma democracy movement. Mr Brown takes timely action calling for the UN urgent meeting; I hope it will send the clear message to repressive regime in Burma that the world is ready to stand by with oppressed people of Burma and (Daw) Aung San Suu Kyi. Mr Brown is the hero for democratization of Burma”.
http://ping.fm/5Fn7L
16 March 2010
Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) warmly welcomes PM Gordon Brown calls for an urgent UN meeting.
The PM said: “Burma has ignored the demands of the UN Security Council, the UN Secretary General, the US, EU and its own neighbours by imposing restrictive and unfair terms on elections. The targeting of Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD is particularly vindictive and callous. I have today written to the UN Secretary General to call for an urgent meeting in New York to discuss these developments”.
Myo Thein, the Director at the Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) said “We are very encouraged to learn Prime Minister Gordon Brown’s support for democratization of Burma. He plays leading role in supporting Burma democracy movement. Mr Brown takes timely action calling for the UN urgent meeting; I hope it will send the clear message to repressive regime in Burma that the world is ready to stand by with oppressed people of Burma and (Daw) Aung San Suu Kyi. Mr Brown is the hero for democratization of Burma”.
http://ping.fm/5Fn7L
Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) calls for UNSC Emergency Meeting: Time to take immediate action
11 March 2010
Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) calls for United Nations Security Council to convene emergency meeting since Burma crisis is in very critical situation. We must take action decisively and collectively in order to intervene Burma crisis so as to avoid total devastating.
Burmese junta is fully geared up to extinguish democracy, human rights and rule of law in Burma. Junta is touching its final brush to eliminate all the democratic voices by issuing its so-called the electoral law on 8 March 2010 which effectively turning their back on national reconciliation in Burma.
http://ping.fm/9BFnO
PM calls election terms in Burma “restrictive and unfair”
http://ping.fm/AvA0Z
11 March 2010
Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) calls for United Nations Security Council to convene emergency meeting since Burma crisis is in very critical situation. We must take action decisively and collectively in order to intervene Burma crisis so as to avoid total devastating.
Burmese junta is fully geared up to extinguish democracy, human rights and rule of law in Burma. Junta is touching its final brush to eliminate all the democratic voices by issuing its so-called the electoral law on 8 March 2010 which effectively turning their back on national reconciliation in Burma.
http://ping.fm/9BFnO
PM calls election terms in Burma “restrictive and unfair”
http://ping.fm/AvA0Z
We Love you Mr Gorndon Brown for your strong support for the oppressed people of BURMA-
http://ping.fm/ST6EJ
http://ping.fm/N04hF
http://ping.fm/ST6EJ
http://ping.fm/N04hF
No indication Myanmar will release prisoners ahead of elections – UN rights expert
15 March 2010 – An independent United Nations human rights expert who recently visited Myanmar said today that there is no indication that the Government is willing to release political prisoners ahead of national elections scheduled for later this year.
Tomás Ojea Quintana, Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, had stated prior to his 15-19 February visit that the elections should be fair and transparent, that freedom of speech, movement and association should be guaranteed in the country, and that all prisoners of conscience should be released before the polls so they can be as inclusive as possible.
“Without full participation, including by the some 2,100 prisoners of conscience, and an environment that allows people and parties to engage in the range of electoral activities, the elections cannot be credible,” he said today, as he presented his report to the 47-member Human Rights Council in Geneva.
http://ping.fm/jypL2
15 March 2010 – An independent United Nations human rights expert who recently visited Myanmar said today that there is no indication that the Government is willing to release political prisoners ahead of national elections scheduled for later this year.
Tomás Ojea Quintana, Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, had stated prior to his 15-19 February visit that the elections should be fair and transparent, that freedom of speech, movement and association should be guaranteed in the country, and that all prisoners of conscience should be released before the polls so they can be as inclusive as possible.
“Without full participation, including by the some 2,100 prisoners of conscience, and an environment that allows people and parties to engage in the range of electoral activities, the elections cannot be credible,” he said today, as he presented his report to the 47-member Human Rights Council in Geneva.
http://ping.fm/jypL2
United Nations must enforce military Junta to honour the 1990 election result now, not another 2010 election in Burma
United Nations must enforce military Junta to honour the 1990 election result now, not another 2010 election in Burma
BDC -27 March 2008-Press Release
Burma Democratic Concern today called for United Nations to change their stand on Burma. They must have the clear vision. Military Regime declared to hold the referendum in May 2008. The regime manipulated the international community and misled by declaring the new election which will be taken place in 2010. United Nations seem to deem its vision on Burma by asking for inclusive 2010 election and transparent 2008 referendum.
“If this country is to achieve genuine democracy, the result of the elections of 1990 must be recognized. It must be recognized by the military regime, as it has been recognized by the people, and by the world at large. It is through this recognition that we will be able to make genuine progress in Burma. The results of the 1990 General Elections must be implemented is a resolution already taken by the United Nations. We already know that the General Assembly of the United Nations has accepted the notion that the will of the people has been expressed in the 1990 General Elections. This is something we cannot abandon. It will be to the detriment of our country if after an election has been held the results are not honoured and we do not resist attempts to trivialise it", once Daw Aung San Suu Kyi insisted.
A tremendous responsibility rests upon the United Nations Organisation to a far better end, and we are looking for a more positive and bolder lead of the United Nations. "The military regime is clearly ignoring the results of the 1990 elections and now it is questionable that United Nations is following their footstep" said Myo Thein, director of Burma Democratic Concern in United Kingdom.
"People show their destiny, their will and sacrifice their lives. How many more lives need to sacrifice to take serious action on Burma? United Nations must enforce the military regime to recognize the 1990 election results and take action on it now "added Khin Maung Win, the director of Burma Democratic Concern in United States.
United Nations must push military regime to do time-bound genuine dialogue and press to transfer the power to NLD which won the election. "The Burma situation is like the circle, we need to break the chain and start the new era" said Kyaw Lin Oo, the director of Burma Democratic Concern in Thailand.
Burma Democratic Concern is calling for the United Nations to enforce the Junta to honour the 1990 election results and start taking action on it now rather than following the footstep of the military Junta.
BDC -27 March 2008-Press Release
Burma Democratic Concern today called for United Nations to change their stand on Burma. They must have the clear vision. Military Regime declared to hold the referendum in May 2008. The regime manipulated the international community and misled by declaring the new election which will be taken place in 2010. United Nations seem to deem its vision on Burma by asking for inclusive 2010 election and transparent 2008 referendum.
“If this country is to achieve genuine democracy, the result of the elections of 1990 must be recognized. It must be recognized by the military regime, as it has been recognized by the people, and by the world at large. It is through this recognition that we will be able to make genuine progress in Burma. The results of the 1990 General Elections must be implemented is a resolution already taken by the United Nations. We already know that the General Assembly of the United Nations has accepted the notion that the will of the people has been expressed in the 1990 General Elections. This is something we cannot abandon. It will be to the detriment of our country if after an election has been held the results are not honoured and we do not resist attempts to trivialise it", once Daw Aung San Suu Kyi insisted.
A tremendous responsibility rests upon the United Nations Organisation to a far better end, and we are looking for a more positive and bolder lead of the United Nations. "The military regime is clearly ignoring the results of the 1990 elections and now it is questionable that United Nations is following their footstep" said Myo Thein, director of Burma Democratic Concern in United Kingdom.
"People show their destiny, their will and sacrifice their lives. How many more lives need to sacrifice to take serious action on Burma? United Nations must enforce the military regime to recognize the 1990 election results and take action on it now "added Khin Maung Win, the director of Burma Democratic Concern in United States.
United Nations must push military regime to do time-bound genuine dialogue and press to transfer the power to NLD which won the election. "The Burma situation is like the circle, we need to break the chain and start the new era" said Kyaw Lin Oo, the director of Burma Democratic Concern in Thailand.
Burma Democratic Concern is calling for the United Nations to enforce the Junta to honour the 1990 election results and start taking action on it now rather than following the footstep of the military Junta.
Election laws announced last week also state that her party must expel Suu Kyi if it wants to compete, and officially annul the result of Burma’s last elections in 1990, which the NLD won by a landslide.
http://ping.fm/wgIQL
http://ping.fm/wgIQL
Opposition party to decide on elections
Burma’s opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) party is to convene a plenary meeting with 120 senior members at the end of this month where they will likely decide on whether to run for elections this year.
http://ping.fm/fx4FO
Burma’s opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) party is to convene a plenary meeting with 120 senior members at the end of this month where they will likely decide on whether to run for elections this year.
http://ping.fm/fx4FO
Opposition party to decide on elections
Burma’s opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) party is to convene a plenary meeting with 120 senior members at the end of this month where they will likely decide on whether to run for elections this year.
The elections are beset by controversy, not least because detained NLD leader Aung San Suu Kyi is barred from participating.
Election laws announced last week also state that her party must expel Suu Kyi if it wants to compete, and officially annul the result of Burma’s last elections in 1990, which the NLD won by a landslide.
The party’s 20-strong Central Executive Committee (CEC) met yesterday to formalise plans to hold the plenary meeting on 29 March, which will incorporate another 108 Central Committee (CC) members.
“We called a special joint CEC-CC meeting and discussed the laws recently announced by the [government] which are very crucial for us,” said CEC member Ohn Kyaing. “We brainstormed ways to make our stand and what to do.”
He said that the plenary meeting will include party members from different administrative regions in Burma and will decide on whether to register the party for elections, rumoured to be in October this year.
He added that the majority of the NLD’s 300 offices have been reopened and work had resumed after permission was granted by the government. The offices were closed in the wake of the 2003 Depayin massacre, in which 70 NLD supporters were beaten to death by a junta-backed mob.
But the government’s decision to allow the offices to reopen appears to conflict with election laws that much of the international community has condemned for the severe restrictions they place on opposition contenders.
The Philippines’ foreign secretary Alberto Romulo yesterday said that the laws were “contrary to the ‘road map to democracy’ that they [Burmese junta] pledged to [the Association of Southeast Asian Nations] and to the world”.
He added that he would directly press his Burmese counterpart, Nyan Win, during a meeting this week in Manila of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM).
http://www.dvb.no/elections/opposition-party-to-decide-on-elections/
The elections are beset by controversy, not least because detained NLD leader Aung San Suu Kyi is barred from participating.
Election laws announced last week also state that her party must expel Suu Kyi if it wants to compete, and officially annul the result of Burma’s last elections in 1990, which the NLD won by a landslide.
The party’s 20-strong Central Executive Committee (CEC) met yesterday to formalise plans to hold the plenary meeting on 29 March, which will incorporate another 108 Central Committee (CC) members.
“We called a special joint CEC-CC meeting and discussed the laws recently announced by the [government] which are very crucial for us,” said CEC member Ohn Kyaing. “We brainstormed ways to make our stand and what to do.”
He said that the plenary meeting will include party members from different administrative regions in Burma and will decide on whether to register the party for elections, rumoured to be in October this year.
He added that the majority of the NLD’s 300 offices have been reopened and work had resumed after permission was granted by the government. The offices were closed in the wake of the 2003 Depayin massacre, in which 70 NLD supporters were beaten to death by a junta-backed mob.
But the government’s decision to allow the offices to reopen appears to conflict with election laws that much of the international community has condemned for the severe restrictions they place on opposition contenders.
The Philippines’ foreign secretary Alberto Romulo yesterday said that the laws were “contrary to the ‘road map to democracy’ that they [Burmese junta] pledged to [the Association of Southeast Asian Nations] and to the world”.
He added that he would directly press his Burmese counterpart, Nyan Win, during a meeting this week in Manila of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM).
http://www.dvb.no/elections/opposition-party-to-decide-on-elections/
Monday, 15 March 2010
Sunday, 14 March 2010
WHat Happen in RIT on March 13 1988
Copy from Arzarni Blogspot
Copy from Arzarni Blogspot
The U.N. Must Stop Enabling the Burmese Regime
The Southeast Asian country of Burma (renamed Myanmar by the country's ruling junta in 1989) attracted international criticism following a violent crackdown on peaceful pro-democracy demonstrations in September. This brutal response, resulting in the deaths of at least 15 protestors (most independent observers estimate the number killed to be much higher), is typical of the junta, which has long been accused of human rights violations, including mistreatment of ethnic minorities and forced labor. Despite its routine violation of the most fundamental rights of its citizens in contravention of the United Nations Charter, Burma is a U.N. member in good standing and regularly receives assistance from the U.N. and its affiliated funds and programs. Until the recent press attention, the U.N. Human Rights Council ignored the human rights abuses perpetrated by the government on its citizens. Even after the crackdown, the U.N. has not imposed sanctions on Burma or the junta due to opposition from veto-wielding permanent members China and Russia. The United States should take steps within the U.N. to prevent the oppressive regime in Burma from using the privileges of the organization, including access to its resources and assistance, to benefit itself and further repress its citizens.
The U.N. and Burma
The United Nations was founded in 1945 to maintain international peace and security and undertake collective measures to remove threats to peace; to promote equal rights and self-determination of peoples; to help solve problems of an economic, social, cultural, or humanitarian character; and to encourage "social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom." In the Charter, member states pledge "to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women."[1] U.N. treaties and conventions, such as the Universal Declaration on Human Rights, which the General Assembly passed in 1948, form the core of international standards for human rights.
Few members of the United Nations violate the founding principles of the United Nations as regularly and profoundly as the junta in charge of Burma.
Political repression. The people of Burma have been denied the right to self-determination, the most basic human right recognized by the United Nations. Military regimes have ruled Burma since 1962. The current regime, which seized power in 1988, permitted a national election in 1990, refused to recognize its loss, and has confined the leader of the opposition National League for Democracy, Aung San Suu Kyi, for 12 years since the election. Thousands of Buddhist monks and Burmese citizens staged a series of peaceful demonstrations in September 2007 to demand "freedom, democracy and respect for human rights." The ruling military junta responded to these demonstrations with a violent crackdown on the monks and unarmed civilian demonstrators that "resulted in ten deaths [the government now acknowledges 15] and the imprisonment of some 4,000, according to the regime. Diplomatic sources, however, state that the numbers of those killed, injured and imprisoned are much higher than those officially reported."[2] Following the recent crackdown on demonstrators, the U.N. Human Rights Council passed a resolution strongly deploring "the continued violent repression of peaceful demonstrations in Myanmar."[3]
Human rights violations. The Burmese regime poses a serious danger to the Burmese people. Protesters and dissidents are routinely beaten, tortured, and killed. The U.S. Department of State reports:
The regime continued to abridge the right of citizens to change their government.... In addition, the government continued to commit other serious abuses, including extrajudicial killings, custodial deaths, disappearances, rape, and torture. The government abused prisoners and detainees, held persons in harsh and life threatening conditions, routinely used incommunicado detention, and imprisoned citizens arbitrarily for political motives.... The government restricted freedom of speech, press, assembly, association, religion, and movement. The government did not allow domestic human rights nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) to function independently, and international NGOs encountered a hostile environment. Violence and societal discrimination against women continued, as did forced recruitment of child soldiers, discrimination against ethnic minorities, and trafficking in persons, particularly of women and girls. Workers rights remained restricted, and forced labor, including that of children, also persisted.[4]
The United Nations has also condemned Burma for human rights violations. The Third Committee of the General Assembly passed a resolution expressing "grave concern at ongoing systematic violations of human rights and fundamental freedoms of the people of Myanmar; the continuing use of torture; deaths in custody; political arrests and continuing imprisonment and other detentions, denial of freedom of assembly, association, expression and movement, and the prevailing culture of impunity"[5] and called on the government to end those practices.
Government-caused poverty and underdevelopment. When Burma won independence from Britain in 1948, the country was one of Asia's brightest economic prospects. Burma possessed rich natural resources and a well-developed agricultural sector that earned the country the title of "the rice bowl of Asia." Nearly 60 years later, and despite receiving nearly $14 billion in total official development assistance between 1960 and 2006, Burma is one of the world's most impoverished, undeveloped, and isolated countries.[6] According to the Index of Economic Freedom, Burma is a "repressed" economy, ranking 153rd out of 157 countries in terms of economic freedom.[7] Burma is ranked 29th out of 30 countries in the Asia-Pacific region, besting only North Korea. Repressive economic policies imposed by the military junta, such as forcing farmers to sell rice to the government at below market prices and restricting movement and trade, have directly contributed to an estimated 5 million people lacking sufficient food, according to the World Food Program. According to U.N. estimates, a third of all Burmese children under five years of age are underweight, and 10 percent are considered "wasted" or acutely malnourished. Burma's child mortality rates are among the worst in Asia.[8]
The repressive policies of the Burmese government have led the United States and other Western nations to suspend foreign assistance to Burma and apply economic sanctions to the regime.[9] These nations have used their influence to constrain Burma's access to assistance from the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, which have not made new loans to Burma since the 1980s.
Few other nations have taken similar actions. The member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), of which Burma is a member, have been unwilling to act against Burma, aside from harshly criticizing the recent political crackdown.[10] China has focused on securing access to Burma's resources and refuses to take steps that would undermine that goal; worse, it has increased its ties to Burma,as has India.[11]
Most disappointing is the lack of action by the United Nations. Many of Burma's actions are in contravention of multilateral agreements, such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the founding principles of the U.N. Yet Burma is treated no differently than any other nation within the U.N. organization. Burma is permitted to participate in all U.N. activities without restriction or consequence for its repudiation of fundamental U.N. principles. Indeed, Burma's junta has not only gone unreprimanded but also has reaped the fruits of U.N. programs and assistance:
Burma has evaded sanction by the U.N. Security Council. The evidence of human rights violations by the Burmese junta is extensive and well documented. In violation of its obligations under the U.N. Charter, the country has denied its citizens the right to self-determination in addition to undermining other basic human rights and fundamental freedoms espoused in the Charter. The government has conducted a vicious campaign against ethnic minorities that has caused an estimated 540,000 people to be internally displaced and hundreds of thousands of others to flee to neighboring countries.[12] The Security Council, however, has failed to sanction Burma for flagrantly violating central provisions of the Charter or for its actions that have created a refugee crisis. After years of ignoring the situation in Burma, the Security Council voted to place the situation in Burma on its formal agenda in September 2006, which allows any member of the Council to raise the item for discussion.[13] This has not spurred action by the Council, however. A U.S.- and U.K.-sponsored resolution calling on the Burmese government to cease attacks on civilians in ethnic minority areas and lift restrictions on political freedoms and human rights failed to pass in January 2007 due to vetoes from Russia and China.[14] An October 11, 2007, statement by the president of the Security Council strongly deplored the political crackdown and called on the government to release political prisoners.[15] A November 15 Security Council press release reiterated these concerns and stated that the "members of the Security Council confirm their intention to keep developments in Myanmar under close review."[16] The U.N. Human Rights Council[17] and the Third Committee of the General Assembly,[18] to their credit, have both passed resolutions condemning the situation in Burma. However, these resolutions are non-binding and affect the Burmese junta minimally, if at all.
Burma serves in high-level positions in the U.N. and its affiliated funds and programs. Burma currently serves as a vice president on the Executive Board of the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) despite its dismal record of mistreatment of children, and serves as a member of the Commission on Social Development, a functional commission of the Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC), despite its well documented repression of civil society and minority ethnic groups. Burma served as Chairman of the Fourth Committee (Special and Political and Decolonization Committee), one of the Main Committees of the General Assembly, in 2004. Myanmar was on the Governing Body of the United Nations Environment Program as recently as 2005.
Burma benefits from U.N. assistance. As Western nations have applied sanctions and reduced foreign assistance, the Burmese government has increasingly relied on the U.N. for assistance. The U.N. and its affiliated organizations spent $218 million in Burma from 2002 through 2005. In 2005, more than 70 percent of these funds were spent by the U.N. Development Program (UNDP), UNICEF, and the World Food Program. Other U.N.-affiliated organizations active in Burma include the World Health Organization, the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees, the U.N. Population Fund, the U.N. Office on Drugs and Crime, the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), the International Labor Organization, and the Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS).[19] Though the governing board of the UNDP has directed the UNDP to "work directly with the Burmese people at the grass roots level and not through the regime," other U.N. entities have not adopted similar restrictions.[20] In addition, it is difficult to see how the UNDP board's direction could possibly be implemented. According to the GAO, Burma's regime:
[H]as blocked international efforts to monitor prison conditions, and, until recently, forced labor cases. The regime has also significantly restricted international assistance to populations living in conflict areas, and, to a lesser degree, impeded food, development, and health programs....
The regime formalized its restrictions on the international organizations in 2006 by publishing guidelines to govern their activities in Burma. The guidelines, if fully implemented, would further tighten regime controls over these activities and contain provisions that UN officials consider to be unacceptable.
International organization officials informed us that the regime had become more restrictive of their activities since 2004.... The regime has also begun pressuring some international organizations to work more closely with regime-sponsored political mobilization groups, such as the Union Solidarity Development Association. A senior UN official in Burma told us that since 2004 the regime has made the operating environment for UN organizations far more difficult than before. [21]
Moreover, the Burmese government has increasingly clamped down on independent non-governmental organizations, limiting the ability of U.N. programs to skirt government restrictions. The Burmese junta has exploited the eagerness of the UNDP and other U.N.-affiliated organizations to operate in the country to support the agenda of the government. For instance, according to a Thailand-based human rights organization, the military junta has used large internationally funded projects to further its political agenda and undermine the rights of its citizens.[22] The Karen Human Rights Group released a 121-page report in April 2007 that asserts that UNDP, which funds educational programs such as teacher training and informal education, is
restricted from accessing and thus implementing and monitoring their programmes in most areas of Karen State. In [Burmese government] regulations released in December 2006 covering the work of UN agencies, such restrictions were deemed necessary in order to restrict movement and prevent 'unpleasant incidents'. In this manner the [military government of Burma] is able to utilise access to UN educational programmes as yet another means of asserting military control over the civilian population.[23]
The report further asserts that forced labor may be being used for U.N. projects and that U.N. funding, including UNDP funding, supports programs, such as the state-controlled Myanmar Maternal and Child Welfare Association, that employ extortion and forced recruitment to "expand military control over the population while divesting itself of the cost of operating programmes and simultaneously legitimising its policies in the name of development."[24] The same report indicates that FAO, UNAIDS, UNICEF, and some notable NGOs have similarly supported government programs.
The False Hope of Engagement
The U.N. organizations have defended their activities by arguing that "their organizations are still able to achieve meaningful results in their efforts to address Burma's development, humanitarian, and health problems, despite the regime's post-2004 restrictions."[25] Similarly, the U.N. uses its presence to provide incentives for the Burmese government to cooperate with U.N. experts and envoys seeking to nudge the regime toward a more open political system.
There is little evidence that U.N. assistance, incentives, or other engagement efforts are leading the junta to change its ways. Despite hundreds of millions of dollars in U.N. assistance, the Burmese government has only tightened its grip on the country and further restricted the ability of U.N. organizations and NGOs to operate in the country. The government impeded efforts by the U.N. envoy to Burma, Ibrahim Gambari, and the U.N. human rights envoy to Burma, Paulo Sergio Pinheiro, to visit the country. When peaceful protests erupted in September 2007, the Burmese government reacted with brutal rapidity, killing protesters, arresting thousands, and cutting off media and Internet access to conceal their actions.
Only when international outrage over the recent crackdown precipitated increased sanctions from Western countries and harsh condemnations from ASEAN, the Security Council, and the U.N. Human Rights Council did the Burmese government react. The government agreed to let Gambari visit the country and meet with opposition leaders. It also allowed Piniero back in the country after his four-year hiatus to evaluate the human rights situation, as is his mission. [26] It released many of the political prisoners arrested in the recent protests and did not dismiss entirely a proposal to negotiate with Aung San Suu Kyi.
There is every indication, however, that these gestures were calculated to buy time. Crises in Pakistan, Bangladesh, and elsewhere have shifted focus away from Burma, and the conclusion of the annual ASEAN leaders meeting has eased the pressure from its immediate neighbors.[27] The Burmese government continues to imprison Aung San Suu Kyi and hundreds of other political prisoners, attack and repress minorities, and constrain the ability of U.N. and NGO representatives to provide assistance without interference from the government. The Burmese junta expelled the head of the U.N. office in Burma for making "inappropriate" comments on the "deteriorating humanitarian condition" in Burma.[28] The leader of the junta, Senior General Than Shwe, refused to meet with Gambari during his visit. The junta also refused to enter into a three-way meeting between the government, Aung San Suu Kyi, and Gambari. It refused to release Aung San Suu Kyi and continues to deny the severity of its actions in the crackdown.
The reaction by ASEAN and the U.N. to the Burmese government's refusal to change tack is muted and focused on engaging the Burmese government by providing "incentives to encourage the authorities [in Burma] to go along the path to making a stable, democratic Myanmar with full respect for human rights" and "strong encouragement of the authorities in Myanmar to do the right thing."[29] This is the same failed strategy that preceded the recent crackdown. In short, it is business as usual in Burma now that the attention of the international community and the media has shifted elsewhere.
Recommendations for the United States
The lesson of recent history should be clear: The Burmese government's record of responding to incentives is poor. Movement has come only after strong condemnation by ASEAN, the U.N., and other nations. The Burmese government made cosmetic concessions out of marginal consideration for ASEAN on the eve of its annual summit and a calculation that it could stem calls for wider, rigorous application of sanctions at virtually no political cost. With the spotlight now elsewhere, the recent minimal progress has already begun to unwind. Therefore, the U.S. should use its influence to:
Broaden sanctions on Burma through the U.N. Security Council to include all U.N. member states. The international community must take a much harder line on Burma if it hopes to change the junta's behavior. Thus far, only a few countries have applied sanctions to accompany their condemnation. For the most part, these countries merely strengthened existing sanctions.[30] If Burma is to feel the pinch, sanctions must be applied by its neighbors and primary trade partners: China, India, Singapore, Thailand, and the other ASEAN nations. An arms embargo and a freeze on the junta's assets--and those of its associates and supporters--through a binding U.N. Security Council resolution could bring real pressure to bear on a regime that cares about little else. Until this happens, Burma will feel little consequence. The U.S. should again seek sanctions in the Security Council as the most appropriate means for broadening sanctions on Burma. Even though such efforts will likely be blocked by China, they will keep attention on the situation in Burma and the junta's intransigence, as well as Chinese efforts to support their client.
Tighten rules governing U.N. activities in Burma. While the governing board of the UNDP has officially adopted a policy of not working through the regime, other U.N. entities lack these restrictions and regularly work with the junta on joint projects or fund programs of the government. Moreover, even though the UNDP has these restrictions in place, there are indications that UNDP funds are, likely inadvertently, supporting government projects and reprehensible policies like forced labor. The U.S. should seek to extend the UNDP's prohibitions on working with the Burmese government to all activities by U.N.-affiliated organizations in the country. It should further insist on tightening existing rules to prevent assistance from inadvertently supporting government programs, priorities, and activities. The U.S. should support a freeze on all U.N. assistance and activities in Burma not effectively governed by these tighter rules. The few benefits gained for the general Burmese public through ongoing efforts are more than offset by U.N. activities that benefit the junta and aid its repression.
Conclusion
Burma is a prominent example of how a nation can routinely violate the principles of the U.N. with little penalty or consequence to its standing in the organization. The concern for the people of Burma on the part of U.N. organizations is sincere and warranted, but their eagerness to assist the people of Burma against the predations of the ruling junta is being exploited by the regime to strengthen its own grip on the country. The U.N. must send a clear message to the leaders of Burma that their repression and abuse will not be tolerated or subsidized by the U.N. or its affiliated organizations.
Brett D. Schaefer is Jay Kingham Fellow in International Regulatory Affairs in the Margaret Thatcher Center for Freedom, a division of the Kathryn and Shelby Cullom Davis Institute for International Studies, at The Heritage Foundation.
[1]United Nations, "Charter of the United Nations," preamble, at www.un.org/aboutun/charter/index.html.
[2]Bureau of Public Affairs, U.S. Department of State, "Burma: Democratic Aspirations," October 16, 2007, at www.state.gov/documents/organization/93816.pdf.
[3]Human Rights Council, "Situation of human rights in Myanmar," Resolution S-5/1, October 2, 2007, at www.ohchr.org/english/bodies/hrcouncil/docs/specialsession/A.HRC.RES.S.5-1.pdf.
[4]Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, U.S. Department of State, "Burma," Country Reports on Human Rights Practices 2006, March 6, 2007, at www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2006/78768.htm.
[5]United Nations Department of Public Information, "Third Committee Approves Draft Resolutions on Human Rights in Myanmar, Belarus; Rejects Texts on Canada, United States: Other Drafts Approved on Action against Racism, Israeli Military Operations, Violence against Women, Unilateral Coercive Measures, Children's Rights," General Assembly Document GA/SHC/3877, November 22, 2006, at www.un.org/News/Press/docs/2006/gashc3877.doc.htm.
[6]Figures are in constant 2005 U.S. dollars. Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, International Development Statistics, at www.oecd.org/dac/stats/idsonline.
[7]Tim Kane, Kim R. Holmes, and Mary Anastasia O'Grady, 2007 Index of Economic Freedom (Washington, D.C.: The Heritage Foundation and Dow Jones & Company, Inc., 2007), at www.heritage.org/index.
[8] Ed Cropley, "Five million people going hungry in Myanmar--WFP," Reuters, October 18, 2007, at www.reuters.com/article/latestCrisis/idUSBKK340630.
[9]According to the Government Accountability Office, "The United States has banned the importation of Burmese goods, the export of financial services and arms by U.S. persons to Burma, and new U.S. investment in Burma. It has barred high-ranking Burmese officials from visiting the United States." Australia, Canada, and the EU have joined the U.S. in adopting sanctions. See United States Government Accountability Office, "International Organizations: Assistance Programs Constrained in Burma," Report No. GAO-07-457, p. 8, at www.gao.gov/new.items/d07457.pdf.
[10]Luis Ramirez, "ASEAN Leaders Say They Do Not Support Sanctions Against Burma," Voice of America, November 18, 2007, at www.voanews.com/english/2007-11-18-voa6.cfm.
[11]According to the Government Accountability Office, "China has increased its commercial presence in Burma, emerged as Burma's largest single source of imports (about 30 percent in 2005), and become a strong market for Burmese exports. In addition, the current Burmese Prime Minister visited Beijing in February 2006 and signed agreements with Chinese officials that will provide Burma with grants and concessionary loans." See GAO, "International Organizations: Assistance Programs Constrained in Burma," p. 8.
[12]Refugees International, "Burma," at www.refugeesinternational.org/content/country/detail/2922.
[13]United Nations Department of Public Information, "Security Council, in procedural action, votes to include human rights situation in Myanmar on its agenda," Security Council Document SC/8832, September 15, 2006, at www.un.org/News/Press/docs/2006/sc8832.doc.htm.
[14]United Nations Department of Public Information, "Security Council fails to adopt draft resolution on Myanmar, owing to negative votes by China, Russian Federation," Security Council Document SC/8939, January 12, 2007, at www.un.org/News/Press/docs/2007/sc8939.doc.htm.
[15]United Nations Department of Public Information, "Statement by the President of the Security Council," Security Council Document S/PRST/2007/37, October 11, 2007, at /static/reportimages/88AEF0267AFCC5797562DB25838E689A.pdf.
[16]United Nations Department of Public Information, "Security Council Press Statement on Myanmar," Security Council Document SC/9171, November 15, 2007, at www.un.org/News/Press/docs//2007/sc9171.doc.htm.
[17]Human Right Council, "Human Rights Council Strongly Deplores Continued Violent Repression of Peaceful Demonstrators in Myanmar," United Nations Press Release, October 2, 2007, at www.unhchr.ch/huricane/huricane.nsf/view01/6F686D230293EC91C12573680072F75A.
[18]The Third Committee has passed resolutions condemning human rights violations in Burma many times. The most recent resolution calls on Burma to "desist from further arrests and violence against peaceful protesters, and to release all political prisoners without conditions [and] to lift all restraints on peaceful political activity, to cooperate fully with the Special Rapporteur, and to immediately ensure safe and unhindered access to all parts of Myanmar for the United Nations and international humanitarian organizations." See United Nations Department of Public Information, "Third Committee Approves Three Country-Specific Texts on Human Rights Despite Opposition Led by Developing Countries," General Assembly Document GA/SHC/3909, November 20, 2007, at www.un.org/News/Press/docs/2007/gashc3909.doc.htm.
[19]Government Accountability Office, "International Organizations: Assistance Programs Constrained in Burma," pp. 8-11.
[20]Government Accountability Office, "International Organizations: Assistance Programs Constrained in Burma," pp. 8-11.
[21]Government Accountability Office , "International Organizations: Assistance Programs Constrained in Burma," pp. 16-19.
[22]Claudia Rosett, "In the UN Dollars-for-Dictators Series, Next Up: Burma," April 24, 2007, at http://claudiarosett.pajamasmedia.com/2007/04/24/in_the_un_dollarsfordictators.php.
[23]Karen Human Rights Group, "Development by Decree: The politics of poverty and control in Karen State," April 2007, pp. 86-87, at www.khrg.org/khrg2007/khrg0701.pdf.
[24]Ibid.
[25]Government Accountability Office, "International Organizations: Assistance Programs Constrained in Burma," p. 25.
[26]Paul Tighe, "UN Envoy Tells Myanmar Leaders to Talk to Opposition Parties," Bloomberg, November 5, 2007, at www.bloomberg.com/apps/news?pid=20601087&sid=au0Bl6D5ad7c.
[27]Luis Ramirez, "ASEAN Leaders Say They Do Not Support Sanctions Against Burma," Voice of America, November 18, 2007, at www.voanews.com/english/2007-11-18-voa6.cfm, and Benny Avni, "Asian Nations Deal Blow To U.N. Efforts on Burma," New York Sun, November 20, 2007, at www.nysun.com/article/66767.
[28]Bill Varner, "Myanmar's Junta Orders Expulsion of Top UN Official," Bloomberg, November 2, 2007, at www.bloomberg.com/apps/news?pid=20601086&sid=a.7r9UzzS8hE.
[29] U.N. News Centre, "Incentives might lead Myanmar to 'do the right thing'--UN envoy," October 18, 2007, at www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=24334&Cr=myanmar&Cr1.
[30]The U.S. expanded sanctions on Burma in October 2007, and the European Union tightened sanctions in November 2007. See Neil Chatterjee, "U.S. criticises ASEAN as Myanmar overshadows new charter," Reuters, November 20, 2007, at http://in.reuters.com/article/businessNews/idINIndia-30578820071119, and En-Lai Yeoh and James G. Neuger, "EU Tightens Sanctions as Myanmar Set to Sign Charter," Bloomberg, November 19, 2007, at www.bloomberg.com/apps/news?pid=20601080&sid=aZC4reb_fXyU .
http://www.heritage.org/Research/Reports/2007/11/The-UN-Must-Stop-Enabling-the-Burmese-Regime
This article was posted on Published on November 27, 2007 by Brett Schaefer, reposted by Burma Democratic Concern (BDC)
The U.N. and Burma
The United Nations was founded in 1945 to maintain international peace and security and undertake collective measures to remove threats to peace; to promote equal rights and self-determination of peoples; to help solve problems of an economic, social, cultural, or humanitarian character; and to encourage "social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom." In the Charter, member states pledge "to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women."[1] U.N. treaties and conventions, such as the Universal Declaration on Human Rights, which the General Assembly passed in 1948, form the core of international standards for human rights.
Few members of the United Nations violate the founding principles of the United Nations as regularly and profoundly as the junta in charge of Burma.
Political repression. The people of Burma have been denied the right to self-determination, the most basic human right recognized by the United Nations. Military regimes have ruled Burma since 1962. The current regime, which seized power in 1988, permitted a national election in 1990, refused to recognize its loss, and has confined the leader of the opposition National League for Democracy, Aung San Suu Kyi, for 12 years since the election. Thousands of Buddhist monks and Burmese citizens staged a series of peaceful demonstrations in September 2007 to demand "freedom, democracy and respect for human rights." The ruling military junta responded to these demonstrations with a violent crackdown on the monks and unarmed civilian demonstrators that "resulted in ten deaths [the government now acknowledges 15] and the imprisonment of some 4,000, according to the regime. Diplomatic sources, however, state that the numbers of those killed, injured and imprisoned are much higher than those officially reported."[2] Following the recent crackdown on demonstrators, the U.N. Human Rights Council passed a resolution strongly deploring "the continued violent repression of peaceful demonstrations in Myanmar."[3]
Human rights violations. The Burmese regime poses a serious danger to the Burmese people. Protesters and dissidents are routinely beaten, tortured, and killed. The U.S. Department of State reports:
The regime continued to abridge the right of citizens to change their government.... In addition, the government continued to commit other serious abuses, including extrajudicial killings, custodial deaths, disappearances, rape, and torture. The government abused prisoners and detainees, held persons in harsh and life threatening conditions, routinely used incommunicado detention, and imprisoned citizens arbitrarily for political motives.... The government restricted freedom of speech, press, assembly, association, religion, and movement. The government did not allow domestic human rights nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) to function independently, and international NGOs encountered a hostile environment. Violence and societal discrimination against women continued, as did forced recruitment of child soldiers, discrimination against ethnic minorities, and trafficking in persons, particularly of women and girls. Workers rights remained restricted, and forced labor, including that of children, also persisted.[4]
The United Nations has also condemned Burma for human rights violations. The Third Committee of the General Assembly passed a resolution expressing "grave concern at ongoing systematic violations of human rights and fundamental freedoms of the people of Myanmar; the continuing use of torture; deaths in custody; political arrests and continuing imprisonment and other detentions, denial of freedom of assembly, association, expression and movement, and the prevailing culture of impunity"[5] and called on the government to end those practices.
Government-caused poverty and underdevelopment. When Burma won independence from Britain in 1948, the country was one of Asia's brightest economic prospects. Burma possessed rich natural resources and a well-developed agricultural sector that earned the country the title of "the rice bowl of Asia." Nearly 60 years later, and despite receiving nearly $14 billion in total official development assistance between 1960 and 2006, Burma is one of the world's most impoverished, undeveloped, and isolated countries.[6] According to the Index of Economic Freedom, Burma is a "repressed" economy, ranking 153rd out of 157 countries in terms of economic freedom.[7] Burma is ranked 29th out of 30 countries in the Asia-Pacific region, besting only North Korea. Repressive economic policies imposed by the military junta, such as forcing farmers to sell rice to the government at below market prices and restricting movement and trade, have directly contributed to an estimated 5 million people lacking sufficient food, according to the World Food Program. According to U.N. estimates, a third of all Burmese children under five years of age are underweight, and 10 percent are considered "wasted" or acutely malnourished. Burma's child mortality rates are among the worst in Asia.[8]
The repressive policies of the Burmese government have led the United States and other Western nations to suspend foreign assistance to Burma and apply economic sanctions to the regime.[9] These nations have used their influence to constrain Burma's access to assistance from the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, which have not made new loans to Burma since the 1980s.
Few other nations have taken similar actions. The member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), of which Burma is a member, have been unwilling to act against Burma, aside from harshly criticizing the recent political crackdown.[10] China has focused on securing access to Burma's resources and refuses to take steps that would undermine that goal; worse, it has increased its ties to Burma,as has India.[11]
Most disappointing is the lack of action by the United Nations. Many of Burma's actions are in contravention of multilateral agreements, such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the founding principles of the U.N. Yet Burma is treated no differently than any other nation within the U.N. organization. Burma is permitted to participate in all U.N. activities without restriction or consequence for its repudiation of fundamental U.N. principles. Indeed, Burma's junta has not only gone unreprimanded but also has reaped the fruits of U.N. programs and assistance:
Burma has evaded sanction by the U.N. Security Council. The evidence of human rights violations by the Burmese junta is extensive and well documented. In violation of its obligations under the U.N. Charter, the country has denied its citizens the right to self-determination in addition to undermining other basic human rights and fundamental freedoms espoused in the Charter. The government has conducted a vicious campaign against ethnic minorities that has caused an estimated 540,000 people to be internally displaced and hundreds of thousands of others to flee to neighboring countries.[12] The Security Council, however, has failed to sanction Burma for flagrantly violating central provisions of the Charter or for its actions that have created a refugee crisis. After years of ignoring the situation in Burma, the Security Council voted to place the situation in Burma on its formal agenda in September 2006, which allows any member of the Council to raise the item for discussion.[13] This has not spurred action by the Council, however. A U.S.- and U.K.-sponsored resolution calling on the Burmese government to cease attacks on civilians in ethnic minority areas and lift restrictions on political freedoms and human rights failed to pass in January 2007 due to vetoes from Russia and China.[14] An October 11, 2007, statement by the president of the Security Council strongly deplored the political crackdown and called on the government to release political prisoners.[15] A November 15 Security Council press release reiterated these concerns and stated that the "members of the Security Council confirm their intention to keep developments in Myanmar under close review."[16] The U.N. Human Rights Council[17] and the Third Committee of the General Assembly,[18] to their credit, have both passed resolutions condemning the situation in Burma. However, these resolutions are non-binding and affect the Burmese junta minimally, if at all.
Burma serves in high-level positions in the U.N. and its affiliated funds and programs. Burma currently serves as a vice president on the Executive Board of the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) despite its dismal record of mistreatment of children, and serves as a member of the Commission on Social Development, a functional commission of the Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC), despite its well documented repression of civil society and minority ethnic groups. Burma served as Chairman of the Fourth Committee (Special and Political and Decolonization Committee), one of the Main Committees of the General Assembly, in 2004. Myanmar was on the Governing Body of the United Nations Environment Program as recently as 2005.
Burma benefits from U.N. assistance. As Western nations have applied sanctions and reduced foreign assistance, the Burmese government has increasingly relied on the U.N. for assistance. The U.N. and its affiliated organizations spent $218 million in Burma from 2002 through 2005. In 2005, more than 70 percent of these funds were spent by the U.N. Development Program (UNDP), UNICEF, and the World Food Program. Other U.N.-affiliated organizations active in Burma include the World Health Organization, the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees, the U.N. Population Fund, the U.N. Office on Drugs and Crime, the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), the International Labor Organization, and the Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS).[19] Though the governing board of the UNDP has directed the UNDP to "work directly with the Burmese people at the grass roots level and not through the regime," other U.N. entities have not adopted similar restrictions.[20] In addition, it is difficult to see how the UNDP board's direction could possibly be implemented. According to the GAO, Burma's regime:
[H]as blocked international efforts to monitor prison conditions, and, until recently, forced labor cases. The regime has also significantly restricted international assistance to populations living in conflict areas, and, to a lesser degree, impeded food, development, and health programs....
The regime formalized its restrictions on the international organizations in 2006 by publishing guidelines to govern their activities in Burma. The guidelines, if fully implemented, would further tighten regime controls over these activities and contain provisions that UN officials consider to be unacceptable.
International organization officials informed us that the regime had become more restrictive of their activities since 2004.... The regime has also begun pressuring some international organizations to work more closely with regime-sponsored political mobilization groups, such as the Union Solidarity Development Association. A senior UN official in Burma told us that since 2004 the regime has made the operating environment for UN organizations far more difficult than before. [21]
Moreover, the Burmese government has increasingly clamped down on independent non-governmental organizations, limiting the ability of U.N. programs to skirt government restrictions. The Burmese junta has exploited the eagerness of the UNDP and other U.N.-affiliated organizations to operate in the country to support the agenda of the government. For instance, according to a Thailand-based human rights organization, the military junta has used large internationally funded projects to further its political agenda and undermine the rights of its citizens.[22] The Karen Human Rights Group released a 121-page report in April 2007 that asserts that UNDP, which funds educational programs such as teacher training and informal education, is
restricted from accessing and thus implementing and monitoring their programmes in most areas of Karen State. In [Burmese government] regulations released in December 2006 covering the work of UN agencies, such restrictions were deemed necessary in order to restrict movement and prevent 'unpleasant incidents'. In this manner the [military government of Burma] is able to utilise access to UN educational programmes as yet another means of asserting military control over the civilian population.[23]
The report further asserts that forced labor may be being used for U.N. projects and that U.N. funding, including UNDP funding, supports programs, such as the state-controlled Myanmar Maternal and Child Welfare Association, that employ extortion and forced recruitment to "expand military control over the population while divesting itself of the cost of operating programmes and simultaneously legitimising its policies in the name of development."[24] The same report indicates that FAO, UNAIDS, UNICEF, and some notable NGOs have similarly supported government programs.
The False Hope of Engagement
The U.N. organizations have defended their activities by arguing that "their organizations are still able to achieve meaningful results in their efforts to address Burma's development, humanitarian, and health problems, despite the regime's post-2004 restrictions."[25] Similarly, the U.N. uses its presence to provide incentives for the Burmese government to cooperate with U.N. experts and envoys seeking to nudge the regime toward a more open political system.
There is little evidence that U.N. assistance, incentives, or other engagement efforts are leading the junta to change its ways. Despite hundreds of millions of dollars in U.N. assistance, the Burmese government has only tightened its grip on the country and further restricted the ability of U.N. organizations and NGOs to operate in the country. The government impeded efforts by the U.N. envoy to Burma, Ibrahim Gambari, and the U.N. human rights envoy to Burma, Paulo Sergio Pinheiro, to visit the country. When peaceful protests erupted in September 2007, the Burmese government reacted with brutal rapidity, killing protesters, arresting thousands, and cutting off media and Internet access to conceal their actions.
Only when international outrage over the recent crackdown precipitated increased sanctions from Western countries and harsh condemnations from ASEAN, the Security Council, and the U.N. Human Rights Council did the Burmese government react. The government agreed to let Gambari visit the country and meet with opposition leaders. It also allowed Piniero back in the country after his four-year hiatus to evaluate the human rights situation, as is his mission. [26] It released many of the political prisoners arrested in the recent protests and did not dismiss entirely a proposal to negotiate with Aung San Suu Kyi.
There is every indication, however, that these gestures were calculated to buy time. Crises in Pakistan, Bangladesh, and elsewhere have shifted focus away from Burma, and the conclusion of the annual ASEAN leaders meeting has eased the pressure from its immediate neighbors.[27] The Burmese government continues to imprison Aung San Suu Kyi and hundreds of other political prisoners, attack and repress minorities, and constrain the ability of U.N. and NGO representatives to provide assistance without interference from the government. The Burmese junta expelled the head of the U.N. office in Burma for making "inappropriate" comments on the "deteriorating humanitarian condition" in Burma.[28] The leader of the junta, Senior General Than Shwe, refused to meet with Gambari during his visit. The junta also refused to enter into a three-way meeting between the government, Aung San Suu Kyi, and Gambari. It refused to release Aung San Suu Kyi and continues to deny the severity of its actions in the crackdown.
The reaction by ASEAN and the U.N. to the Burmese government's refusal to change tack is muted and focused on engaging the Burmese government by providing "incentives to encourage the authorities [in Burma] to go along the path to making a stable, democratic Myanmar with full respect for human rights" and "strong encouragement of the authorities in Myanmar to do the right thing."[29] This is the same failed strategy that preceded the recent crackdown. In short, it is business as usual in Burma now that the attention of the international community and the media has shifted elsewhere.
Recommendations for the United States
The lesson of recent history should be clear: The Burmese government's record of responding to incentives is poor. Movement has come only after strong condemnation by ASEAN, the U.N., and other nations. The Burmese government made cosmetic concessions out of marginal consideration for ASEAN on the eve of its annual summit and a calculation that it could stem calls for wider, rigorous application of sanctions at virtually no political cost. With the spotlight now elsewhere, the recent minimal progress has already begun to unwind. Therefore, the U.S. should use its influence to:
Broaden sanctions on Burma through the U.N. Security Council to include all U.N. member states. The international community must take a much harder line on Burma if it hopes to change the junta's behavior. Thus far, only a few countries have applied sanctions to accompany their condemnation. For the most part, these countries merely strengthened existing sanctions.[30] If Burma is to feel the pinch, sanctions must be applied by its neighbors and primary trade partners: China, India, Singapore, Thailand, and the other ASEAN nations. An arms embargo and a freeze on the junta's assets--and those of its associates and supporters--through a binding U.N. Security Council resolution could bring real pressure to bear on a regime that cares about little else. Until this happens, Burma will feel little consequence. The U.S. should again seek sanctions in the Security Council as the most appropriate means for broadening sanctions on Burma. Even though such efforts will likely be blocked by China, they will keep attention on the situation in Burma and the junta's intransigence, as well as Chinese efforts to support their client.
Tighten rules governing U.N. activities in Burma. While the governing board of the UNDP has officially adopted a policy of not working through the regime, other U.N. entities lack these restrictions and regularly work with the junta on joint projects or fund programs of the government. Moreover, even though the UNDP has these restrictions in place, there are indications that UNDP funds are, likely inadvertently, supporting government projects and reprehensible policies like forced labor. The U.S. should seek to extend the UNDP's prohibitions on working with the Burmese government to all activities by U.N.-affiliated organizations in the country. It should further insist on tightening existing rules to prevent assistance from inadvertently supporting government programs, priorities, and activities. The U.S. should support a freeze on all U.N. assistance and activities in Burma not effectively governed by these tighter rules. The few benefits gained for the general Burmese public through ongoing efforts are more than offset by U.N. activities that benefit the junta and aid its repression.
Conclusion
Burma is a prominent example of how a nation can routinely violate the principles of the U.N. with little penalty or consequence to its standing in the organization. The concern for the people of Burma on the part of U.N. organizations is sincere and warranted, but their eagerness to assist the people of Burma against the predations of the ruling junta is being exploited by the regime to strengthen its own grip on the country. The U.N. must send a clear message to the leaders of Burma that their repression and abuse will not be tolerated or subsidized by the U.N. or its affiliated organizations.
Brett D. Schaefer is Jay Kingham Fellow in International Regulatory Affairs in the Margaret Thatcher Center for Freedom, a division of the Kathryn and Shelby Cullom Davis Institute for International Studies, at The Heritage Foundation.
[1]United Nations, "Charter of the United Nations," preamble, at www.un.org/aboutun/charter/index.html.
[2]Bureau of Public Affairs, U.S. Department of State, "Burma: Democratic Aspirations," October 16, 2007, at www.state.gov/documents/organization/93816.pdf.
[3]Human Rights Council, "Situation of human rights in Myanmar," Resolution S-5/1, October 2, 2007, at www.ohchr.org/english/bodies/hrcouncil/docs/specialsession/A.HRC.RES.S.5-1.pdf.
[4]Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, U.S. Department of State, "Burma," Country Reports on Human Rights Practices 2006, March 6, 2007, at www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2006/78768.htm.
[5]United Nations Department of Public Information, "Third Committee Approves Draft Resolutions on Human Rights in Myanmar, Belarus; Rejects Texts on Canada, United States: Other Drafts Approved on Action against Racism, Israeli Military Operations, Violence against Women, Unilateral Coercive Measures, Children's Rights," General Assembly Document GA/SHC/3877, November 22, 2006, at www.un.org/News/Press/docs/2006/gashc3877.doc.htm.
[6]Figures are in constant 2005 U.S. dollars. Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, International Development Statistics, at www.oecd.org/dac/stats/idsonline.
[7]Tim Kane, Kim R. Holmes, and Mary Anastasia O'Grady, 2007 Index of Economic Freedom (Washington, D.C.: The Heritage Foundation and Dow Jones & Company, Inc., 2007), at www.heritage.org/index.
[8] Ed Cropley, "Five million people going hungry in Myanmar--WFP," Reuters, October 18, 2007, at www.reuters.com/article/latestCrisis/idUSBKK340630.
[9]According to the Government Accountability Office, "The United States has banned the importation of Burmese goods, the export of financial services and arms by U.S. persons to Burma, and new U.S. investment in Burma. It has barred high-ranking Burmese officials from visiting the United States." Australia, Canada, and the EU have joined the U.S. in adopting sanctions. See United States Government Accountability Office, "International Organizations: Assistance Programs Constrained in Burma," Report No. GAO-07-457, p. 8, at www.gao.gov/new.items/d07457.pdf.
[10]Luis Ramirez, "ASEAN Leaders Say They Do Not Support Sanctions Against Burma," Voice of America, November 18, 2007, at www.voanews.com/english/2007-11-18-voa6.cfm.
[11]According to the Government Accountability Office, "China has increased its commercial presence in Burma, emerged as Burma's largest single source of imports (about 30 percent in 2005), and become a strong market for Burmese exports. In addition, the current Burmese Prime Minister visited Beijing in February 2006 and signed agreements with Chinese officials that will provide Burma with grants and concessionary loans." See GAO, "International Organizations: Assistance Programs Constrained in Burma," p. 8.
[12]Refugees International, "Burma," at www.refugeesinternational.org/content/country/detail/2922.
[13]United Nations Department of Public Information, "Security Council, in procedural action, votes to include human rights situation in Myanmar on its agenda," Security Council Document SC/8832, September 15, 2006, at www.un.org/News/Press/docs/2006/sc8832.doc.htm.
[14]United Nations Department of Public Information, "Security Council fails to adopt draft resolution on Myanmar, owing to negative votes by China, Russian Federation," Security Council Document SC/8939, January 12, 2007, at www.un.org/News/Press/docs/2007/sc8939.doc.htm.
[15]United Nations Department of Public Information, "Statement by the President of the Security Council," Security Council Document S/PRST/2007/37, October 11, 2007, at /static/reportimages/88AEF0267AFCC5797562DB25838E689A.pdf.
[16]United Nations Department of Public Information, "Security Council Press Statement on Myanmar," Security Council Document SC/9171, November 15, 2007, at www.un.org/News/Press/docs//2007/sc9171.doc.htm.
[17]Human Right Council, "Human Rights Council Strongly Deplores Continued Violent Repression of Peaceful Demonstrators in Myanmar," United Nations Press Release, October 2, 2007, at www.unhchr.ch/huricane/huricane.nsf/view01/6F686D230293EC91C12573680072F75A.
[18]The Third Committee has passed resolutions condemning human rights violations in Burma many times. The most recent resolution calls on Burma to "desist from further arrests and violence against peaceful protesters, and to release all political prisoners without conditions [and] to lift all restraints on peaceful political activity, to cooperate fully with the Special Rapporteur, and to immediately ensure safe and unhindered access to all parts of Myanmar for the United Nations and international humanitarian organizations." See United Nations Department of Public Information, "Third Committee Approves Three Country-Specific Texts on Human Rights Despite Opposition Led by Developing Countries," General Assembly Document GA/SHC/3909, November 20, 2007, at www.un.org/News/Press/docs/2007/gashc3909.doc.htm.
[19]Government Accountability Office, "International Organizations: Assistance Programs Constrained in Burma," pp. 8-11.
[20]Government Accountability Office, "International Organizations: Assistance Programs Constrained in Burma," pp. 8-11.
[21]Government Accountability Office , "International Organizations: Assistance Programs Constrained in Burma," pp. 16-19.
[22]Claudia Rosett, "In the UN Dollars-for-Dictators Series, Next Up: Burma," April 24, 2007, at http://claudiarosett.pajamasmedia.com/2007/04/24/in_the_un_dollarsfordictators.php.
[23]Karen Human Rights Group, "Development by Decree: The politics of poverty and control in Karen State," April 2007, pp. 86-87, at www.khrg.org/khrg2007/khrg0701.pdf.
[24]Ibid.
[25]Government Accountability Office, "International Organizations: Assistance Programs Constrained in Burma," p. 25.
[26]Paul Tighe, "UN Envoy Tells Myanmar Leaders to Talk to Opposition Parties," Bloomberg, November 5, 2007, at www.bloomberg.com/apps/news?pid=20601087&sid=au0Bl6D5ad7c.
[27]Luis Ramirez, "ASEAN Leaders Say They Do Not Support Sanctions Against Burma," Voice of America, November 18, 2007, at www.voanews.com/english/2007-11-18-voa6.cfm, and Benny Avni, "Asian Nations Deal Blow To U.N. Efforts on Burma," New York Sun, November 20, 2007, at www.nysun.com/article/66767.
[28]Bill Varner, "Myanmar's Junta Orders Expulsion of Top UN Official," Bloomberg, November 2, 2007, at www.bloomberg.com/apps/news?pid=20601086&sid=a.7r9UzzS8hE.
[29] U.N. News Centre, "Incentives might lead Myanmar to 'do the right thing'--UN envoy," October 18, 2007, at www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=24334&Cr=myanmar&Cr1.
[30]The U.S. expanded sanctions on Burma in October 2007, and the European Union tightened sanctions in November 2007. See Neil Chatterjee, "U.S. criticises ASEAN as Myanmar overshadows new charter," Reuters, November 20, 2007, at http://in.reuters.com/article/businessNews/idINIndia-30578820071119, and En-Lai Yeoh and James G. Neuger, "EU Tightens Sanctions as Myanmar Set to Sign Charter," Bloomberg, November 19, 2007, at www.bloomberg.com/apps/news?pid=20601080&sid=aZC4reb_fXyU .
http://www.heritage.org/Research/Reports/2007/11/The-UN-Must-Stop-Enabling-the-Burmese-Regime
This article was posted on Published on November 27, 2007 by Brett Schaefer, reposted by Burma Democratic Concern (BDC)
Friday, 12 March 2010
Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) today warmly welcomes European Union (EU) resolution on Burma1 stating that elections in 2010 is to justify five decades of military rule and gives the military 25% of the seats in parliament whereas the elections will be based on the army-drafted Constitution which bars Aung San Suu Kyi, leader of the National League for Democracy (NLD) from public office.
European Union (EU) resolution said that under the present conditions they cannot be considered free and democratic, in particular, the ban on Aung San Sui Kyi standing as a candidate and calling on the Government of Burma/Myanmar immediately to open a genuine dialogue with the NLD, all other opposition parties and ethnic groups.
Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) Director Myo Thein said, “We are very grateful that EU sees the realities of the suffering of Burmese people and crisis in Burma. Burma crisis is at its peak and it is not enough anymore that EU is calling for junta to mend its action by words alone. It is time to follow action after words which should be European Union (EU) calling for United Nations Security Council (UNSC) to declare junta’s sham 2008 constitution as NULL & VOID”.
http://www.bdcburma.org
European Union (EU) resolution said that under the present conditions they cannot be considered free and democratic, in particular, the ban on Aung San Sui Kyi standing as a candidate and calling on the Government of Burma/Myanmar immediately to open a genuine dialogue with the NLD, all other opposition parties and ethnic groups.
Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) Director Myo Thein said, “We are very grateful that EU sees the realities of the suffering of Burmese people and crisis in Burma. Burma crisis is at its peak and it is not enough anymore that EU is calling for junta to mend its action by words alone. It is time to follow action after words which should be European Union (EU) calling for United Nations Security Council (UNSC) to declare junta’s sham 2008 constitution as NULL & VOID”.
http://www.bdcburma.org
Canada Deeply Concerned by Burmese Election Laws
(No. 102 - March 11, 2010 - 6:30 p.m. ET) The Honourable Lawrence Cannon, Minister of Foreign Affairs, today issued the following statement expressing Canada's concern about the new electoral laws promulgated by the Burmese regime:
"Canada is deeply concerned by the new election laws unveiled by the Burmese regime this week. While Canada continues to study the new laws carefully as they are promulgated, what we have seen to date suggests that the Burmese regime is resolutely failing to deliver on its promise of free and fair elections this year.
http://ping.fm/yxYFe
(No. 102 - March 11, 2010 - 6:30 p.m. ET) The Honourable Lawrence Cannon, Minister of Foreign Affairs, today issued the following statement expressing Canada's concern about the new electoral laws promulgated by the Burmese regime:
"Canada is deeply concerned by the new election laws unveiled by the Burmese regime this week. While Canada continues to study the new laws carefully as they are promulgated, what we have seen to date suggests that the Burmese regime is resolutely failing to deliver on its promise of free and fair elections this year.
http://ping.fm/yxYFe
“Daw Suu wants to urge everyone, whether NLD members, non-members or ethnic people, to take concerted action against these unjust laws,” Nyan Win said. “She also said all the people should speak up for their own rights with understanding of the laws.”
http://ping.fm/4CGpt
http://ping.fm/4CGpt
Detained pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi instructed members of the National League for Democracy (NLD) to discuss the party's Shwegondaing declaration and why the 2008 Constitution is unnacceptable, said her lawyer, Nyan Win, after a two-hour meeting with Suu Kyi on Thursday.
“She wants the party members to discuss why the 2008 Constitution is unacceptable because she wants everyone to understand the laws, and she wants everyone to have a thorough understanding of the Shwegondaing declaration,” said Nyan Win, who is also a senior NLD party official.
http://ping.fm/1V8UT
“She wants the party members to discuss why the 2008 Constitution is unacceptable because she wants everyone to understand the laws, and she wants everyone to have a thorough understanding of the Shwegondaing declaration,” said Nyan Win, who is also a senior NLD party official.
http://ping.fm/1V8UT
U Win Tin Birthday
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http://niknayman-niknayman.co.cc/
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